Identifying Turkey’s Better Angels

The New York Times today published a review (click here) of Harvard psychologist Steven Pinker’s new book, The Better Angels of Our Nature. The book presents evidence that our era is less violent, less cruel, and more peaceful than any previous period of human existence and tries to figure out why. What variables had to change for this to occur? I link to this review here (and the book) because it made me think about those variables in Turkey — what will it take for Turkey to become a less violent, more peaceful society? Some of the important changes are: the consolidation of the power of the state above feudal loyalties (and a state monopoly on the legitimate use of force); the spread of commerce that gives people an incentive to cooperate; a revulsion against violence inflicted on ethnic minorities, women, children, homosexuals, and animals that developed over the past half century.

What caused these beneficial trends? The empowerment of women exerts a pacifying force. The invention of printing helped spread humanitarian ideas and allowed people to put themselves in the position of someone very different from themselves, thereby expanding the sphere of their moral concern. Pinker mentions “Uncle Tom’s Cabin”, but I thought of the books about Martin Luther King and Ghandi that made the rounds in translation and apparently were influential in inspiring the nonviolent resistance of the Arab Spring and elsewhere. The spread of reason (as a way of interpreting the world) leads us to a commitment to treating others as we would like them to treat us.

Pinker argues that enhanced powers of reasoning give us the ability to detach ourselves from our immediate experience and from our personal or parochial perspective, and frame our ideas in more abstract, universal terms. This in turn leads to better moral commitments, including avoiding violence.

Reason also leads us away from forms of morality more likely to lead to violence, preferring to restrict violence to uses necessary to improve social welfare, rather than savage punishment. The spread of the scientific mode of reasoning and living in a  more symbol-rich environment, rather than just improved education, may have played a role in the spread of reason — and the idea that our own interests are similar to — and in a universal sense don’t matter more than — the the interests of others.

There are some interesting parallels to be drawn between Pinker’s ideas and the present state of Turkey. For instance, Pinker provides evidence that homicide rates in the US’s South are higher than in the North.

Pinker argues that at least part of the reason for the regional differences in American homicide rates is that people in the South are less likely to accept the state’s monopoly on force. Instead, a tradition of self-help justice and a “culture of honor” sanctions retaliation when one is insulted or mistreated. Statistics bear this out — the higher homicide rate in the South is due to quarrels that turn lethal, not to more killings during armed robberies — and experiments show that even today Southerners respond more strongly to insults than Northerners.

A Turkish friend of mine once bragged that Turkey has no serial killers. I interpreted that to mean no strangers killing random strangers for no apparent reason. But perhaps the personal character of violence is nothing to crow about. Violence on the basis of honor, a community or family taking justice in their own hands on that basis, leads to “honor” killings and to pogroms against Roma and Kurdish neighbors, among other things. Pinker suggests that this is the sort of violence that must be made unacceptable for a society to move toward peace. The state should become the only legitimate source of the use of force. People should accept this and be able to rely on the state’s impartial, rational and benign use of force. Violence against women, minorities, and so on, should become socially unacceptable.

Of course, this assumes that the state itself can be trusted to use its monopoly over the legitimate use of force in a measured, rational and humane way in order to improve the welfare of society — not to punish opponents or protect special interests. States can be violent perpetrators as well, as we all know. Pinker’s analysis gives us some landmarks, though, for how individuals, societies and states can move toward the better angel of cooperation and peacefulness that, he argues, is as much part of our human nature as a propensity to violence.

Syria’s Kurds Rise Up

Given Turkey’s heightened military preparedness on its border with Syria and its indicated willingness to intervene if Syria’s disorder spills over into Turkey, the rising up of the Kurds in northeastern Syria in protest at the assassination of one of their most charismatic leaders is a big further destabilizing factor. The Kurds in Syria have been neglected and gone largely unacknowledged by both Syria and the West. Many trace their roots to Turkey, so it is conceivable that there are strong ties with Turkey’s Kurds, particularly since visa requirements were dropped and travel between Syria and Turkey became easier. Here are excerpts from a news article (click here for the full article).

Security forces opened fire on tens of thousands of mourners who turned out Saturday for the funeral of a slain Kurdish opposition leader in northeastern Syria, killing at least two people, eyewitnesses said… People marched to mourn Mashaal Tammo, the prominent and charismatic Kurdish opposition figure who was gunned down Friday by masked gunmen…

Tammo, a 53-year-old former political prisoner and a spokesman for the Kurdish Future Party, was also a member of the executive committee of the newly formed Syrian National Council, a broad-based front bringing together opposition figures inside and outside the country in an attempt to unify the deeply fragmented dissident movement. A vocal regime opponent, Tammo had been instrumental in organizing anti-government protests in Qamishli in recent months…

It was not clear who carried out the killing. Some in the opposition said the regime was responsible for his assassination. Osso said Tammo had no enemies and blamed security forces, but others noted there was a power struggle between him and rival Kurdish parties…

Kurds — the largest ethnic minority in Syria — make up 15 percent of the country’s 23 million people and have long complained of neglect and discrimination…

Erdogan’s Mother Laid To Rest

PM Erdogan’s mother Tenzile Erdogan passed away Friday at the age of 83 of acute cholecystitis. She was laid to rest today. (click here)

And Now For A New Constitution

Parliamentarians from various parties are beginning to hold talks about what should be in the new constitution that is now on the table. Few details are available as of yet, but lots of opinion. Here’s columnist Ihsan Dagi (click here for the full column), followed by a few of my own observations:

The new Turkey needs a post-Kemalist constitution. I understand the call for a liberal and democratic constitution as a demand for a non-ideological constitutional base of the state.

This does not mean denouncing Kemalism as an “ideology,” but leave it to the people to choose among the set of ideologies available from the free market of ideas. Let the people follow ideologies if they chose, but keep the state neutral as the basis of a wider consensus on the mechanism of living together without threatening each other.

Turkey is too developed and diversified to be ruled by any ideology upheld in the constitution. The age of ideological states has passed, passed with great pains, agonies and disappointments. What matters now is a state that provides people not with ideas, ideologies or lifestyles, but with services and protection…

Ideological states, be they socialist, fascist or Kemalist, have failed to meet their promises. They have failed to produce freedom, welfare and security for their citizens.

To build anew or maintain an ideological state is practically impossible in the contemporary complexities of the global economy, social networks and political interactions. It is a struggle against the current that risks confronting not only global trends but also the demands of the people at home. People want liberty, welfare and security, which cannot be provided by an ideological state, as proven by the political history of the 20th century.

Any ideological state formations cannot survive in a flourishing open society, deepening market economy and penetrating globalization…

Ah, but here’s the crux of the matter:

…With its revolutionary ethos, Kemalism does not allow for the establishment of a full democracy since it does not trust the choice of people. It is not inclined to leave the people to choose their lifestyles, leaders and beliefs. People need to be guided, enlightened and ruled. This notion of tutelage that appoints vanguard institutions and actors over the people can no longer be sustained. People do not want tutelage from anyone, including the military and anything involving Kemalism. Thus, a new and post-Kemalist constitution is needed to form a polity that secures and enables the people to rule themselves through liberal democracy.

This seems to me to be a contradiction: You wish to have a political system that distances itself from ideologies and leave the choice of lifestyle, leader, and belief up to the people. Trust them, Dagi says. They will choose liberal democracy and will choose a state that is neutral with regard to “the mechanism of living together without threatening each other”.

But polls show that in Turkey and the region as a whole, people tend to understand voting and democracy as ‘the winner gets to determine the dominant values’. Yes, there are liberals in Turkey’s parliament and liberals in Tahrir Square, but there are many people, perhaps the majority, who have strong values that they would like to see protected — not out of a desire to oppress, but to protect. Many of the Turkish government’s press and internet censorship moves and restrictions on alcohol have been phrased in terms of protecting the public. Can one trust the public to wish to protect gays and atheists, and heathens with anything-goes values with much enthusiasm if they think these are a threat to their society, to the family, to children?

Ideologies like socialism and Kemalism were meant to guide the choices of people in a direction viewed as desirable and good for society. That they failed is a different story, perhaps one about weakness for power, greed, and as Dagi points out, class mistrust. The proposition Dagi puts on the table is to let people choose their everyday ideologies to live by, but to leave the state out of it. This assumes that no ideological view will be powerful enough to win a majority in parliament and then begin to impose it’s values — for the good of the country. It also assumes that even ideological people will desire and support a neutral state.

Ideology here nor there, what is needed is

1) a powerful constitution with teeth that will enforce state neutrality and the rights of each individual, regardless of their characteristics and beliefs, to be protected from the interference of the state AND their neighbors. That will keep an ideologically minded ruling party from being able to make laws according to their values.

2) An independent judiciary staffed by judges and prosecutors who believe in the constitution (and not, as a TESEV poll showed, in the primacy of the state) and are willing to actively protect the individual against the community AND the state. This will require a generation of police and lawyers who understand what individual rights mean — which Turkey doesn’t yet have, judging by how violence against women still is often treated by such officials as a family matter, not a crime against the individual that is to be taken as seriously as any other violent crime.

A liberal constitution is a first step, but it will be toothless without a robust, fair-minded and incorruptible police force and judiciary to enforce it. People want more than services and protection from the state; they also want to see an expression of their values and their identities reflected in those that rule them — and the laws they make. The role of the constitution and the judiciary are to manage those forces and demands, the ideologies and values competing to put their stamp on society, whether it’s AKP’s alcohol restrictions or The Kansas Board of Education trying to insert Intelligent Design into science textbooks.

People will never give up trying to impose their values on the wider society. A liberal constitution will blunt that impulse, and it means that a lot of people will be disappointed.

Sirkeci


Photo by Deniz Hughes

Feast your eyes on this gorgeous tile photographed by Deniz Hughes at a small mosque in Sirkeci. She publishes her photos of Istanbul and New York on Denizblog (click here), a site that is worth visiting regularly. I’m always surprised and delighted by her vision.

The Writing On The (Cartoon) Wall

Original image from Penguen, taken from Radikal

Prosecuters are asking for a year in jail for caricaturist Ömer Bahadır Baruter for the above cartoon, which appeared in the satirical magazine Penguen. In it, a man is speaking to Allah on his cell phone, asking if it’s OK to miss the last part of his prayer ritual because he’s busy, then thanks him for permission and says goodbye. But the reason for the law suit against Baruter by a religious organization and several citizens is what is written on the wall behind the figures (which I can’t make out). Apparently it says “There is no Allah, religion is a lie.” Baruter is accused of “insulting the religious values adopted by a part of the population”. (click here)

So atheism is not only disapproved of by the population (according to a 2009 poll, 57% don’t want an atheist or unbeliever in religion as a neighbor), but is now actually illegal. You could argue that atheism also is a set of “religious values adopted by a part of the population”. Perhaps the new constitution will resolve this dilemma whereby one set of values trumps the others if they are unpopular. A liberal constitution should ideally make it impossible to try someone for having unpopular beliefs.

According to that same poll, 42 percent didn’t want to live next to Jews and 35 percent next to Christians. Do these groups also “insult religious values” held by another group? I wonder what percentage of the population would be in favor of banning them for that reason. The new constitution can’t come soon enough.

Unnecessary Tension

Regarding Turkey’s rapidly escalating crises with three Eastern Mediterranean neighbors: Israel, Cyprus and Syria, Yigal Schleifer rounds up some smart analysis (click here).

…Turkey’s strategy is not smart vis-à-vis the White House or the Department of State, because they’ve broken the rules of democratic engagement. The current escalation creates unnecessary tensions; is based on unmediated, unilateral interests instead of searching for viable compromise; and has no longer-term perspective. And it goes beyond the question of whether or not Turkey’s government has a legitimate point in its criticism of Israel. The present oratory also undermines Turkey’s economic and security interests. This type of posture provides space for destabilizing actors in the region, ultimately endangering the country’s newly established political recognition in regions other than Europe…

Turkey’s First Mosque Designed By a Woman

This post was updated.

Zeynep Fadillioglu is the first woman in Turkey to design the interior of a mosque (the architect was Hüsrev Tayla). She also recruited other women artists to help in the construction of the Sakirin Mosque in Istanbul. The project was recently completed. (click here and here) I think it’s beautiful:

Capital Cat Is Back — With Whiskers

Image from Radikal

The debate over Ankara’s city logo continues. Recently the court ruled that the original logo of a Hittite sun should be reinstated and the logo with minarets with which the Islamist Welfare Party had replaced it should go into the trash heap of history.  (click here)

Last year the AKP mayor Melih Gökçek introduced the image of the Angora cat with contrasting eye color as the new logo. The court didn’t accept the argument that a cat had taken the place of minarets. In response to the court decision that the Hittite logo must return, Gökçek has just introduced yet another new logo — the cat with whiskers. He then asked the city council to vote. The cat with whiskers won 59 to 31. The court had already voted — for the Hittite sun. The battle of the logos continues. Stay tuned.

Would Ataturk Have Approved?

Leon T. Hadar has a sensible essay in The Huffington Post that puts Turkey’s recent foreign policy decisions in an historical and comparative perspective. What has Turkey done in the past (under non-AKP governments) vis-a-vis Israel and the region, and why? A brief excerpt below. Read the entire essay here.

…Indeed, the earlier notion that the Netanyahu-Lieberman duo were advancing — and that was echoed by their allies in Washington — that Erdogan and the AKP were pursuing a foreign policy based on an Islamist agenda reflected a common fallacy, that ideological principles — as opposed to considerations of national interest — are the main driving force behind the foreign policy of Turkey, or, for that matter, of other governments ruled by political movements committed to secular or religious doctrines…

From this perspective, it is very likely that Ataturk would have approved much of the foreign policy agenda being pursued by Erdogan. Or to put it in more concrete terms, most of the decisions made by Erdogan — remaining in NATO while improving strategic ties with Turkey’s neighbors; continuing to campaign for EU membership while strengthening Turkey’s economic position in the Middle East; the “trust-but-verify” approach towards Iran’s nuclear military policies; conditioning the maintenance of the partnership with Israel on its treatment of the Palestinians — fit very much with the kind of Realpolitik foreign policy embraced by Ataturk and his secular political successors…