This dissertation covers the analysis of the results of the surface collection of artifacts from fieldwalking a midden from the Craiglockhart Poorhouse in Edinburgh, and the trial excavation of a small part of that midden which took place between 13th August 1999 and 6th September 1999. The midden itself is located in woodland on Wester Craiglockhart Hill (NGR: NT 231 701) which has been leased by the Merchants of Edinburgh Golf Club (MEGC) from the City of Edinburgh Parochial Board and its successors since 1907.
The midden was discovered while on a walk in January 1999, going to look at the hill fort on Wester Craiglockhart Hill. There was a large quantity of sherds of pottery scattered on a steep slope in the woodland there. After a short while it became clear that this was not a random distribution of people's rubbish, as many sherds began to fit into one of two sets - white with a blue band and stripe around the rim, or white with a pink/red band and stripe around the rim. These did not seem of any great interest until a sherd was found with the same blue band and stripe pattern, but which also included the crest of the City of Edinburgh, and a banner above with the words 'Edinburgh City Poor House'.
Upon enquiry at the MEGC, it emerged that Ian Mitchell and Allison Naismith, archivists for the Club, and also the head green-keeper Jimmy McLaughlin, were aware of the existence of the midden and its origins. A collection of sherds that they had acquired from the midden was made available for study (the finds catalogue for this collection is given in Appendix 5.1), and they co-operated very generously with plans to remove and study many sherds from the surface of the midden and excavate some months later.
A second, tiny midden was discovered later, also from the poorhouse at Craiglockhart, located in an area called The Dams (NGR: NT 237 702) (see Figure 1). A separate finds catalogue for this midden is given in Appendix 5.5.
Two further areas were fieldwalked before the excavation took place - the Poorhouse Drive which runs west from Comiston Road towards the Poorhouse, and an area of open ground just north of the Poorhouse buildings, which has now been grassed over. The finds catalogues for these sites are given in Appendices 5.6 and 5.7, respectively.
While searching the field to the south of the area of golf course on the south side of Glenlockhart Road to look for further middens, a small amount of crockery from the City Hospital was found, including a plate rim sherd (Plate 1) and a mug body sherd, both with the Edinburgh crest on, the plate rim sherd being complete enough to show the banner along the top with the words 'Edinburgh City Hospital'. The grounds of the City Hospital are littered with middens, mainly of relatively recent date and composed of ash from the incinerator, while many others are slightly older and grassed over. Despite searching the grounds of the City Hospital, no middens of the right date could be found. The site is now undergoing development and the Hospital is closing down, and with it goes any remaining chance of finding more crested crockery.
A second assemblage of striped and crested crockery was discovered and recovered in the following way. A midden in the grounds of the Royal Edinburgh Hospital, formerly known as the Royal Edinburgh Asylum (R.E.A.), was bulldozed and many thousands of sherds with blue-stripe and red-stripe patterns were collected from the spoil and analysed.
This information on crockery from the City Hospital and the R.E.A. has been included as it helps to put the crockery from the Poorhouse into its local context. It is all roughly the same date, and shows that the practice of cresting the crockery (and also of stamping the cutlery) was common to hospitals and asylums in that area of Edinburgh around the turn of the century. The use of red and blue stripe patterns seems to be common as well, although if the City Hospital used it, they had some crested crockery without any stripes, since that is what was found.
Most of the museums in Edinburgh possessing pottery collections were contacted (the People's Story, Huntley House Museum, Royal Museum of Scotland) in a search for any similar crockery, but there was nothing at all. Further enquiries led to the discovery of two collections which include this type of striped and crested pottery. The first is in the Royal Edinburgh Hospital, looked after by Tom Arnott. He allowed the collection of pottery housed at the Hospital to be studied and photographed. Not surprisingly, it consists entirely of the pottery which was in a minority - the gold stripe pattern set. The second collection is in a museum in the Crichton Royal Infirmary in Dumfries. As at the R.E.A., rich patients were separate from poor patients, and it is the crockery used by the rich which has survived in part. However, a few sherds from the Crichton Royal Infirmary with the red stripe pattern and the blue stripe pattern have been found, which presumably came from crockery used by the poorer patients - the sherds were dug up by rabbits.
After analysis of artifacts from the surface of the midden, the following questions were formulated. They were submitted as part of the dissertation proposal to illustrate how the material from the then forthcoming excavation might be dealt with.
Class and Sex distinctions in the Poorhouse through pottery.
Sex distinctions between the poor. It was suggested on a radio programme on the Workhouse a few months ago that for one particular workhouse in England, men's mugs were larger than women's, the former holding about ¾ pint. Supposing blue is for men and red is for women, do there appear to be any distinctions in size/shape between the blue and the red pottery? How can these differences be explained in terms of different stereotypical assumptions about the sexes? Did the blue and the red distinction have a functional use?
Class distinctions between the poor. Was there a third category with no decoration? Who was it for?
Distinctions in status between staff and the poor. To what extent is high-status pottery represented? It would have been handled in a separate kitchen, so was more care taken and the breakage rate lower in spite of it being more delicate? What can a statistical analysis of the percentages of different pottery remains tell us (if anything)?
Other possible approaches to the pottery
Changing attitudes to the poor. If stratigraphy can establish a chronological sequence for the blue and red pottery, to what extent can we observe changing ideas in the changing pottery designs? Was tradition stuck to rigorously, or did changing ideas about the poor cause them to order less super-sturdy, more normal, crockery?
Diet. What can we tell about their diet from the combination of documentary sources and range of crockery? Are there any striking absences of articles of pottery? How can these be explained?
Analysis of pottery for trade. Where were things coming from? All from England? Why?
Analysis of the other artefacts
Pottery and glass containers. What else was in the Poorhouse? In the way of tooth-paste, shampoo etc. Who did it belong to? Why have combs and tooth brushes not been found?
Non-essential items. To what extent were dolls, clay pipes etc. officially permitted, and what does their presence on the midden indicate?
Structural. Study of toilets, sinks, pipes, tiles, window glass.
The midden itself
Where was the rubbish from and how effectively was it separated?
Why are some bones represented?
Can we safely conclude that most of the rubbish came from the Poorhouse, rather than either of the (closer, but less accessible) hospitals?
Period of use. Can we establish a period of use for the midden from pottery dating evidence and documentary sources? How do we know that this was a midden at all? Is it possible that at one point all the crockery was dumped? This is unlikely due to gradual metamorphosis rather than closure of the Poorhouse. Also, assuming there were no refuse collections, non-combustibles had to go somewhere, so if they did chuck out all the pottery at the end, it was probably chucked onto an existing dump.
Was it the only midden? Can we conclude anything about other middens missing from the record due to imbalances in rubbish representation?
What can we conclude about the Poorhouse's attitude toward skimping and saving? Was all pottery thrown away if it became damaged? Were bottles or containers reused or were whole ones thrown away?
The ash. What can we tell from the ash on the midden about what was being burned? Was it just coal? Why has some of the pottery and glass been burnt? Was it in a bonfire after deposition, or was it in the boiler?
The main body of the dissertation has concentrated on the questions of class and sex distinctions between the poor through pottery, changing attitudes to the poor visible through pottery, the diet of the paupers, and the dating of the midden itself. It was decided that the structural evidence formed a category not easily integrated with the crockery and other small artifacts, and the extent of the structural remains on the midden was also fairly limited. All the other questions set out in the aims and objectives are dealt with in the discussion of the various finds catalogues in the appendices.
The Poor Law Act of 1845 was the first to introduce Poorhouses to Scotland (Mackay 1907: 4). Among other things, the Act established Parochial Boards, whose duty it was to see that the Poor in their parish were given sufficient relief, and it authorised the Parochial Board to levy an assessment for the relief of the poor. The Board of Supervision was established to oversee all the Parochial Boards. The Act also required that
(Mackay 1907: 4). Many amendments to the Act followed. The Local Government (Scotland) Act of 1894 saw the functions of the Parochial Boards being transferred to Parish Councils, consisting of elected individuals (Mackay 1907: 7). The main work of the Parish Councils was the administration of the Poor Law (Mackay 1907: 7). The Board of Supervision was replaced with the Local Government Board under the 1894 Act (Mackay 1907: 7).
There were two kinds of relief - indoor relief and outdoor relief, the former being provided by the Poorhouses (Mackay 1907: 56). The stigma attached to the Poorhouses arose principally through the practice of using it to test the genuiness of destitution (Mackay 1907: 56). If there was doubt as to whether relief should be given, indoor relief was offered (Mackay 1907: 56). In order for the Poorhouses to function as a test, they had to be made very unappealing (Mackay 1907:56).
In 1867, a new Poorhouse was built at Craiglockhart, to replace the overcrowded City Poorhouse on Forrest Road. It was officially opened in 1870. In 1868, St. Cuthbert's Parish Poorhouse moved from St. Cuthbert's Lane, off Lothian Road, to new purpose-built buildings at Craigleith (Eastwood & Jenkinson 1995: 8, 19). It was thereafter referred to as Craigleith Poorhouse. Both these new sites were very rural when they were first acquired, although they now lie well within the bounds of the City. Leith, at the time totally separate from Edinburgh, also had its own poorhouse (Figure 2).
The Craigleith Poorhouse complex has now become the Western General Hospital, while Leith Poorhouse has become the Eastern General Hospital (Figure 2). The Craiglockhart Poorhouse complex was referred to as the Southern General Hospital by one map sometime between 1936 and 1950. It was, however, more generally known as Glenlockhart Hospital, later becoming Greenlea Old People's Home, and finally being converted into luxury flats by Miller in 1987.
In 1870 Edinburgh City Poorhouse moved from its overcrowded premises in Forrest Road to an innovative purpose-built complex at Craiglockhart. With extensive grounds, it was designed to be self-sufficient using livestock, arable fields and a kitchen garden. In 1907, most of the grounds of the Poorhouse were feued to the
Merchants of Edinburgh Golf Club, and the lease continues to this day. In 1944, after the passing of the National Assistance Act, Craiglockhart Poorhouse changed its name simply to Glenlockhart, or Glenlockhart Hospital (Smith 1979: 312).
Inmates of Craiglockhart Poorhouse were kept in separate areas of the Poorhouse according to sex, age, mental health, physical health, and character. The various classes of females to be accommodated in the main part of the Poorhouse are described as dissolute women, married women, old women, girls and doubtful old women (Beattie 1865: 24). There were in addition to these female lunatics, and there were also female hospital wards (Hillock 1950). The separation of the sexes was designed to be total: 'the sexes are entirely cut off from all communication with one another, the only point where they can meet being the dining-hall and chapel... on no possible pretext can any of the one sex come into contact with the other' (Beattie 1865: 11). Even when in the dining hall, which also served as the chapel, the sexes were separated, here by a low screen, so that they could not see each other (Beattie 1865: 13).
In 1896 a proposal was put forward which would mean that Craiglockhart Poorhouse would be used entirely for the 'worse' class of the pauper, and the test cases (Classification Committee 29th September 1896: 72 in Edinburgh Parish Council 1895-1907). Craigleith, on the other hand, was to be used for the very old, the very young, and the 'better' class of pauper (Classification Committee 6th October 1896: 73 in Edinburgh Parish Council 1895-1907). It is not clear to what extent these proposals were carried out, or when they were carried out.
As a compliment to the study of crockery from the Poorhouse at Craiglockhart it is helpful to look at the diet in use at the time. Diet in English workhouses is considered first.
The Poor Law Commissioners decided that the workhouse diet should be related to the local diet (Crowther 1981: 214). The central authorities had to ensure that the workhouse diets were neither superior to those of the working classes nor were they so inferior that they could be charged with starving the paupers. They relied on the monotony of the diet as a deterrent rather than its quantity, and ordered the weighing out of accurate portions of food for each pauper.
A study of diets in 15 English Workhouses in the 1880s-90s showed up differences in the quantities of food given to men and women (Johnston 1985: 123). Able-bodied men were given consistently more bread, oatmeal, meat, bacon and cheese than able-bodied women. However, the difference in quantity for any one meal was very small, e.g. 1.9oz oatmeal for men and 1.6 oz for women. Women got consistently more butter and sugar than men. A similar story is true for aged and infirm men and women: men were given consistently more bread, potatoes, cheese and milk than women, while women got more butter and sugar than men.
The diet given to paupers in Poorhouses across Scotland was regulated by the Board of Supervision and then its successor, the Local Government Board. Specific diet were prescribed by these Boards. If a Poorhouse wished to serve a variation of the prescribed diet or a completely different one, it first had to be sanctioned by the Board.
The diet up to 1903 was that prescribed in Local Government Board Rule 67 for the Management of Poorhouses (Classification Committee, 9th March 1898, and House Committee, 2nd March 1903 in Edinburgh Parish Council 1895-1907). This document is unavailable. The diet for the aged and infirm under Rule 67 is shown in Figure 3, and was only in use until 1897 (Subcommittee of Classification Committee, 8th November 1897: 109, in Edinburgh Parish Council 1895-1907). From 1897 until 1903 the diet shown in Figure 4 was in use for the aged and infirm, possibly only in Craigleith Poorhouse, after having been sanctioned by the Local Government Board (Subcommittee of Classification Committee, 8th November 1897: 109, in Edinburgh Parish Council 1895-1907).
The diet shown in Figures 5,6 and 7 was supplied by the Local Government Board for the consideration of
|Breakfast||Tea + bread, or porridge + skim milk||Tea + bread, or porridge + skim milk||Tea + bread, or porridge + skim milk||Tea + bread, or porridge + skim milk||Tea + bread, or porridge + skim milk||Tea + bread, or porridge + skim milk||Tea + bread, or porridge + skim milk|
|Dinner||Broth or rice soup + bread||Pea or rice soup + bread||Broth or rice soup + bread||Broth or rice soup + bread||Pea or rice soup + bread||Broth or rice soup + bread||Broth + bread|
|Tea||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter|
Figure 3: The diet for the aged and infirm under Local Government Board Rule 67 for the Management of Poorhouses, which was in use until 1897 in Craiglockhart Poorhouse
|Breakfast||Tea, bread + butter, or porridge + sweet milk||Tea, bread + butter, or porridge + sweet milk||Tea, bread + butter, or porridge + sweet milk||Tea, bread + butter, or porridge + sweet milk||Tea, bread + butter, or porridge + sweet milk||Tea, bread + butter, or porridge + sweet milk||Tea, bread + butter, or porridge + sweet milk|
|Dinner||Mince meat + bread||Pea soup + bread||Suet dumpling + treacle||Broth + bread||Potatoes, fish + bread||Irish stew + bread||Potato soup + bread|
|Tea||Tea, bread + butter (jelly, jam, or golden syrup twice a week instead of butter)||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter||Tea, bread + butter|
|Supper||Porridge + sweet milk||Porridge + sweet milk||Porridge + sweet milk||Porridge + sweet milk||Porridge + sweet milk||Porridge + sweet milk||Porridge + sweet milk|
Figure 4: Diet in use for the aged and infirm from 1897 until 1903 possibly only in Craigleith Poorhouse
|Class A. Adults, of either sex, who are not working, and who have not completed, from the date of their last admission, a fortnight's residence in the poorhouse. (The aged and infirm, and all women advanced in pregnancy, or who are suckling children , are to be exempted from this "entrance" diet.)||Class B. Adults of either sex who are not working, and who are not aged persons, and who have been inmates for fourteen consecutive days.||Class C. Adult persons of either sex who are working.|
|Breakfast||Meal, four ounces; and butter-milk, three-fourths pint imperial.||Meal, four ounces; and skimmed milk, three-fourths pint imperial.||Meal, four ounces; and skimmed milk, three-fourths pint imperial.|
|Dinner||Bread, eight ounces; and broth, one and a half pints imperial.||Bread, eight ounces; broth, one and a half pints imperial; four ounces of suet pudding (sweetened) twice weekly.||Bread, eight ounces; broth, one and a half pints imperial; and boiled meat, four ounces; four ounces of suet pudding (sweetened) twice weekly, with the meat.|
|Supper||Meal, four ounces; and butter-milk, three-fourths pint imperial.||Meal, four ounces; and skimmed milk, three-fourths pint imperial.||Meal, four ounces; and skimmed milk, three-fourths pint imperial.|
Figure 5: The diet for Classes A - C, prescribed by the Local Government Board for Poorhouses across Scotland, which was adopted in Craiglockhart Poorhouse in 1903 when it became compulsory.
|Class D. Infirm persons of either sex.||Class E. Children, above five, and not about fifteen years of age.||Class F. Children above two, and not above five years of age.|
|Breakfast||Meal, four ounces; and skimmed milk, three-fourths pint imperial.||Meal, four ounces; and new milk, three-fourths pint imperial.||Meal, three and a half ounces; and new milk, half pint imperial.|
|Lunch||--------------||Beef-tea or new milk, one-quarter pint; and bread, two ounces.||Bread, two ounces; and new milk (hot), one-fourth pint imperial.|
|Dinner||Bread, six ounces; rice soup or broth, one and a half pints imperial; and four ounces of beef may be allowed when a member of Class D is able and willing to work.||Bread, six ounces; and broth, one pint imperial; two ounces of meat four days in the week, and on the other days suet or other pudding may be substituted.||Bread, five ounces; and broth or other soup, three-fourths pint imperial; one ounce of meat daily.|
|Supper||Bread, six ounces; butter, half an ounce; and tea, half-pint imperial.||Meal, three ounces; and new milk, half-pint imperial. Bread, four ounces, and new milk, three-fourths pint imperial, may be substituted for the porridge and milk.||Meal, three ounces; and new milk, half-pint imperial. Bread and new milk may be substituted for the porridge and milk.|
Figure 6: The diet for Classes D-F, prescribed by the Local Government Board for Poorhouses across Scotland, which was adopted in Craiglockhart Poorhouse in 1903 when it became compulsory.
|Class G. Infants, not above two years of age.||Class H. The privileged inmates deemed deserving of a varied diet.|
|Breakfast||Not less than eight ounces of white leavened bread, or seven ounces of meal, and one pint imperial of new milk, daily; to be prepared in such manner, and given at such times, as the Medical Officer shall recommend.||Meal, three ounces; skimmed milk, three-fourths pint imperial; or tea, half a pint imperial; butter, half an ounce; bread, four ounces.|
|Dinner||Bread, six ounces daily, along with the following: One day in the week - Rice soup (without the meat with which it is prepared), one and a half pints imperial; suet pudding (sweetened), two ounces. (Occasionally apples may be used in making this pudding.) Two days in week- Broth, one and a half pints imperial. One day in week- Lentil or pea soup, one and a half pints imperial. One day in week -Lentil or pea soup, one and a half pints imperial. One day in week - White fish, eight ounces, with plain butter-sauce (one-quarter of an ounce butter to each person). Two days in week - Mince meat, two ounces; with four ounces of potatoes one of the days, and two ounces of suet pudding (unsweetened) the other days.|
|Tea||Tea, half a pint imperial; bread, three ounces; butter, half an ounce, four days in week; and marmalade (or other preserve), half an ounce, on the remaining three days.|
|Supper||Skimmed milk, three-fourths pint imperial; meal, three ounces four days in the week; and bread, four ounces (instead of porridge) the remaining three days.|
Figure 7: The diet for Classes G-H, prescribed by the Local Government Board for Poorhouses across Scotland, which was adopted in Craiglockhart Poorhouse in 1903 when it became compulsory.
House Committees in 1898, and became the prescribed diet for Poorhouses across Scotland in 1903. It is worthy of note that it was not adopted in Craiglockhart until this time.
There are several possibilities for the distribution of food at meal times. In many English workhouses around 1891 paupers had to be lined up and marched into the dining hall while the food lay on the table, so it was cold by the time they ate it (Crowther 1981: 216). This appears to have been the method employed in the photos from the two London workhouses shown in Plates 4 and 5. There is not room on the desks for the food to have sat in serving dishes, one on each row, and been dished out like that.
Another method, employed in the Victorian soup kitchen shown in Plate 6, is for people to queue up with their bowls and be served straight from the pot using a tin of known volume. This is very quick and ensures people get the same amount and that they can eat it when it is still hot. It is unlikely to have been employed in the dining halls of workhouses, though, since it does not allow the regimental eating practices with everyone eating at the same time which were so favoured as a deterrent.
The illustration in Plate 7 shows a better method of serving out, ensuring the food is hotter when people are able to eat it, as it is only dished out from the large serving dishes at the end of each table once they are seated.
Local Government Board reports contain a list of the articles supplied to workhouses and poorhouses with prices (Burdett 1891: 181). The reports which would have supplied this information for the Edinburgh Poorhouses were unavailable, however. Information on crockery supplied to poorhouses and workhouses is very scarce.
The advert shown in Plate 8 supplies valuable information since it is illustrated (May 1997: 4, from The Poor-Law Officers' Journal March 2nd 1900: 179). The crockery is crested, and the mug is straight-sided with a reinforced ring handle. From the photos of men and women eating in London workhouses around the turn of the century (Plates 9 and 10), a little more information may be gained. The men are shown using soup plates, knives, forks, spoons, and mugs - possibly made of tin since they have very thin handles and the mug on the left looks as if the enamel has chipped along the edge. The women are shown using flat plates, knives, forks and cruets.
There was no such thing as a typical workhouse, however, and Blackburn union workhouse in Lancaster had
a liberal diet where paupers could eat as much as they wished, but the guardians did not provide any cutlery (Crowther 1981: 214).
Contemporary records by a patient in a London Poor Law Infirmary in the late 1920s to early 1930s complain that 'The cups, plates and other utensils were so weighty, most of us did not have the strength to hold them' (Crowther 1981:190).
Wherever it is recorded, crockery comes through retailers in Edinburgh. John Donald of Bristo Port, Edinburgh was used for the majority of crockery for all periods recorded. Initially crockery was obtained from him on a non-contract basis (Edinburgh Parochial Board 1886-1895) but he later supplied the Poorhouse under contract (Edinburgh City Poorhouse at Craiglockhart 1912-1913). The shop continues to this day, but records only go back to the 1920s.
Among the items kept in the store for distribution in the mid-late 1920s were (Edinburgh City Poorhouse at Craiglockhart 1923-1926) soup tureens (ibid.: 365), vegetable dishes (ibid.: 375), pie dishes (ibid.: 200), tea pots (ibid.: 270-1), sugar basins (ibid.: 363), salt bowls (ibid.: 278), pepper dishes (ibid.: 317), cruets (ibid.: 115), milk measures (ibid.: 171), milk-jugs (ibid.: 253), and cream jugs (ibid.: 256).
Mugs, unlike most other items of crockery, were distributed more widely throughout the Poorhouse, although the majority went to the kitchen and the hall. Some pint mugs, but no half pint mugs, went to the male wards. Some half pint mugs, but no pint mugs, went to the nursery. There is nothing saying 'female wards' for the distribution of mugs, so no conclusions can be drawn about whether or not the sexes were given different sizes of mugs, but it seems that children were given smaller mugs. It is possibly significant that only pint mugs went to kitchen and hall, i.e. no half pint mugs, so at mealtimes in the 1920s men and women must have drunk from the same size of mugs. There is nothing at all in the Store Ledger to suggest any distinction was made between items of different colours, if they were still different colours at that time.
Knives and forks were introduced to the inmates in 1891 (House Committee 18th February 1891, and Provisions Committee 22nd April 1891, in Edinburgh Parochial Board 1886-1895). Prior to that date, spoons alone were used. The knives and forks ordered in 1891 were stamped with the initials E.C.P. - Edinburgh City Poorhouse, and were manufactured by Lockwood Brothers, Sheffield, the retailer being Thomas Scott & Co, Edinburgh (Provisions Committee 22nd April 1891, in Edinburgh Parochial Board 1886-1895).
It is interesting to consider the circumstances under which waste was disposed of onto the midden. A coal fired boiler heated the whole of the Poorhouse complex. Before the poorhouse was built at Craiglockhart, the following measures were devised to deal with waste from the Poorhouse (Beattie 1865: 41). Two sewerage tanks, with ash pits next to them, were to be situated in the extreme north-east corner of the site. The sewerage was to be used on the fields, and the ash pits were to have all the ashes and refuse of the Poorhouse deposited in them. It was advised that 'When the deposit is lifted out of the manure tanks, it may be either mixed with the ashes or left separate, as may be considered best, before being removed for agricultural purposes'.
The Poorhouse was designed to have a farm with it, which was why it had so much land around it, but at some point the fields were converted to permanent pasture and certainly by 1893 there is a record of the grazings at Craiglockhart being advertised for lease (Works Committee, 22nd February 1893, in Edinburgh Parochial Board 1886-1895). It is possible that before the fields were converted to permanent pasture the material which later had to go on the midden was used on the fields.
An old quarry is marked on the six inch revised O.S. map of 1912 in the woods very close to where the midden is now. In 1894 an agreement not to take any more gravel from the quarry on Wester Craiglockhart Hill, but rather to have it filled up, is recorded in the Minutes (Works Committee, 20th March 1894, in Edinburgh Parochial Board 1886-1895). This is undoubtedly the same quarry as is marked on the map, and it is possible that filling it up meant filling it with midden material. If that were the case, the midden could be extremely deep.
A study has been done of crockery from the Royal Edinburgh Asylum (Dawson, unpublished). The Asylum was very close to Craiglockhart, and all pauper lunatics in Edinburgh whom it was considered would benefit from treatment were sent there. Many thousands of sherds were collected from the spoil heaps left by bulldozers on the site, and the sherds were subsequently analysed. Unlike the crockery from the Poorhouse, most of it is marked, and some pieces have date stamps on. The red and blue striped crockery was all manufactured by Copeland from 1877 onwards. The records from the R.E.A. have been excellently preserved in Edinburgh University Library, so it was possible to examine them. The secretary of the R.E.A. sent a letter to various manufacturers of pottery including Copeland, inviting them to tender for contract. In the letter he says that the R.E.A. houses around 90-100 high class patients and around 650 patients of a humbler rank (Dawson 1999). It is assumed, therefore, that the manufacturer will produce different sets of crockery according to class, but there will be no difference according to sex, as no numbers of men and women are given. Copeland, who win the contract, produce the same stripe pattern in gold for the 'high class patients' and for the 'patients of humbler rank' they produce the already standard red striped and blue striped patterns - this is what is clear from the assemblage. So it would seem from this that the red and the blue stripe patterns are being produced as a kind of token gesture towards making a distinction between the sexes, but since numbers of men and women are no asked for, it cannot be supposed that there is any strict intention on the part of the manufacturer or the institution for the crockery to be used in that way. It also seems that Copeland primarily regards 'patients of a humbler rank' as men and women, whereas 'patients of high class' are regarded as simply patients of high class.
Ideas put forward by Miller will be used in varying degrees in the classification and interpretation of the crockery from Craiglockhart Poorhouse which follows (1991: 37-58).