Enough Said

5 Stories You Might Have Missed This Week

Here at Enough, we often swap emails with interesting articles and feature stories that we come across in our favorite publications and on our favorite websites. We wanted to share some of these stories with you as part of our effort to keep you up to date on what you need to know in the world of anti-genocide and crimes against humanity work.

With the second annual U.S.-African Union high-level meeting taking place this week in Washington, Jonathan Stevenson came out with a piece for Foreign Policy cautioning that the United States should be more deferential to the A.U.’s efforts to end the conflict in Libya, and use the occasion to specify the narrow terms under which the U.S. will support popular political movements on the continent.

At a stop on her country-traversing book tour, author and journalist Rebecca Hamilton addressed the crowd gathered for the San Francisco Bay Area Walk Against Genocide. She emphasized of the successes of the Sudan advocacy movement, as chronicled – along with the shortcomings – in her new book Fighting for Darfur.

Cattle rustling has long been the source of localized conflict in southern Sudan, but on the eve of the region’s statehood, the tactics have become more ferocious and the civilian death tolls is alarmingly on the rise. Frank Langfitt reports for NPR.

Photographer Marcus Bleasdale has logged many trips to Congo in recent years, and his photographs are some of the most widely distributed and memorable from the conflict there. In a piece for Time’s Lightbox blog, Bleasdale focuses on the crucial contribution of talented local fixers – like Pastor Marrion P’Udongo – to enable the work and steer journalists out of harm’s way. Now Pastor Marrion finds himself in a precarious situation, and Bleasdale and colleagues are working to get him the help he needs, by funding a kidney transplant.

“If we don’t have a vision of a better future can we really create one?” A new campaign by g3nerations asks the question and urges audiences to imagine what the world would be like without genocide and mass atrocities. The project kicks off with this video featuring some of the visionaries in the field, among them Ann Curry, Brian Steidle, Peter Gabriel, and Enough’s John Prendergast.

Congo: Awash in Mineral Riches, Walikale’s Residents Still Struggle to Get By

WALIKALE, Democratic Republic of Congo -- The paradox of Congo – ruin caused by years of war and poor governance amid enormous potential wealth – is a common theme when describing the challenges the country faces. But perhaps nowhere is the contradiction of utter lack of development amid abundant natural resources more pronounced than in Walikale, an isolated region in conflict-plagued eastern Congo.

To get here, you have to fly. Commercial flights (questionable in terms of safety but the most frequent) make trips from Goma several times a day, carrying supplies into Walikale and minerals out. The dilapidated Russian planes were once meant for passengers; now the row of windows is boarded up, the seats removed to make a large open space for cargo. A single line of seats behind the cockpit can accommodate three or four passengers; others perch on the cargo in the back.

As the plane banks in for landing, a stretch of paved road appears as the lone open space surrounded by dense jungle. Motorbike drivers line up for hire, and people emerge from their huts mildly curious to see what the plane has brought in. The only vehicle around is a vintage lorry waiting on the ‘runway,’ its bed piled with bags of cassiterite. Plenty of well-armed soldiers mill around to see the valuable cargo off, and a few help push the plane around so its nose aims back down the straight part of road. After 30 minutes or so, the shipment of raw minerals is headed back to Goma.

Before President Kabila instituted the ban on mining, 17 to 20 tons of cassiterite were flown out of Walikale each day, according to official records kept by government’s mining administration – though the actual quantity likely exceeded this figure. The head of a comptoir in the town of Ndjingala at the entrance to Bisie, the region’s largest mine, told Enough that one kilogram of cassiterite fetches $1.50 to $3 here ($5 before the ban), compared to $20 in Kigali.

“If mining here was industrialized, we could mine at Bisie for a hundred years,” said Muhima Dieudonné, the head of SAESSCAM, the small-scale mining technical assistance and training service, in the trading town of Mubi. And if artisanal mining continued? “It would last forever,” he said.

Those figures may not be so precise, as no company has ever commissioned an assessment of the reserves at Bisie. But a European mining executive said that Bisie alone contains enough reserves to warrant building a smelter in Walikale. In addition to cassiterite, the mine has ample quantities of copper and cobalt.

“Walikale is famous for all it has – look, you come from Washington to see Walikale. But look at how we have nothing here,” said Bwami Muputa, the head of a motorbike transport company. Muputa’s office is in the center of town, situated on the dusty main roundabout where three roads jut off to Goma, Kisangani, and Bukavu – at least in theory. But the roads are virtually impassable. The one toward Kisangani was partially paved during the Mobutu era and now nearly connects Walikale town to Ndjingala. But from Ndjingala to Bisie mine is a day-long trek on foot for those accustomed to the terrain. (We were told we would likely have to spend the night on the trail if we attempted the journey.) Asked how long it took to drive his motorbike from Goma when he first bought it, taxi driver Kotiko said his bike came on a plane.

The town has no hospital; houses are built of mud and palm fronds. School is held in decaying colonial-era buildings that appear to be at risk of collapsing. Expensive generators provide electricity. Manioc and plantains grow in small plots on the hills around town, connected by narrow dirt footpaths, and many people walk home in the evening carrying small plastic bags of tiny fish from the river that runs through town. But much of Walikale’s food comes via Goma.

People have stopped cultivating because they are only focused on mining, said a local immigration officer. He acknowledged that it’s a dangerous trend in an isolated territory to be so dependent on basic supplies coming from outside, but he said that shifting to a more long-term outlook is difficult when people are focused on making ends meet day to day and keeping an eye out for some small way to get ahead.

“Do you think someone could buy a motorbike like this, at $1,500? Or build a house like that, just from cultivating? Impossible,” said Kotiko as he drove his motorbike taxi past one of the nicest buildings in town.

“Because this area is landlocked, there is no alternative livelihood. We have to go to the mines,” said Ramazani Molisho, a miner.

Under the current system, where companies pay off local officials and army and militia commanders to gain access to mines and then ship their minerals directly out, mining companies have little incentive – and certainly no government-imposed requirement – to develop the local communities. Since the industry here has always operated in this ad hoc way, people have learned to gain what little benefit they can. After President Kabila’s mining suspension made livelihoods even more precarious, people have begun to reflect on the pre-ban business – abysmal though it was – longingly.

Bwami Muputa, the head of the transport company, was surrounded by at least 20 of his sometime-employees, sometime-miners as he explained the irony of this place. He put it simply: “Walikale relies on minerals, but it is killing people.”

Fidel Bafilemba contributed to this post.

Photo: A truck loaded with cassiterite pulls up next to the plane bound for Goma (Enough/Laura Heaton)

Sudan: Elections in Border State May Reignite North-South Conflict

Upcoming elections in a heavily militarized border state have Sudan observers worrying that the exercise could lead to violence in an area whose stability is key to peace in Sudan. The vote, which was postponed since last April, will take place in South Kordofan state on May 2 and will select the state’s governor and legislative members. One candidate for governor is the notorious incumbent, Ahmed Haroun, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in Darfur.

Elections could result in “localized violence” and “destabilize the state,” warned analyst Aly Verjee in a recent piece that provides background on the vote.

Ethnically, South Kordofan is a mix of the Nuba, and Misseriya and Hawazma Arab communities. Geographically and politically, the state is caught between North and South; South Kordofan sits atop the North-South axis and political power is split between the ruling SPLM and NCP. The area was an intense battleground during the civil war, between Sudanese government-armed Arab militias and largely SPLA-aligned Nuba. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement included a protocol aimed at addressing the specific causes of conflict in this border area. But, years after the signing of the agreement, little progress has been made in fulfilling its peace-building provisions, related not only to security issues, but also those of land and development.

Lack of implementation has resulted in a deep sense of abandonment and anger among many Nuba, as told in detail by Julie Flint in a report that warns of the dangers in continuing to leave Nuba grievances unaddressed. Flint writes:

Failure to satisfy the demands of the Nuba SPLA in the post-referendum negotiations could push veterans to take up arms again, with backing from disaffected youth who have few educational or employment opportunities.

Feelings of betrayal and resentment have been documented among Arab groups in the state as well.

Elections in South Kordofan and subsequent popular consultations  are two important elements of the peace promised to the state’s population by the SPLM and NCP. Public perception of how the two exercises are conducted—how credible they are and the appeal of their results—will play a large role in how the population recalculates its level of confidence in the CPA and the two parties’ ability to deliver, with potentially violent repercussions. Verjee writes:

Whatever the elections’ merits, a vote that is perceived to lack legitimacy could be seriously destabilizing. There is a serious danger that if unfairly excluded from formal positions of power, the supporters of the SPLM and other opposition forces including those not contesting the elections will again conclude that democratization and political liberalization in Sudan has again failed, and that the only possible ways to pursue political change are outside the democratic instruments of competition.

In addition to simmering anger on the ground, increasing polarization and distrust between NCP and SPLM officials in the state and a multitude of armed actors with varying, and often fluid, agendas are causes for concern. Not only is South Kordofan home to large contingencies of the southern and northern armies, the SPLA and SAF, but the state also hosts joint units of both armies, historically Khartoum-backed Popular Defence Forces, or PDF, ethnic-based militias, a number of policing forces, and the Darfur rebel group, Justice and Equality Movement (see Small Arms Survey’s brief for more on these armed groups).

Last week, a militia attack on a village in South Kordofan left over 20 people dead, according to the deputy governor Abdelaziz al-Hilu, who is also competing against Haroun for the governor’s seat. Hilu alleged that the attacks were conducted by the PDF and instigated by Haroun as a means of preventing elections from taking place. Satellite Sentinel Project confirmed that over 350 buildings were intentionally burned down in the village.

In its focus on the southern referendum and interest in looking toward the imminent separation of the country, the international community has largely overlooked South Kordofan’s elections. But the goal of preventing renewed conflict in Sudan has not yet been met. Without vigilance, such as wider international monitoring of the vote and communications to party and state leaders that they will be held to account for instigating violence, South Kordofan could well unravel peace-making efforts.

Photo: South Kordofan governor and alleged war criminal Ahmed Haroun (Tim Freccia/ Enough)

Darfur: Guisma's Story (Episode 1)

Our partners at i-ACT frequently visit the Darfur refugee camps in neighboring Chad, where they have gotten to know many of the children and families who have seen the worst of the fighting in Sudan and been forced to flee their homes. This is the story of one of the children i-ACT met in a refugee camp: Guisma, a six-year-old girl who dreams of returning to a peaceful Sudan one day. We hope it will inspire you to stay engaged and help your friends and family join our campaign to make Guisma’s dream possible.

This is Darfur: Guisma's Story (Ep. 1) from iActivism on Vimeo.

Please visit SudanActionNow.org to find out about the latest actions you can take to support peace in Sudan.

Stanford Hosts First-ever Student Conference on Conflict Minerals

As testament to the growing influence of students in the movement to end the trade in conflict minerals from Congo, Stanford University recently hosted the very first gathering aimed at sharing and coordinating efforts to create conflict-free campuses. Students from 12 schools across the country gathered in Palo Alto, California, for a conference to learn more about the conflict minerals issue, what different companies, NGOs, and countries are doing to make a difference, and how a statement from their respective universities on the purchasing of conflict-free electronics can incentivize key stakeholders to work for peace in Congo.

Enough sent a small team to the conference to share in-depth knowledge on the conflict minerals trade in Congo and to frame the Conflict-Free Campus Initiative within the broader movement dedicated to building a constituency for conflict-free products and ultimately, a legitimate mining sector in Congo that will exclude the militias and rebel groups who are fighting for control of lucrative mines and destroying the fabric of communities in the mining areas.

The weekend-long conference was entirely organized and run by student members of the Stanford STAND chapter and featured Chip Pitts, a lecturer at Stanford Law School who is a longtime human rights activist and previously served as the chief legal officer of Nokia. Stanford was the first university to pass a conflict-free resolution last spring, which helped spark the conflict-free campus movement across the country. Currently, nearly 45 schools are participating in the initiative, including Westminster College and the University of Pennsylvania, who have both passed resolutions.

The overarching message of the conference was that students can make a difference by leveraging their power as consumers to influence electronics companies to take action against the use of conflict minerals. The equation is potentially unstoppable: Students are a coveted demographic of electronics companies; universities hold large contracts with electronics companies; students can demand that their universities pass a resolution to commit to purchasing conflict-free electronics on campuses; and the result is the demand for conflict-free products is heard by electronics companies who then devote the resources necessary to trace and audit their supply chains.

Many of the student leaders steering their campuses in support of conflict-free mining in eastern Congo attended the conference. They came with inspiring ideas on how to grow the movement, success stories from passed resolutions, and appeals for help on how to connect with an unresponsive student body or administration. No matter what stage they’re at in developing a resolution on their campuses, students came because they understand their connection to the conflict in Congo, recognize their ability to effect change in Congo, and believe in the possibility of a conflict-free mining sector that will finally benefit local communities in Congo.

Are you working on a conflict-free resolution but were unable to attend the conference? Contact Alex Hellmuth at ahellmuth[at]enoughproject.org or visit the Raise Hope for Congo website to find out more about the Conflict-Free Campus Initiative.

 

Photo: Students from Ohio University at Stanford's conference (Enough/Alex Hellmuth)

‘Obama’s Law’ Stirs Concern, Confusion at Key Mining Area in Congo

 

WALIKALE, Democratic Republic of Congo -- “We don’t understand why President Obama would want to cut off Congo’s minerals,” said Idrissa Assani, expressing a sentiment clearly shared by his fellow miners who sat together in the dark office of their mining cooperative. “It is the innocents who are vulnerable” and who will suffer most from “Obama’s law,” he said.

In the simple wooden structure with dirt floors, illuminated by late afternoon sunlight coming through the open door and through spaces in the paneling, Assani pulled out a pristine copy of “Obama’s law,” as the conflict minerals provision of the Dodd-Frank bill is locally known. People are already suffering from the “embargo” imposed by President Obama and expecting conditions to only get worse, he said.

Leafing through the pages of the legislation, Enough analyst Fidel Bafilemba noted to the French and Kiswahili speakers that nowhere in the U.S. bill is there any mention of an embargo or a ban on Congo minerals. Rather, the law calls for companies to conduct due diligence on minerals from Congo to ensure that armed groups and military units do not benefit from these resources. The group of miners was surprised, admitting that it has been difficult to understand the details of Obama’s law since none of them speak English and they’ve never seen a translated version of the bill.

Adding to the confusion, President Kabila suddenly instituted a mining ban last fall that effectively shut down all legitimate mining activities in North and South Kivu and Maniema. The government lifted the ban in March, but mining companies remain skittish. A European mining executive told Enough the ban was “a knee-jerk reaction” to the U.S. legislation and allegations of mass rapes in mining areas. “Kabila had to show that he was doing something,” the executive said, but he emphasized that the ban badly complicated certification efforts and is being viewed by local populations as part and parcel of the Obama law. “I have no idea who is advising [Kabila],” he added, shaking his head.

During Enough’s recent visit to this mineral-rich region, we heard about the detrimental effects of the ban from people directly involved in mining but also from local officials, shop and restaurant owners, prostitutes, and motor bike drivers. “The population here was living in misery [during the mining ban],” said the director of a comptoir in the village of Ndjingala, at the entrance to the area’s largest mine, Bisie.

In Walikale, the only regular connection to the outside world are the planes that arrive a few times each day from Goma, skittering down the lone stretch of paved road that serves as a landing strip. The planes bring in goods like cooking oil, fish, fabric, and vegetables whenever there are minerals ready to be shipped out. If there are no minerals to ship, there are no planes. Enclavement, or isolation, is one of the major problems in this area, we were told time and again. “People in Walikale think that this is the whole world, they never even get to Goma to find out other ideas,” said a local intelligence official. Nor do they see the posh lakeside homes in Goma being built with riches from Walikale.

Thus, as word of the new U.S. ‘embargo’ spread and living conditions deteriorated under the ban, President Obama became the target of blame.

But not everyone sees it this way.

“Sometimes we throw stones at other countries … but I pass the responsibility to the Congolese government,” said a local immigration officer in Walikale. He described the “system” for authorizing mining companies to do business in the area: “Companies come with some papers from Kinshasa, give a little something to the local administrator and the police, and that’s it.”

Plans are currently underway to open a number of trading centers that would centralize the steps minerals pass through on their way out of the country. It is in the trading center, or centre de negoce, where a shipment would be tagged as conflict-free and a standardized set of taxes would be applied and documented. The U.S. government has allocated $11 million to build infrastructure, train mining ministry officials and border police, and develop communities in mining areas. “Why would President Obama spend all of this money if the U.S. is trying to shut down mining in Congo?” Enough analyst Fidel asked skeptics countless times.

Among people who understand how the trace, audit, certify scheme would work, there is widespread support. “Traceability is really something good,” said the comptoir director in Ndjingala, noting that a formalized system would help standardize the price and create consequences for those who don’t follow the rules. “If these taxes are well collected and monitored, something could be delivered to this place,” said Ramazani, a miner. “Right now, the military doesn’t want to deploy elsewhere because of the mineral wealth here,” said the head of a motorbike transport agency.

But people are quick to caution that political will is the major obstacle, especially since it is the government officials and army that have enabled the current “system” to develop the way it has. Understanding these stakes also helps explain, at least in part, why “Barack Obama” has become the preferred target for distain in this remote corner of Congo, and no one is rushing to correct that perception.

Fidel Bafilemba contributed to this post.

The 4 Members of Congress Who Can Make or Break Obama’s LRA Strategy

Here at Enough, we’ve been partnering with our friends over at Resolve over the past few weeks in a campaign called “Start Something to Finish It” – or S2F – which calls on members of Congress to ensure that President Obama’s strategy to stop the Lord’s Resistance Army is funded in next year’s budget and can be fully implemented in the coming months. Considering that the LRA Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act was passed with an historic level of bi-partisan support, we wish that we could just assume that the strategy that resulted from the bill would be funded. But such is not the case in Washington these days.  

So far, we’ve asked our supporters to sign a petition calling on support for funding from all members of Congress but now the campaign moves into a new phase. This week and through the end of the campaign, we’ll be honing in by targeting of four influential appropriators that have the most sway in the process: Senators Patrick Leahy (D-VT) and Lindsey Graham (R-SC), along with Representatives Kay Granger (R-TX) and Nita Lowey (D-NY). In a recent blog post, Resolve explains why we’re focusing on these four individuals:  

Though every member of Congress gets to have a say, these four make the final calls (for more detail on this, see the S2F game plan page). In the coming weeks, they will be writing the budget for next year. Unless they choose to set aside new funds to implement the White House strategy released in November, new efforts to bring LRA leader Joseph Kony to justice and see LRA atrocities finally ended cannot become reality.

We’re calling on any supporters who live in these members' areas (or who can recruit someone that does) to take action by participating in an in-district lobby meeting or gathering and sending postcards in the next couple of weeks when the crucial decisions will be made.  

Thanks to those that have already participated in the campaign. Stay tuned for more actions you can take help deliver the funding this LRA strategy deserves.

Satellite Images Confirm Destruction of Sudan Village Before Vote

Militia attacks in South Kordofan last week included the deliberate razing of a village, according to analysis in the latest Satellite Sentinel Project report. The images demonstrate the destruction of more than 350 structures in the el-Feid village in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan, a heavily militarized Sudanese border state that is weeks away from holding elections.

Following the incident, leading candidate for the state governor’s post Abdelaziz al-Hilu accused fellow candidate and incumbent governor Ahmed Haroun of instigating the violence to prevent the vote from taking place. He said the militias, known as the Popular Defense Forces, killed over 20 people. Hilu is the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, or SPLM, candidate for South Kordofan state governor; Haroun is the rival National Congress Party, or NCP, candidate and is wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes in Darfur.

Hilu also alleged that militias attacked a second locale called Um Barmbita. In today’s report, Satellite Sentinel Project says that satellite images indicate that the area was also burned, but no visible structures appear to have been destroyed.

Both the U.N. and South Kordofan state authorities have said they would investigate the incident.

Learn more about the attack in “The Razing: Intentional Burning Confirmed at el-Feid, Nuba Mountains” and view the full set of satellite images on the Enough Project's Flickr page.

Pittsburgh: First City Committed to Conflict-Free for Congo

UPDATE: PIttsburgh's conflict minerals proclamation is now posted on the city's website.

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Today, the Pittsburgh City Council unanimously passed a proclamation on conflict minerals in Congo, becoming the first city in the country to call for "electronic companies and other industries to take the necessary steps to remove conflict minerals from their supply chain."

Introduced by Councilman Doug Shields, the proclamation further states that the City of Pittsburgh urges the U.S. government to take the lead in helping establish an international certification scheme to ensure that minerals that end up in consumer electronics and other products don’t come from mines controlled by militia groups in eastern Congo.

By expressing their preference for conflict-free electronics, Pittsburgh has joined the U.S. Congress, a growing number of universities, the State of California, and thousands of individuals using their voice to demand conflict-free. Pittsburgh has long been a leader for human rights - the City Council passed a resolution in 2006 supporting divestment from companies supporting the Sudanese government, influencing the state of Pennsylvania to pass divestment legislation. Taking action for Congo is continuing that legacy today.

Pittsburgh should be seen as an example for cities across the country as a place where human rights abuses are not taken lightly. Enough looks forward to seeing conflict-free city resolutions pass throughout the country, strengthening the call for companies and the U.S. government to create the systems to ensure conflict-free products.

Please help us in saying thank you to the City of Pittsburgh for their action and for being a leader for Congo. Will your city be next?

 

Photo: City of Pittsburgh seal

'Breaking the Silence' about LRA Violence: Invisible Children’s 25 Campaign

Silence may not seem to be the most effective way to spread the word about violence waged by the Lord’s Resistance Army, but Invisible Children is banking on the idea that if nearly 30,000 vocal young activists keep quiet for 25 hours, their point will come across loud and clear.

This Sunday, April 24, activists across the United States will join The 25 Campaign and go silent for 25 hours to “speak out” against 25 years of LRA violence. Participants will raise at least $25 to help fund the Invisible Children’s Protection Plan, which works to protect civilians from LRA violence in central Africa, rehabilitate children rescued from the LRA, and facilitate efforts aimed at apprehending top LRA commanders.

At 8 p.m. on April 25, following the 25 hours, events will take place in 18 cities across the U.S. where participants can “Break the Silence” together, as a community of activists working to end LRA violence. Participants at the events will hear from speakers from Uganda, view the latest Invisible Children videos, listen to live bands, and write letters to Congress.

'Break the Silence' Details from INVISIBLE CHILDREN on Vimeo.

Sounds pretty cool, right? Oprah thinks so, too. Tune in to the Oprah show tomorrow, when she will be speaking with the Invisible Children team and filmmakers about the organization, and the deafening impact of The 25 Campaign.

Join The 25 Campaign and add your voice — so to speak. RSVP to take part in a “Break the Silence” event next Monday in a city near you.

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