Opinion

Ian Bremmer

Why the GOP is punting on foreign policy

Ian Bremmer
Oct 5, 2011 17:05 EDT

By Ian Bremmer
The opinions expressed are his own.

Three years ago in the presidential primary debates, it would’ve been stunning if practically the only mention of foreign policy had come when a candidate suggested sending troops to Mexico to help fight the drug war. Yet in this year’s contentious Republican debate season, that’s exactly what’s happened, with Texas Governor Rick Perry being the one to float the lead trial balloon.

The surprise here isn’t that Republican candidates’ views on foreign policy are both underdeveloped and unimportant to their base — more on both of those points later — but how dramatically our world has changed in the past three years, largely due to the global financial crisis and recession.

Let’s think back even further, to 2000, when another Texas Governor, George W. Bush, promised America that he wouldn’t engage in Clintonian “nation-building” if elected. Needless to say, the shock of 9/11 changed the international calculus, forcing the Bush administration to develop a response that involved two wars and intense diplomacy with nearly every global power and international institution in existence. But the tenth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks has provided a symbolic moment of closure. More importantly, President Obama has largely kept his promise to withdraw troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, outlining a plan more in line with opinion polls than General Petraeus’ guidance.   (Sadly, the withdrawal doesn’t mean Afghanistan won’t face quagmire — it just means U.S. forces won’t be the ones bogged down.)

When the boldest foreign policy idea GOP candidates put forward is to send troops to Mexico, the internationalism that mainstream Republicans once preached is at a nadir. That’s probably because that internationalism was more Wilsonian in nature, and the ideological base of the Republican party has shifted to the right.  Unfortunately for Republicans, this is going to create a conflict down the line in how they present their nominee to the general electorate.

Right now, Republican candidates are talking the Tea Party’s language — energizing the base by focusing on cutting spending and entitlements at home, and delivering them the “Fortress America” they thirst for. Yet military spending has been America’s largest single budget expenditure for decades now. And the military-industrial complex employs an awful lot of people around the U.S. The Tea Party’s other big underpinning is of course patriotism. How does the Republican nominee square a “strong” U.S. with the need to reduce spending by cutting budgets at the Defense Department?

It stands to reason that GOP candidates give voters what they want:  they’re pledging to cut spending and create jobs while maintaining a strong defense. But the promises the presidential candidates are making are simply incompatible under scrutiny. That’s why, when pressed at the debates on which departments they’d cut first, they resort to low-hanging fruit like the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of Education. But GOP candidates are going down this path with a purpose:  maintaining a laser-like focus on the economy works. They are hammering away at President Obama’s failure to provide an economic U-turn in his first term, which is all straw poll and primary voters want to hear about.

It’s fine to focus on the difficult problems facing our country economically, but reality is that U.S. presidents have a far freer hand in setting foreign policy than in dictating economic agendas, as the domestic travails of the Obama administration have shown us. While the president is moving troops as if on a chessboard and killing terrorists with drone attacks, when it comes to the economy, Congress holds all the cards. Obama can’t get the Congress to raise the debt ceiling in a peaceful fashion or work on his jobs bill. And Congress, it turns out, is focused on foreign policy too, of a kind, by introducing a trade bill targeting currency manipulators, namely China. The bill also carries significant economic repercussions — China claims that such a bill would spark a trade war– but even here, the leading GOP candidates are largely silent. (That being said, Obama surely hopes the bill will dissolve before he has to voice his opinion with a veto or a signature).   China is the biggest issue facing the U.S., long term, right now. Yet, good luck getting any Republican with decent poll numbers to talk about it.

There is a vast spectrum of foreign policy sentiment across the GOP field, from Ron Paul to Mitt Romney, that, should one of them become our next president, will arguably shape our country’s future far more than their economic policies will.  The GOP candidates’ positions are all over the board, but the current scope of the presidential discussion does not necessitate precision.  George W. Bush had to reprioritize and transform his foreign policy strategy in the wake of 9/11—but at least he had a strategy and priorities to begin with.

Therein lies the problem: short of a huge international catastrophe, whether natural or man-made, nothing is going to distract voters and the media from the economy and the high unemployment rate plaguing the U.S. And these *international* issues must be addressed by both Obama and the GOP nominee. It would still be helpful, however, to know the foreign policy positions of the Republican candidates, besides invading Mexico, before such a catastrophe occurs.

This essay is based on a transcribed interview with Bremmer.

Photo: (L-R) U.S. Rep. Ron Paul, (R-TX), Texas Governor Rick Perry, former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney, U.S. Rep. Michele Bachmann (R-MN) and businessman Herman Cain pose before the Republican Party of Florida presidential candidates debate in Orlando, Florida, September 22, 2011. REUTERS/Scott Audette

COMMENT

According to the US Census Bureau, exports to China about 91 billion in 2010. Imports from China (lost American economic activity) about 365 billion. A trade war or “taxing the rich” would be a benefit to the American worker.

Posted by M.C.McBride | Report as abusive

Obama’s secret for new jobs

Reuters Staff
Sep 7, 2011 10:20 EDT

Ian Bremmer sat down with Reuters’ Paul Smalera to discuss President Obama’s plans to boost the American economy. Watch here:

Post-surge Afghanistan and post-surge Obama

Ian Bremmer
Jul 6, 2011 10:43 EDT

By Ian Bremmer
The views expressed are his own.

When President Barack Obama announced in late 2009 that he would send an additional 30,000 troops to Afghanistan, few were as pleased as Defense Secretary Robert Gates. A holdover from the George W. Bush administration, Gates had championed the 2007 surge of troops into Iraq, a move that helped turn both the tide in that country and public opinion in the U.S. on its future. Gates and the generals hoped for similar success against the Taliban.

But how do you measure success in a place like Afghanistan? Soldiers, no matter how many, can’t build democratic, financial and industrial institutions overnight. At best, they can help make Afghans safer and life much harder for those who would launch attacks beyond the country’s borders. By that measure, the record of both surges is mixed, if generally positive. But post-surge, one thing is certain: Obama allowed Gates to prosecute the war on his terms, but new Defense Secretary Leon Panetta will be asked to implement a plan that has less to do with Kandahar than with Capitol Hill.

Withdrawal is the right move, maybe the only move, for Team Obama. The president has gotten the politics of the moment exactly right, yet again. In the first half of his term, he retained Bush’s team at the Pentagon and reshuffled his top generals, namely David Petraeus, through various leadership positions in Iraq and Afghanistan. A surge that seemed to be working was allowed to play out, and Bush was likely to take the blame if the strategy failed. But President Obama knows that Bush’s burdens are now his—the economy, jobs and the wars.

Now the president has put Petraeus, who understands how to use intelligence as a military commander, in charge of the CIA. In this role he’ll likely use agency operatives to conduct the kinds of covert operations that will keep Afghanistan (and Iraq) free of influence from large terrorist networks. Panetta, having learned the CIA’s capabilities during his tenure as its chief, takes charge at a Pentagon braced for budget cuts. The war is being moved off of the Defense Department’s books, but that doesn’t mean the U.S. can afford to simply pack up and head home. Afghanistan will become a quieter conflict, allowing for “nation-building here at home,” as the president said in his statement announcing the end of the surge, and a forward-looking platform for his re-election campaign next fall. Bush is the president who promised to avoid nation-building, but it’s Obama who is keeping that promise.

If Obama can afford to turn to domestic challenges, that’s largely thanks to the stunning successes of special forces and counter-terror operations—in both Iraq and Afghanistan. The effect of the troop surges on the long-term prospects for stability in these two countries is debatable, but bin Laden is dead and al Qaeda has been routed. This won’t be last time you read about the successful mission to kill Osama bin Laden in Pakistan vis-à-vis the coming presidential election.

But what if Obama is wrong? What if the Taliban refuses the president’s offer to talk? What if China or Russia or both decide that departing U.S. troops create opportunities for a bid to lay claim to the country’s vast natural resources? Worst of all, what if Afghanistan starts to crumble? What if the corrupt men that President Karzai has been protecting allow the country to again become an international locus for terrorists? What if the 68,000 U.S. troops set to remain in the country find themselves besieged by tribal warlords or Qaeda militants? What if Iran and Pakistan, for entirely different reasons, create turmoil in Afghanistan that again destabilizes the region?

In other words, it would take less than a miracle for Afghanistan to become Obama’s problem all over again. Even if Republicans nominate a candidate who wants to end the war, conservative pundits could still score points at the president’s expense. Obama — the president who killed Osama bin Laden — could find himself painted as Jimmy Carter, a leader reacting to events rather than shaping them.

More damaging still, a flare-up in Afghanistan could divert Obama from his primary electoral challenge, making it impossible for him to focus his closing political argument on job creation and the health of the American economy.

That’s a fight the president knows he must win.

This essay is based on a transcribed interview with Bremmer.

PHOTO: An Afghan shepherd walks with a flock of sheep past a U.S. Marines armored vehicle of the Weapons Company, 1st Battalion, 3rd Marines outside the Camp Gorgak in Helmand province, southern Afghanistan July 5, 2011. REUTERS/Shamil Zhumatov

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