Editor's Note: This is the third installment in this
magazine's occasional, ongoing series of political-event
reminiscences by senioreditorQuin Hillyer, each
with lessons relevant to current events….
"Dat's de way it's gonna be, and it ain't gonna be no
udder way!!!"
Billy Nungesser was yelling into the microphone, or at least the
closest approximation his extremely raspy, gravelly,
cigarette-scarred voice could make to a yell, while he held the
whole podium tight in two outstretched arms with white knuckles, as
if holding on to a rocky outcropping above a ravine. Nungesser was
quite a sight: At age 61, his shockingly orange hair still swept up
in a pompadour straight out of Hollywood's exaggerations of the
1950s, one eye staring straight and the other (glass, I think, but
never found out for sure) angling off into the rafters, the rather
powerfully built Nungesser was in one of his trademark shiny white
suits--probably with an orange shirt and bright pink tie, although
memory plays tricks, so that particular outfit may have been worn
on a different occasion. His face, which looked like that of a bar
brawler except that it could light up with a lopsided smile that
could warm a whole auditorium, had this time turned nearly maroon
with rage.
Nungesser, this visual study in contradictions, a successful
self-made businessman with no college background whose diction
devolved into dockyard vernacular when he was upset, was state
chairman of the Louisiana Republican Party, presiding over the 1991
state convention. The reason he was holding the podium so tightly
while yelling, red-faced, was that neo-Nazi David Duke was trying
to reach around him and pry the microphone from the his grasp,
while several dozen Duke supporters yelled angrily from just in
front of the stage's risers, having rushed the stage in what seemed
an attempt to start a riot. The attempt failed because none of the
vastly anti-Duke majority of delegates took their bait. As this
bizarre scene played out in front of them, the delegates--a mix of
Christian Coalition members, traditional Reaganites, and
moderates--calmly remained seated.
Instead of causing a ruckus that either (a) would make it look
like a vast throng of Duke supporters were demanding that Duke be
allowed to speak or (b) would cause so much chaos that the
convention would end in turmoil before a recorded vote, all the
demonstration did was emphasize just how meager the convention's
Duke forces really were. And as nothing short of a 200-horsepower
forklift was going to make Nungesser relax his bear hug on the
podium, Duke--20 years Nungesser's junior but clearly no match for
the elder man's determination--ended up stalking back and forth
along the front edge of the stage, sans microphone,
gesticulating wildly, weakly mouthing complaints that few people
could hear.
THE PROLOGUE TO THIS truly outlandish state convention
contretemps was more than two years long. In an early 1989 special
election, Duke had squeezed into a state House seat by 227 votes in
one of the cleverest misdirection campaigns in modern memory. Duke
had failed in earlier bids for public office as a Democrat and as
the standard-bearer of some now-forgotten third party. This time,
running as one of a host of Republicans, he had received
superabundant attention because of his past as a former national
leader of the KKK. He campaigned now as a next-generation Ronald
Reagan type concerned only with tax cuts and welfare reform while
blithely acknowledging "errors" in his younger days. And he proved
a master of the 15-second TV sound bite, able to turn the added
attention to his advantage by pushing all the right emotional
(economic) buttons in a state largely bypassed by the rest of
America's 1980s boom times.
In 1990, largely on the strength of votes from white "George
Wallace Democrats," Duke had greatly outperformed expectations in
garnering 43 percent of the ballots in a two-way race for U.S.
Senate. And now, as a cultural phenomenon who seemed coated in
Teflon despite growing evidence of continuing extremist ties, Duke
was running for governor in a multi-person race. (In Louisiana's
open primary at the time, all candidates, regardless of party, ran
on the same ballot, and if nobody earned a majority then the top
two, regardless of party, met in the general election runoff.) Only
one major Democrat, colorful former three-term governor. Edwin
Edwards, was competing, but the Republican side was far more
scrambled.
State party rules provided for a convention to determine which
candidate would receive the official party endorsement. A
non-endorsed candidate could continue to run, but would not be
eligible for any of the organizational or other assistance of the
official party apparatus. Incumbent Buddy Roemer, a headstrong,
semi-conservative maverick before John McCain fully embodied that
archetype, had been elected as a Democrat but switched parties
mid-term. He then spurned the state party (partly due to enmity
with Nungesser) and refused to compete for the endorsement. His
backers arrived at the convention hoping to win a "no endorsement"
party stance. But U.S. Rep. Clyde Holloway clearly was the favorite
of most conventioneers--especially the Christian Coalition, which
for the second straight year had mobilized to deny Duke many spots
at a state convention. Indeed, so effective were the Roemer,
uncommitted, and Holloway enthusiasts at out-organizing Duke in
earlier district caucuses that Duke arrived at the convention with
only about 5 percent of the pledged delegates.
(A note on the Christian Coalition: In a caucus/convention
system, its organizational might was formidable. Its state
leadership, which included a few African Americans, was appalled at
Duke's hateful history, especially by his anti-Semitism. Often
badly mischaracterized by the national media as bigots, the
Christian Coalition in Louisiana performed sterling service in
denying Duke any official party foothold.
Long-standing party rules--rules adopted without regard to Duke,
either way--forbade candidates from addressing a state convention
before a vote. But Duke desperately wanted the news footage that
would come his way if he did speak, because he knew that video of
him speaking from an official Republican state party platform would
help his ongoing efforts to "mainstream" himself as a candidate.
The problem was, Duke needed the video without the vote: It would
be highly embarrassing for him to garner attention from a speech
but then have it reported that despite his oratory he ended up with
only 5 percent of the convention ballots. Hence the plan to seize
the podium or, if that didn't work, create chaos that would drown
out any news of the actual vote count.
LATER, THROUGH A NETWORK of sources I had developed, I learned
what had preceded Duke's attempt to seize the podium. Earlier that
day, behind some fold-away bleachers, Duke had met with his puny
number of convention delegates and some other hangers-on. He told
them he had issued an official challenge to the rule forbidding
candidates to speak, in order to create the story that he was
somehow being wronged--and that then, at a pre-selected lull in the
proceedings after the challenge was denied, he would try to
physically take the microphone while they, his minions, should rush
the stage to sow confusion. He expected other delegates to resist,
and for the whole convention to devolve into a farce that would
besmirch the official party endorsement as not worth having--or,
perhaps, if Duke had the microphone, it could look like he were the
one who showed leadership by restoring order. Or something like
that.
But I didn't know that at the time. As the 27-year-old managing
editor of Gambit Weekly (a popular, politically centrist
paper) in New Orleans, I had broken several of the stories
demonstrating that Duke maintained neo-Nazi ties despite his
pretense of having become more respectable. So I was watching Duke
closely as I covered the convention, and I noticed that as one part
of the schedule wound down, Duke surreptitiously ambled around the
outside of the hall to a spot at the stage's backside where some
short, portable stairs led up to the risers. (These stairs were
back left, as the stage faced the audience, while the stage's main
stairs were front-right.) Nobody else in the hall seemed to notice
Duke, but--smelling a rat--I followed at a distance.
The timing seemed odd; there was a brief scheduled intermission
in the convention program. The podium itself was unmanned.
Meanwhile, among those on stage was my father, Haywood Hillyer III,
who was then the state's Republican National Committeeman after 30
years of volunteer, behind-the-scenes, party-building grunt work.
Suddenly, I saw Duke spring up the stairs and run toward the empty
podium. To this day, I don't remember if I called out something
like, "Hey, Dad, look out!" or whether my father heard Duke's
approach on his own. Whatever alerted him, my father, all 5-feet-8,
150 pounds of him, jumped into the aisle between rows of chairs on
the stage, in a stance reminiscent of a halfback trying to pick up
a blitz.
A few steps short of my father, Duke--younger and larger--veered
around some chairs toward another aisle. My father pivoted to try
to block that aisle, and Duke cut back again, knocking some other
chairs aside to clear a path where this time my father couldn't
interpose.
But the commotion had alerted Nungesser, who was in private
conversation at the far edge of the stage--and my father's delaying
action gave the chairman time to make a dash of his own. Nungesser
reached the podium about three steps before Duke, and grabbed it in
his fierce bear hug. Duke clearly wanted to get to the microphone
without actually physically laying a hand on the chairman, but he
did try to hip-check Nungesser out of the way--to no avail.
It was really one of the worst mistakes in Republican history to
accept a racist like David Duke in the party. Duke, besides being
a racist, is also an enemy of America, he was even interview by
Al Jazeera for propaganda aims.
Nanette| 2.1.09 @ 1:42PM
As a conservative voter, I have found David Duke to be a TRUE
PATRIOT. He has always espoused "equal right for all".
He has always gotten a bad rap in the liberal media. I love the
guy.
Nanette| 2.1.09 @ 2:51PM
Further more-
Say what you will about David, however please remember that he
was the chairman of the Republican party in St. Tammany Parish.
(St. Tammany brags the highest per capita income in the entire
state). Does that make "us" racists? I think not.
Alan Brooks| 3.2.09 @ 4:14PM
Duke is mild compared to Sharpton.
Alan Brooks| 3.4.09 @ 9:09PM
did you hear how Jesse Jackson wanted to castrate Obama for his
criticism?
Duke would never stoop that low.
Michele San Pietro| 2.1.09 @ 1:15PM
It was really one of the worst mistakes in Republican history to accept a racist like David Duke in the party. Duke, besides being a racist, is also an enemy of America, he was even interview by Al Jazeera for propaganda aims.
Nanette| 2.1.09 @ 1:42PM
As a conservative voter, I have found David Duke to be a TRUE PATRIOT. He has always espoused "equal right for all".
He has always gotten a bad rap in the liberal media. I love the guy.
Nanette| 2.1.09 @ 2:51PM
Further more-
Say what you will about David, however please remember that he was the chairman of the Republican party in St. Tammany Parish. (St. Tammany brags the highest per capita income in the entire state). Does that make "us" racists? I think not.
Alan Brooks| 3.2.09 @ 4:14PM
Duke is mild compared to Sharpton.
Alan Brooks| 3.4.09 @ 9:09PM
did you hear how Jesse Jackson wanted to castrate Obama for his criticism?
Duke would never stoop that low.
jytrj| 2.21.10 @ 9:22PM
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