MALI FACT FILE

Geographic Map

General Information

Geography

Natural resources

Economy

Population

History & politics

Security Information

Sources

GENERAL INFORMATION

Official Name:

République du Mali

Capital:

Bamako - population: 1m (1998 census)

Head of State:

President Alpha Oumar Konaré (1992)

National Currencies and current exchange rates:

CFA franc. Average exchange rate in 1999: CFAfr567.81:US$1; Exchange rate on 20/2/01 – CFAfr717.36:US$1.

National Day and other important days:

1 January (New Year), 20 January (Army Day), 26 March (Martyr's Day), 1 May (Labour Day), 25 May (African Freedom Day), 22 September (Republic Day), 25 December (Christmas). Variable dates: Easter, Maouloud (birth of the Prophet) (two days), Ramadan, Tabaski or Eid Al-Kebir.

System Of Government:

Republic

Ethnic groups:

Mande 50% (Bambara, Malinke, Sarakole), Peul 17%, Voltaic 12%, Songhai 6%, Tuareg and Moor 10%, other 5%

Languages:

French (official), Bambara 80%, Fuldulde, Songhai and Tamasaq (in the north)

Religions:

Muslim 90%, indigenous beliefs 9%, Christian 1%
 

GEOGRAPHY

Area

Total area:

1,240,000sq km;

Land area:

1,220,000sq km;

Water:

20,000sq km;

Coastline:

landlocked

Climate:

Subtropical to arid; hot and dry February to June; rainy, humid, and mild June to November; cool and dry November to February. Considerable variation between southern, central and northern areas, rain being rare and sporadic in the far north, Sahara region.

Physical description:

Mostly flat to rolling northern plains covered by sand; savannah in south, rugged hills in northeast

Physical Infrastructure:

Communication: per 1,000 inhabitants (1997)

Daily newspapers
- 1
Radio receivers
- 55
Television receivers
- 4
Main telephone lines
- 2

Transportation

Railways
- 641 km
Roads
- 15,100 of which 1,827 km paved
Ports and harbours
- Koulikoro
Waterways
- 1,815km navigable
Airports with paved runways
- 6

Energy provision

Production 288m kWh (1996); by source - fossil fuel 22%, hydro 78%
 

NATURAL RESOURCES AND THE ENVIRONMENT

Mineral resources

Gold, phosphates, kaolin, salt, limestone, uranium, bauxite, iron ore, manganese, tin, and copper deposits are known but not exploited

Water resources

Annual internal renewable water resources: 5,071 cu m Per Capita (1998); Sector withdrawals - domestic 2%; Industrial 1%; Agricultural 97%

Land utilization and potential – Refer to tables

Key Environmental Concerns:

Deforestation; soil erosion; desertification; inadequate supplies of potable water; poaching

Environmental policy and manifestation:

International agreements - Biodiversity, Climate Change, Desertification, Endangered Species, Law of the Sea, Ozone Layer Protection, Wetlands

Natural hazards:

Hot, dust-laden harmattan haze common during dry seasons; recurring droughts
 

ECONOMY

Overview

Mali is among the poorest countries in the world, with 65% of its land desert or semi-desert. Agriculture (around 47% of GDP) is the mainstay of the economy, although economic activity is confined mainly to the riverine area irrigated by the Niger. Cotton is the main export earner, leaving Mali vulnerable to fluctuations in world prices for cotton. The gold mining industry holds out promise of increased export earnings. The structure of the economy has been relatively stable over time, the share of the secondary sector having grown over the last two decades mainly as a result of the burgeoning cotton industry, and more recently expanded gold mining operations. The share of services fell to 37% in 1999 owing to the steady erosion of the share of non-market services.
Heavily dependent on foreign aid, Mali’s enormous debt burden is a significant obstacle to poverty reduction. Concerted efforts in the late 90’s to address growing poverty has led to a reversal of this trend, albeit slow.
Refer to tables

Labour market and unemployment

Unemployment affects 3% of the working population.

Agriculture, forestry & fishing

The agricultural sector is the mainstay of the economy, accounting for almost half of GDP, employing over 70% of the workforce (largely at subsistence levels) and accounting for about 60% of exports. The main export crops are cotton (Mali is Africa’s second-largest cotton producer), groundnuts, cereals, fresh fruit and vegetables. Cotton accounts for nearly 50% of foreign-exchange earnings. Fish and live animals are also significant export earners; the livestock sector is a mainstay of the economy in the northern half of the country, much of which is desert, and contributes 20% to GDP. The principal food crops are millet, sorghum, paddy rice, maize and groundnuts.

Mining

The mining sector contributed 10.3 per cent to GNP in 1998 and employed 1 per cent of the workforce. Gold is Mali’s principal mineral resource, and is the third-highest export earner after cotton and cattle. Mali is Africa’s fourth-largest producer of gold, with reserves of 8,2m oz. In recent years gold mining operations have increased following the involvement of multinational corporations (most notably from South Africa), raising expectations of Mali becoming a major sub-Saharan gold exporter in the next few years. New production is expected to come on stream in 2001. Phosphate production is around 10,000 tonnes per annum, while small quantities of salt, limestone and uranium are also mined. There are known deposits of bauxite, manganese, iron and tin, and prospecting for lithium, diamonds and copper is under way. Mali’s landlocked position and weak infrastructure are major constraints on the development of the sector.
Industry & manufacturing - The small-scale industrial sector, which is concentrated in Bamako, primarily serves the domestic market. In 1998 it contributed 7 per cent to GDP and employed 6 per cent of the workforce. Manufacturing is concerned mainly with agro-industries. Around 90 per cent of production is accounted for by state enterprises, although rationalisation and privatisation plans are likely to continue.

Government finance and fiscal policy

Mali is committed to a far-reaching structural reform aimed at promoting private sector activities and restructuring the public sector. Prior to the late 1980s, Mali’s economy remained under tight government control, but the IMF backed liberalization policy adopted over the past decade has resulted in substantial changes. The policy is characterized by four aims: price and trade liberalization, reform of business regulations, public sector restructuring and privatization and tax reform. In September 2000 Mali was accepted to join the World Bank-IMF heavily indebted countries (HIPC) initiative. In terms of the programme US$225m of external debt will be written off, provided the government moves ahead with its privatisation programme.
In mid-2000 the World Bank approved grants worth US$275m for poverty reduction, to be spent on further improvements to rural water supplies and transport networks.

Regional  and International economic grouping/alliances:

African Union
African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries
Communauté Economique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEAO)
Economic Community of West African States
Lomé Convention

 

POPULATION

Overview

Provisional results of the April 1998 national census indicate a population of 9.8m, and an annual growth rate of 2.2%. The ethnic mix is diverse, the Bambara being the main group.

Population distribution

International migration is characteristically important in Mali. Up to 3m Malians live outside the country, mostly in Côte d’Ivoire, others in France. There are wide regional disparities with 90% of the population concentrated in the southern provinces, and a high rate of urban drift, most of the population moving to Bamako which has had an average growth rate of 4% per annum since 1987.The northern region is characterized by a long-standing ethnic tension between the nomadic Tuareg, who make up about 10% of the population, and the mostly sedentry Songhai.
Refer to tables

Social Indicators

Poverty in Mali is widespread - by way of example more than half do not have access to drinking water, 70% are illiterate (the highest rate in Africa) and some 25% of children under age 3 suffer from chronic malnutrition. Health indicators are among the worst in the world: only 36% of the population are within 5km of a health service, and only 8% have access to modern sanitary facilities, figures which mask the sharp rural - urban divide in favour of Bamako and the urban areas.
Numerous causes of poverty have been identified - natural disasters, ranked as the primary cause in rural areas, and related to an extremely fragile ecoystem that threatens agricultural sector development; socio-economic conditions such as poor or no infrastructure, low levels of education ; political unrest and heavy dependence on external assistance.
The recent debt relief programme under the HIPC initiative has opened the way for the government and NGO's to redirect finances into improving health and educational services.

HIV/AIDS

The number infected - 2.03% of adults - is low by West African standards. Most of those infected are in the urban areas, but with seasonal migration it is spreading to rural areas and is also being brought in from neighbouring countries.

Food security

Low-income, food-deficit country. Major foodcrops: millet, sorghum, rice and maize. Supported by foreign aid, the government has co-ordinated a programme to expand production of rice. There is a regular food deficit due to recurrent drought, crop smuggling and an inefficient marketing and distribution system. However, following two successive bumper crops, the overall food situation in 2001/02 was considered satisfactory and no food aid is required. Markets are well supplied and prices stable.

Education

Refer to tables
 

HISTORY & POLITICS

Constitution & political system

Constitution
- adopted 12 January 1992
Legal system
- based on French civil law system and customary law
Legislative branch
- unicameral National Assembly.
Elections
- last held May 1997 (presidential); July-August 1997 (National Assembly)

Pre-Colonial History

What is presently known as Mali is a state that has developed over several centuries and has a long historical trajectory. Rock paintings found in the mountain ranges of Tasili N’adjar are of Palaeolithic and Neolithic ages. Human remains found in Mali have also contributed to a more precise dating of its prehistory to at least 5000BC. It has been developed through a centuries long paradoxical tradition of a ‘warrior’, ‘trader’ and ‘builder’ class. This seemingly paradoxical development is what to a large extent explains the complexity of Malian society and politics and is deeply rooted in the history of Mali and still remains a dominant and determining elements of the socio-political fabric of society.
Trading has flourished in Mali since 250BC especially around the centre of Djenne-jeno on the inland delta of the great Niger River. This trading post flourished until 11 century AD after which Djenne took over in the 13th century. The Trans-Saharan caravan routes from the Niger River to North Africa characterized this trade for almost a thousand years. The key commodity exports were ivory, civet and gum Arabic. During this period, the caravan routes were through Djenne and Timbouctou, which was founded in the 11th century and had one of the largest university communities in the medieval world.
The Kingdom of Mali declined in the 15th century and parts of its key cities of Djenne and Timbouctou were incorporated into the new kingdom of Songhai. In the aftermath of the Moroccan invasion of Songhai in 1591, the scholars of Timbouctou were massacred because they were thought to represent a political threat and dispersed most of the libraries books and manuscripts.
Between the 11th and 18th centuries, Mali experienced a succession of Empires and Kingdoms with incessant wars, which at its apogee extended from the Atlantic coast to Lake Tchad. Among some of the key ‘warrior-builders’ were Samouri Toure, Amadou Sékou and Babemba among others.

Colonial Rule

French active involvement in Mali started in 1855 when they established a Fort at Medine in Western Mali. This was after several years of struggles against the empire of Segou Tukulor, which acted as the main obstacle to their acquisitions on the Niger River Valley. Characteristic of the struggles for land and territory and in sharp competition with the British, the French initiated diplomatic and military moves that secured them vast tracts of land. After 1880, France managed to push the frontiers of its territories to Kita through the signing of treaties with the chiefs of Bafoulabe and Kita.
Resistance from the Tukulor was reacted to in 1883 leading to the capture of Bamako from Samoure Toure, a Dyula Muslim leader who founded a state to the south. However between 1890 and 1893, successful French military operations resulted in the conquest of the stronghold of Segou and Samoure toure was finally captured in 1898. Susequently, the Dyula kingdom of Kenedougou near Sikasso was captured likewise Timbouctou in 1894. French camel corps finally captured the Southern Saharan parts of Mali in 1899.
What became known, as Mali is a result of the merger of the French colony of Soudan and Senegal in April 1959 to form the Federation of Mali. However, its borders were changed at different times and its name changed too. The new state of Mali became independent on 20 June 1960. Senegal went out of the Federation two months after Mali’s independence and the new Republic of Mali was declared on 22 September 1960.
Similar to the other French colonies, Mali also elected deputies to the French assembly in Paris. But all these legislative experiences were brought to bear in Mali when Modibo Keita became President under the leadership of his party Union soudanaise-Rassemblement démocratique africain (US-RDA).

Post Independence

Characteristic of most post independence governments, US-RDA quickly declared Mali a socialist one party state. Similar to the processes in Guinea, Mali also severed its links with France and started developing close links with the Soviet bloc Eastern states.
In 1962, Mali withdrew from the French franc zone. The result was an adverse impact on the economy. Government’s endeavours at economic control were total failures as market women and petty traders resisted the effort at commandist types of control. Due to the disastrous impact of this policy on the economy, the government of Keita finally re-negotiated with France in 1967 to rejoin the franc zone.
However, by 1967, due to the nature of governance introduced by Keita, Malian politics was highly radicalised. Thus although there was no multiparty system of governance per se, the decision to revert to the French franc generated heated debates and efforts at undermining the regime. To hold on to power, Keita dissolved the party’s internal organs and the docile national assembly in 1967 and 1968 respectively and replaced them with new organs.
Although these purges and re-organisations were supposed to be purely within the ranks of the US-RDA, the purview of their power and reach went far and wide unsettling the armed forces. This was especially after several officers had been arrested.
Characteristic of what had been happening elsewhere, junior officers of the army took over the control of the state in a successful revolt in November 1968. As a consequence the constitution was abrogated and all political activity banned. A new power base, the Comité militaire pour la liberation nationale (CMLN) was established under the leadership of Moussa Traoré and Yoro Diakité.
In the immediate post independence period, Mali pursued a radical Pan Africanist foreign policy in which African decolonisation and unity was the key cornerstone of this policy. In collaboration with Ghana and Guinea, an embryonic union was established. Although it did not achieve much in terms of the concrete socio-economic objectives that signatory states to this union pact signed, on the political scene, there was heightened political awareness among their citizens.
If there is any single act that defines Malian politics, it is the rather long rule of Traoré from 1968 – 1991. To save space and enable for the discussion of the more relevant discourses on the contemporary period, only the highlights of the Traoré, which impinges on the contemporary developments, will be discussed.
Characteristic of military take-overs and the immediate post take-over promises to garner public support, the new military leaders promised to return the country to constitutional rule. This contributed to increased French involvement in Malian affairs. Diakité’s demotion and eventual arrest led to widespread riots by students, civil servants and state employees. This nascent was overshadowed by the terrible drought of 1968 – 1974.
Some sort of political reforms continued and in 1974 a new constitution was approved by a referendum. This permitted for the establishment of a five-year transition period and a one-party state with a designated party, Union démocratique du people malien (UDPM). Opposition to these state sponsored quasi-democratic reforms were intense although presidential and legislative elections were held in June 1979.
From 1981Traoré undertook structural adjustment programmes designed by the Breton Woods institutions leading to massive retrenchment and heightened political agitation for change. While domestic agitation for political reforms rose, Traoré argued that democratisation should take place within the confines of his party. Eventually, two cohesive opposition groups, Comité national d’initiative démocratique (CNID) and the Alliance pour la démocratique au Mali (ADEMA) were formed.
In January 1991, CNID and ADEMA were warned to cease with their political activities. With violent demonstrations around the country, several were killed and other injured. As a response, schools and colleges throughout Mali were closed down. It is within this context of strained political tensions that six boys, on behalf of the youth association The Democratic and Free Youths Association walked the streets of Bamako, the national capital shouting hostile slogans and demanding multi-partyism and democracy. With security forces unable or unwilling to move against these ‘crazy young men of democracy’ the death knell of the Traoré regime was nigh.
However pro-democracy demonstrations in March 1991 turned violent and were harshly repressed. In response to this, there was a bloodless and non-violent putsch in which Traoré was arrested and a military Conseil de réconciliation nationale (CRN) under the leadership of Amadou Toumani Touré was established.

Current Political Situation - Key Indicators

The CRN was dissolved after a couple of months due to the reformist tendencies of Touré. After Touré and his team had got total control over the security situation in the country, negotiations were initiated with the reformist parties which replaced the CRN with a 25-member Comité de transition pour le salut du people (CTSP). Chaired by Touré, its brief was to see to the transition programme and the restoration of democracy in Mali.
A timetable presented showed that with the holding of legislative, municipal and presidential elections would be held and the military hand over power in January 1992. Under the transition procedures, the CNID was re-christened as the Congrés nationale d’initiative démocratique. ADEMA alternatively added the additional title Parti africaine pour la solidarité et la justice, although it retained the original acronym. As part of the reconciliation measures going on, Modibo Keita was rehabilitated posthumously, his party the US-RDA disbanded and a national park near the presidency named after him.
A key aspect of the transition process which needed the dexterity of Touré and his team was the outbreak of a Tuareg revolt by different groups in the North led mainly by (FIAA) Front lslamique-arabe de I'Azaouad, based in Algeria and headed by Zahabi Ould Sidi Mohamed; FPLS - Front Patriotique de Liberation du Sahara; MPA - Mouvement populaire de l’Azaouad; FPLA – Front populaire de liberation de l’Azaouad based in Burkina Faso until trip home as a result of the Mopti Accord in 1991, led by Rhissa Ag Sidi Mohamed; ORA - Organisation de la Resistance; ARLA – Armeé révolutionnaire de liberation de l’Azaouad; MFUA – mouvements et fronts unifiés de l’Azaouad. Mouvement patriotique Malian Ghanda Koy (Masters of the Land) specifically Songhai-dominated resistance movement.
In spite of the seriousness of these revolts, the democratization process went on without any further hitches. Eventually, municipal elections were held. Legislative elections were held with the participation of 81 registered political parties and ADEMA came tops. It won 76 seats out of 129 possible places, CNID had 9 and US-RDA 8.Interestingly enough, and 13 of the remaining seats were reserved for Diaspora Malians. In the presidential elections, Alpha Oumar Konaré of ADEMA and Tiéoulé Mamadou Konaté of US-RDA contested in which Konaré won 69.01% of the popular vote.
Forming a coalition government, members of ADEMA, US-RDA and Parti pour la démocratie et le progrés (PDP) were given positions in the government. However, the political honeymoon, which Traoré enjoyed was undermined when students revolted against the supposedly adverse impact of the austere economic program on their education and its attempts at determining the leadership of the student movement. Having won power and formed a coalition government, tensions begun to develop as a result of the diverse ideologies and tendencies of the different parties.
Although part of Mali’s political problems has been related to the Tuareg rebellion and the Ghanda Koy movement, the rise of ethnic tensions is increasingly playing a key role in national political life. These tensions have occasionally erupted into violence. What is important about these ethnically based violence and the supposed armed struggles both by the Tuaregs and members of the Ghandah Koy was there resort to armed violence. However, through a concerted effort to deal with the armed problem a ‘national pact’ was signed among all the major actors. A key factor in the national pact was the decision to reintegrate former combatants into the national army. To date, 1,500 former combatants and 4,860 Tuareg s have been integrated into civilian life. Concomitant to this demobilisation, demilitarisation and reintegration process was a conscious effort to bring ‘home’ those who had sought refuge in other West African countries especially in Algeria where 35,000 refugees were based and in Mauritania and Burkina Faso where about another 100,000 were eventually repatriated.
Mali’s external relations probably enjoyed its most glorified period in the early 1960s when the Ghana-Guinea-Mali union was formed. Recently however, Mali’s active participation in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) ceasefire monitoring group (ECOMOG) intervention in Liberia. Mali was key in hosting and leading several diplomatic meetings to bridge apparent schisms in the community. In spite of the rather low-eyed approach of Mali to foreign relations, it has managed to chalk up some impressive successes. One has been its key role in the unanimous acceptance by ECOWAS states of a Moratorium on the Manufacture, Import and Export of Small Arms in West Africa as a means of curbing small arms proliferation. To buttress Mali’s foreign policy successes on the sub-region, the Moratorium which had a three-year span has been renewed without much controversy due to the diplomacy of President Alpha Konare. In the last week of October and early November 2001, Mali has convened an international conference in Bamako to discuss several issues dealing with ensuring that the moratorium more effective.
Two key nation developments have impacted on Mali’s ‘pacifist’ role on the sub-region. One was its disastrous war with Burkina Faso and its re-entry into the Franc zone. Probably the most important development was the ‘Flame of Timbouctou’ at which several thousands of weapons were burnt as a symbol of the end of armed conflict. Relations with Guinea which hit a low patch has been resolved after Guinean security agents stormed the Malian embassy. Malian relations with France have not been smooth due to several hitches including an enforced repatriation of Malian migrants from France under conditions that the Malian presidency considered dehumanizing.
After a successful 8 year term of Alpha Konaré, expectations were rife that he would continue in office. Some members of his party and other observers of the political scene encouraged him to change the constitution to enable him to stay in office but Konaré won applause for his consistent refusal to be swayed. Initially there was doubt as to whether the next president would be able to follow on the footsteps of Konaré who had given Mali a high profile international status. While this might not necessarily have been related to the context of his profile it was important that the hosting of the largest sporting tournament of the continent, the African Nations Cup in January 2002 did not have any hitches either on or off the stadia.
Elections were held as scheduled on April 18, 2002 where Konare did not participate. Because of the lack of a winner with a majority of the votes, a second round was conducted on May 10 after which Amadou toumani Toure (ATT) won 64% of the votes. Other prominent names in the elections were Soumailla Cisse from the ruling ADEMA party who came in second and Boubaka Keita, third. ATT appointed as his Prime Minister, Ahmed mohammed Ag Amani who was a prominent minister of the Moussa Traore regime that he overthrew in 1991. Moussa Sidibe of the ADEMA party was also appointed as the Secretary general at the Presidency. The EU welcomed the elections that they described as taking place "in a climate of political serenity" and "in a spirit of tolerance and national unity"
 

SECURITY INFORMATION

Conflict History

Mali is a large landlocked country in west Africa, with an estimated population of 10 million. The river Niger that flows across the country is a vital waterway and source of fish. The former French colony of Soudan merged with Senegal in 1959 to form the Federation of Mali, which became independent in June 1960. Senegal seceded two months later, and the Republic of Mali was proclaimed in September 1960. President Keita declared the country a one-party state and quickly severed links with France in favour of the Eastern bloc. In November 1968 Keita was deposed in an army coup d’ etat. Lt (later Gen) Moussa Traoré took over as president.
The Traoré regime undertook a programme of economic reform, and in 1990 the president initiated a nation-wide series of conferences to consider the democratisation of the body politic. Mali’s first cohesive opposition movements began to emerge in late 1990, including the Alliance pour la démocratie au Mali (ADEMA). However, violent pro-democracy demonstrations in 1991 were harshly repressed by the security forces. In March it was announced that Traoré had been arrested; a military council under Amadou Toumani Touré assumed power (Traoré was put on trial for ‘economic crimes’ in 1998; he was sentenced to death but it was commuted to life imprisonment by Konaré). The council was swiftly replaced by a transitional committee whose purpose was to oversee a transition to democracy. By July a coup plot emerged, which resulted in the reshuffling of the committee. A national conference prepared a draft constitution for the ‘third republic of Mali’ and in April 1992 ADEMA leader Alpha Oumar Konaré won the presidential election; he was sworn in as president in June 1992.
Ethnic violence emerged in the north in mid-1990, as large numbers of Tuaregs, who had migrated to Algeria and Libya during the drought, began to return to Mali and Niger. Traoré’s armed forces began a repressive campaign against the nomads. Despite Traoré’s overthrow, unrest continued. By 1992 a ‘national pact’ was negotiated that included special administrative structures for the country’s three northern regions, the incorporation of the Tuareg fighters into the Malian armed forces, the demilitarisation of the north and efforts to integrate Tuaregs in the political and economic fields. Despite good progress with the implementation phase of the DDRR process, by 1999 it appeared that ethnic and political violence will continue to be a feature of the politics of the north.
Political and social tensions were exacerbated by the 50% devaluation of the CFA franc in 1994, leading to violent demonstrations in Bamako. By 1996 several armed forces officers and politicians were arrested in connection with a plot to assassinate Konaré. The latter won the 1997 presidential election by a strong majority but on a low voter turnout, resulting in the escalation of political tensions as the radical opposition refused to recognise the legitimacy of Konaré’s second mandate. Despite his best efforts throughout the 1990s Konaré made little progress with political reconciliation.

Security Situation

Political parties and individuals are preparing for the 2002 presidential election. Mr Konaré is (constitutionally) excluded from the presidential race and a leadership battle has emerged in ADEMA. The previous strong presidential candidate, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita was sidelined in October 2000. It appears the reformist wing of the party – including the ministers of defence and equipment and urban development – now has control of the party executive, with Diacounda Traoré as president. Despite the creation of an umbrella body after 1997, the opposition appears not to be able to develop a national anti-ADEMA base. Personal antagonisms and factionalism keeps the opposition deeply divided. The threat of a military coup remains one of the government’s main pre-occupations (in January 2000 another attempted coup was discovered and apparently foiled by the authorities). This appears to be an incentive for closer collaboration with neighbouring states on economic and security matters. IMF-guided reforms have led to a liberalisation of the economy and the prospect of sustained growth rates in the region of six percent per annum. Mali has resources of gold and diamonds that are ready for exploitation. However, poverty and instability continues to threaten a stronger economic recovery.

Security-Related Budget

The 2001 defence budget was US$28 million, with a significant regular French contribution of US$4 million of Foreign Military Assistance. Military expenditure in 1999 came to 2.2 percent of GDP (similar to the public expenditure on education (2.2%) and health (2.1%)).

Political Oversight

The President and Commander-in-Chief
of the Armed Forces: Alpha Oumar Konaré
Prime Minister: Mandé Sidibé
Minister of Foreign Affairs and Malians abroad: Modibo Sidibé
Minister of the Armed Forces and Veterans: Soumeylou Boubeye Maiga
Minister of Security and Civil Protection: Gen Tiécoura Doumbia

International Treaties/ Protocols/ Alliances

Mali is a member of the UN, WTO, OAU, ADB, ECOWAS, IOM, OIC and ACP.

International Community Involvement

The only foreign forces to be found in Mali are some 25 Russian military advisors.

Forces Deployed Outside the Country

Mali has contributed a number of troops to ECOMOG missions in the region. These contributions have been small but reflect Mali’s support for the ECOWAS initiative. An initial contribution was 488; casualties led to domestic demands for withdrawal; this happened after the Lome peace agreement was signed in 1999. Mali maintains one observer on the MONUC mission in the DRC and eight observers on the UNAMSIL mission in Sierra Leone.

MALIAN ARMED FORCES

Senior Personnel

Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces: Col Toumani Cissoko
Chief of Staff of the Army: Col Pangassy Sangare

Structure

Mali’s armed forces are under the direct command of the state. The relationship between the army and the state’s security forces is unknown.

Bases

Tombouctou is Mali’s only land forces garrison. There are air force bases at Bamako, Gao, Menaka, Mopti, Nara-Keibane, Nioro du Sahel, Segou, Tombouctou and Yelimane.

Defence Budget

The 2001 defence budget was US$28 million, with a significant regular French contribution of US$4 million of Foreign Military Assistance.

Doctrine

Soviet operational art and tactical doctrine was taught during the 1980s and remains current. There are some Russian military advisors in the country, and contact has been made with France and the US regarding military co-operation.

Strength

The strength of the army is 6900, with 400 professional air force personnel, and 50 soldiers on river patrol. The civilian police force has a complement of about 1000, there are 2000 border guards, and the strength of the security forces (which includes the Militia) is 4800.

Composition

The land forces element of the armed forces (6900 personnel) are organised into a single brigade, consisting of four infantry battalions, with one MBT battalion and one light tank battalion. There are two air defence battalions. Two units can be classified as special forces. The internal security role is shared with the Gendarmerie; presidential protection is provided by the Republican Guard.

Training

Conscripts are trained in Mali, and so are officers (under Russian supervision). Mali participated in the recent US-led African Crisis Response Initiative.

Defence Equipment: 2001

Type
Detail
Number
Armour
   
T-34
Medium Tank
21
T-54/-55
MBT
12
Type 62
Light Tank
18
BRDM
Reconnaissance Vehicle
20
BTR-152
Armoured Personnel Carrier
10
BTR-60
Armoured Personnel Carrier
10
Btr-40
Armoured Personnel Carrier
30

Artillery

   
122 mm D-30
Howitzer
8
100 mm M-1944
Field Gun
6
85 mm D-44
Field Gun
6
120 mm M-43
Mortar
30
82 mm M-43
Mortar
12
122 mm BM-21
Multiple Rocket System
2

Anti-Tank Weapons

   
3K11
Anti-Tank Guided Missile
48
9K11
Anti-Tank Guided Missile
24
RPG-2
Rocket-Propelled Grenade
100
RPG-7
Rocket-Propelled Grenade
60

Air Force

   

Fixed-Wing

   
MiG-21 MF
Interceptor
11
MiG-17 F
Close Air Support
5
An-2
Tactical Transport
2
An-24
Tactical Transport
2
An-26
Tactical Transport
2
SN-601
VIP Transport
1
MiG15UTI
Advanced Trainer
1
L-29
Basic Trainer
6
Yak-11
Primary Trainer
4

Rotary-Wing

   
Z-9 Haitun
Multirole
2
AS 350B
Liaison
3
Mi-4
Light Support
2
Mi-8C
VIP Transport
1
 

Latest Procurement

There are no reported materiel requirements, and Mali has not made major military purchases in recent years.

Rebel Forces

The Mouvements et Fronts Unifés de l’ Azaoud (MFUA) is comprised of the following rebel groups:
The ARLA (Armée Révolutionnaire de Libération de l’Azouad), FIAA (Front Islamique-Arabe de l’Azouad), FPLA (Front Populaire de Libération de l’Azouad) and the MPA (Mouvement Populaire de l’Azouad).
Libya has been involved in arming and training some Tuareg rebels, many of whom had fought for Libya against Chad. The Tuareg has fought among themselves. The FIAA notably broke away from the MFUA and, with the FPLA was engaged in clashes with the MPA and ARLA in 1994. By 1998 it was thought that the worst of outright insurgency was over. The Mali government has initiated a series of programmes to demobilise and integrate former combatants into the armed forces. However, the threat of ethnic and religious violence remains and might be triggered by a worsening economic situation.