he National Revolutionary Party or PNR was created in May. The "revolutionary forces" of the country gathered around it. Although Calles was not the official president, his leadership was evident: he was able to control national politics through the party.
A group of orthodox obregonista generals led by Gonzalo Escobar rose up in arms in northern Mexico, but strong military response defeated the rebels. Saturnino Cedillo was one of the outstanding generals. The Cristero movement declined after General Enrique Goroztieta was eliminated and the government sanctioned the return of some of the exiled church representatives.
Monsignor Pascual Díaz led the negotiations with Portes Gil, which resulted in the so-called "arrangements" between church and state. Pascual Ortiz Rubio, who until recently had been ambassador to Brazil, was appointed the PNR's presidential candidate.
José Vasconcelos announced his candidacy and began a national tour after having come back into the country through the northern border of Baja California. The student body and the middle class were excited by his candidacy.
In regards to the University, the code of quarterly recognitions was issued on February 27th. Two months later, University President Antonio Castro Leal declared that it was necessary to establish a system that could adequately measure student progress in the different schools, particularly in Law and the Social Sciences. The head of Jurisprudence, Narciso Bassols, announced a new grading system that resulted in fierce student protests.
On May 4th, law students convened in a general assembly. They appointed a provisional strike committee that would attempt to solve the problem by speaking to Education Minister Ezequiel Padilla. If they did not reach an agreement, the strike would officially start on May 12th. The University presidency announced that, if such a thing happened, the School of Jurisprudence would be closed down.
The students were unable to talk with the University president and had to communicate with the Secretary General, Daniel Cosío Villegas. The strike was declared on the 5th of May. Bassols threatened to expel the leaders. Given the continuing strike and the growing support for the law students, Portes Gil and Castro Leal personally announced, along with those that supported the movement, the closing of the school.
Subsequently, disorder and violence erupted in some institutions. On May 8th, in order to guarantee a meeting point, the University president allowed the students to use the High School amphitheater. The students agreed to send the president a document explaining the causes of the strike and suggested the appointment of an arbiter.
The following day, the National Student Confederacy, led by Alejandro Gómez Arias, asked its federations to support the student movement. A strike committee formed by Gómez Arias, Salvador Azuela, Carlos Zapata Vela and Ricardo García Villalobos, among others, was designated.
Castro Leal considered the conflict to be over, but the students, in the meantime, signed a pact of honor in which they pledged not to attend school. On the 11th, an Orientation Block was conceived as the polar opposite of the strikers. The students published a manifesto expressing their reasons and gave the University president a 48-hour ultimatum to form a problem-solving commission.
Portes Gil pointed out that the movement had a political streak, given that its main leaders, Gómez Arias and Azuela, were vasconcelistas. It was decided that Jurisprudence would be reopened on May 16th as long as the students re-enrolled, but none did. During the following days, students from other schools, including the Junior High and High Schools, Odontology and Medicine, joined the movement.
The police tried to forcefully break into the School of Medicine, which resulted in a huge student protest, violent clashes and wounded. Some University professors resigned their posts to protest the repression. Narciso Bassols also resigned. Portes Gil ordered the public forces to withdraw from the University buildings so that the students could deliberate freely.
The students in turn proposed the resignation of the educational authorities, including the University president, and the head of the metropolitan police, the re-incorporation of the Junior High Schools to the National Preparatory High School, and asked Portes Gil to elect a new University president from a group of candidates proposed by the University Council.
The Law students paid homage to those wounded on May 23rd, demanding that this day be remembered as "Student's Day" and that the Plaza de Santo Domingo be renamed "Plaza 23 de mayo." Portes Gil invited the students to negotiate with him. When they met on the 28th of May, the president agreed to give the University its autonomy, but refused to ask for the various administrative resignations. On June 1st, the University Council publicized its agreement regarding the institution's autonomy.
The Congress convened extraordinary sessions to discuss this initiative. On June 4th, the Deputy Chamber enabled the Executive to set the basis for autonomy, and the Senate did the same the following day. Portes Gil formulated the project for the Organic Law of the National Autonomous University.
The Strike Board made its objections public and demanded Castro Leal's resignation. On June 29th, the Board formed the University Professors and Students' League. On July 5th, the strike committee declared that if the autonomy law was approved the strike would end. The text of the Organic Law was finally made public on the 10th. It included 19 items, 6 chapters and 67 articles, 12 of which were transitory.
The following day the last session of the Strike Board took place. The end of the strike was formally declared and the University resumed normal activities. Ignacio García Téllez was appointed as acting University president from July 12th to August 1st. The new Organic Law, which gave the University a greater cohesion than it had ever had, was published in the Official Daily on the 26th.
The strike made the students aware of the fact that they belonged to both an institution and a profession. Certainly, the common National Preparatory High School background served as an element of cohesion, but the professional schools split them apart and gave them particular identities. For professors and administrators, the strike became the milestone that granted the University its desired autonomy.
It no longer depended on the Ministry of Education but responded directly to the president himself. The autonomy policy put an end to duplicity and redefined the University's structure. The School of Fine Arts (which included architecture, painting and sculpture) joined the other schools.
Chemical Sciences and Industries became the National School of Chemical Sciences, and the National School of Veterinary Medicine joined UNAM. With the establishment of research institutes such as Biology and Geology, what had previously been isolated dependencies became an integral part of the University.
The School of Medicine became the College of Medicine, just like Law and Social Sciences (within which an Economics section was established). In short, the University's contemporary profile was delineated in 1929. During the month of August the schools, colleges and institutes were assigned their directors and administrative personnel.
José López Lira was acting University president and, later on, Ignacio García Téllez took the position once again. The University Council approved the degrees which would be conferred by the institution: bachelors, Master in Science, Master in Fine Arts, Master in Literature, Master in Philosophy, Doctor in Science, Doctor in Fine Arts, Doctor in Literature and Doctor in Philosophy.
The presidential campaign garnered enthusiastic support among University members. Many vasconcelista leaders, such as Gómez Arias and Azuela, had indeed participated in the struggle for autonomy. But the winner was the PNR candidate, Pascual Ortiz Rubio. |