Opinion

James Saft

Euro woes to spread via credit

Nov 25, 2011 09:42 EST

James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

A sharp cut back in lending by euro zone banks in their scramble to raise capital will prove an important channel spreading pain from the vulnerable single currency area to the rest of the world.

Though the euro-induced credit crunch will be less important than the outright effects of the euro zone recession, in some areas, like trade finance, and in some regions, such as emerging Europe, the impact will be felt far more quickly.

“European banks have huge exposures outside Europe itself,” said Srinivas Thiruvadanthai, an economist at the Jerome Levy Forecasting Center.

“They are being asked to increase their capital base. You can go and raise capital or you go and get a government handout or you shed assets. Raising assets will be very, very tough.”

Euro zone banks will be cutting back on foreign exposure, either out of prudence or under pressure from their regulators.

Austria this week imposed restrictions on its leading banks, including Raiffeisen, Erste Group Bank and Bank Austria in central and eastern Europe, requiring them to make new loans of no more than to 1.1 times the deposits and wholesale funding raised locally.

Romania could see a deleveraging equal to 1.6 percent of GDP, while the Czech Republic, Hungary and Turkey all face hits of about a half a percent of annual output, according to data from Nomura International.

It won’t stop in Europe. About 20 percent of bank assets in Chile, Uruguay and Mexico are controlled by euro area banks.

Less lending by international banks will drive the overall cost of credit up, almost certainly working against official policy which will be trying to reduce rates.

In some areas, like trade finance where some European lenders are prominent, this impact may be felt rapidly, as it was in 2008 when fear of counterparty risk prompted many banks to pull out of trade financing for a time. That had a magnifying impact on the global downturn, as some exports were delayed despite their being willing buyers and sellers at a given price, simply because the letters of credit needed to facilitate the deals fell through.

This will only be intensified by European bank recapitalization proposals, which impose a tight deadline of next June for 70 euro zone banks to find about 100 billion in new capital. And remember, that amount of capital, huge as it is, may prove insufficient given the recent free fall in the value of euro zone sovereign debt, to which euro zone banks have critically high exposure.

BANKS FOR SALE

Given the difficulty in raising capital directly from investors, euro zone banks are looking to sell whatever they can that will fetch a reasonable price.

Since investors, and their peers, don’t want to buy more European exposure, that means selling off bits and pieces of financial institutions outside the euro zone.

Spanish bank Santander, seeking to boost its core capital to 10 percent by June, said this week it will sell a 7.8 percent stake in Santander Chile, worth around $1 billion dollars.

That deal sent shares of the Chilean affiliate down sharply, increasing the dampening impact on bank valuations there, and ultimately on credit availability.

While the impact in Asia, where continental European banks hold just 5.0 percent of their assets, will be less, it will still be felt, especially in areas already being hit hard, like Hong Kong property development, according to analysts at Barclays Capital.

And the great banking recapitalization of 2012 likely won’t be limited to Europe, as shown by the Federal Reserve’s newly announced stress test of US banks.

Austria‘s move to restrict lending abroad has to be viewed as a kind of economic protectionism, a sort of reverse tariff, but this time on precious bank capital. That sets an extremely risky precedent, but one it is easy to see other euro zone nations following.

If Germany fears the costs of recapitalizing its banks in the event of a euro zone break up, as well it should, a logical step would be for it to try and conserve its national banking resources via similar moves.

That same logic holds, even more chillingly, for countries outside the euro zone. Tight credit, and tight controls on credit, may end up being a leading story of 2012.

(At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund.)

COMMENT

Three years the AngloSaxion world has been ridiculing and fingerpointing the EU and our banks. I hope it was fun because now our money comes home. Au revoir. Auf wiedersehen. Vaarwel.

Posted by FBreughel1 | Report as abusive

Britain eats (leverages) its young

Nov 22, 2011 16:31 EST

James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

Four years, several failed banks and at least one global recession later, Britain has finally discovered what its young people need: 19-1 leverage.

Britain has announced a new housing initiative, the centerpiece of which is a plan to entice first-time buyers into buying newly-built properties with as little as 5 percent down.

Under the plan both builders and the government would contribute funds to partially indemnify lenders against what I am betting are the inevitable losses. Borrowers, who are almost by definition younger and less well off, will still bear all losses, but will be rewarded with the chance to take out the kind of loan which has proven time and again to be a bad idea.

This is utterly wrongheaded — the best possible thing that can happen for first-time buyers, and arguably for most Britons, is for housing prices to fall to a level commensurate with earnings.

Why are houses in Britain so difficult to afford? Partly because of problems with supply, issues that the housing plan takes some steps, almost certainly insufficient ones, to address. And also because Britons, first out of necessity and then in the fever of greed, borrowed so much money in order to wedge themselves into what little housing was available that they drove prices up to unaffordable levels.

Again, as in Europe and the U.S., we have governments which, when confronted with problems that are fundamentally about debt, decide that piling yet more debt on top is the answer. Like the European Financial Stability Facility, which has proved utterly ineffective in supporting Italian debt, this plan too will fail, but not before many people will be tempted into taking on houses and debts they ought not to risk.

Prime Minister David Cameron himself pointed out that in some places in Britain a police officer married to a nurse would not be able to buy a first home. Exactly, and the solution to that issue is not allowing young civil servants to take on more debt but rather concentrating on policies which will bring prices back into balance with household cash flows.

As it stands, most lenders in Britain require a down payment of about 20 percent, a far higher amount than required in the boom years, but historically not a particularly high figure. That’s right and prudent. People who have only been able to scratch together 5 percent of the purchase price too often prove to be not in a position to carry through on the commitment.

BRITAIN’S DEBT MOUNTAIN

To be sure, first-time buyers purchasing new houses helps to create jobs but this is a stimulative policy that depends on putting people in harm’s way for a supposedly greater good. Some borrowers will naively assume that it must be safe to borrow so disproportionately to their means simply because it is being done as part of a government program. They, however, are not the prime beneficiaries here. Instead, it is the building industry, and to a certain extent existing home owners and the banks which hold their mortgages.

It is not, after all, as if you can construct an argument that Britain has too little debt. Despite the imposition of fiscal cutbacks, overall indebtedness continues to rise and is the highest among developed nations. According to data from consultants McKinsey obtained by the BBC, aggregate indebtedness — household, company, government and bank debts taken together — is now 492 percent of British GDP, slightly higher than a year ago.

So why then when faced with debt problems do so many governments seek to solve them by adding even more leverage? For one thing in a balance sheet recession — the type we are now experiencing — all sectors of the economy try to pay down debts at the same time, creating further downward pressure in growth and asset prices. Britain’s government is attempting to pay down its own sovereign debt right now, though they are perhaps finding that the economy is deteriorating at a rate that makes this impossible.

Ultimately this phenomenon calls into question the solvency of borrowers, be they individuals owning housing, banks owning mortgages or governments backstopping banks. It is tempting then to support the asset prices by adding a bit more leverage.

What’s really needed is either a sustained bout of salutary inflation — a polite default on the debt — or some kind of organized jubilee to rebase both asset prices and the debt which supports them.

While the Bank of England is mulling yet another round of quantitative easing, the current high rate of UK inflation should fall rapidly, and shows little sign of spreading to housing.

Britain, and especially its young nurses and police, would do well to keep their heads down, save their pennies and wait for housing to fall another 20 percent in real terms, as ultimately it must.

At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund. You can email him at jamessaft@jamessaft.com.

COMMENT

If we are about to have a bout of deflation would nurses be advised to save? Given that NS&I have shut up shop because they know they will inflate?

If there is a debt jubilee should they not buy a massive house?

Posted by pfi | Report as abusive

Technocrats can’t cure the contagion

Nov 15, 2011 18:07 EST

James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

Now it is Spain.

The message from markets is not so much that Italy is too big to fail but that Greece will fail and in doing so ensnare others.

The prospect of two new avowedly technocratic governments and fresh pledges and plans for austerity proved not enough to stem contagion in the euro zone, as the financing drought spread beyond Greece and Italy to Spain. Spanish 10-year bond yields climbed above 6 percent for the first time since early August when the European Central Bank waded into bond markets in Spain’s support.

Perhaps that is because the contagion isn’t coming from Athens or Rome but from governments in Berlin, Paris and the ECB in Frankfurt, all of which seem unwilling to take the needed steps to save the euro.

The era of good feeling following Silvio Berlusconi’s resignation and the appointment of former European Commissioner Mario Monti as premier-designate was, well, short. While Italian bond yields are well below the mid-7-percent levels of last week, they rose again on Monday to 6.67 percent and Italy was forced to pay a euro-era record to sell five-year bonds.

It didn’t stop there, with the costs to insure French and Belgian bonds against default also rising to a euro-era high.

With the ECB still acting as if it would fight the last war to the death while remaining strangely aloof to the burning building around it, the sell-off was little wonder.

“You won’t solve the crisis by reducing incentives for the Italian government to act,” ECB governing council member Jens Weidmann told the Financial Times. He also, in a separate speech, called for an end to international pressure on the ECB to act because it could undermine the central bank’s credibility.

While Weidmann, who also heads the German Bundesbank, is from the hard core of ECB bankers who oppose intervention, his comments underline the perhaps impossible position the euro zone finds itself in.

Without wholesale intervention, in the form of massive purchases of government bonds with freshly printed cash from Italy and whichever other state finds itself hard up, the euro project looks very vulnerable to toppling over.

The logic of contagion, this time directed at Spain, is pretty simple. If the ECB won’t act, no force exists to serve as a firebreak, without which financial markets will simply press on, assuming that either a failure or a bail-out with haircuts of one will spread to others.

The risible bending over backward to make Greece appear not to default under the most recent deal is an example, and actually serves to make Weidmann’s point as well.

The moral hazard of an ECB printing German money and giving it to Italy and its creditors, for example, will inevitably bring with it maneuvering by Spain, Ireland and perhaps eventually France for similar terms.

PLANNING FOR FAILURE

German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Nicolas Sarkozy first broached the subject of euro exit last month when they labeled a bailout referendum proposed by then Greek Prime Minister Papandreou as a vote on euro membership. That had the intended effect of forcing him into a U-turn before he stepped down, but did let the genie out of the bottle for the rest of the euro zone.

A vote by Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union to allow euro members to leave the euro doesn’t help either. Nor does an unsourced story in Germany’s Der Spiegel contending that German scenario planning envisions a stronger euro area after a Greek exit from the project.

Like it or not, market prices are indicating that an exit by Greece is becoming more likely, and that in itself makes other exits or a wholesale reorganization more likely. This brings us back to the lack of a true central bank in Europe, one that can serve as a lender of last resort for sovereigns. Without that, or a naked policy of huge fiscal transfers from Germany to the south and its creditors, there is little to stop a huge run on sovereign credit, and on the banks that are exposed to sovereign credit.

Those banks are very likely exacerbating things by lightening up their own sovereign exposure, trying to front run what is going to be an absurdly difficult task of raising capital ahead of the supposed mid-2012 targets outlined in the rescue plan.

If there is a benign interpretation of all of this, it is that the ECB, Germany and to an extent France are bargaining hard to extract maximum concessions from southern Europe before they at last backpedal and orchestrate the big money-printing exercise.

Let’s hope that when they reach for that bazooka they find it is still there.

At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund.

COMMENT

I hope that we can agree that the Euro problem is more political than a clash of economic theories. Having seen the unsightly spectacle of Greek politicians squabbling like a bunch of autistic children (before being sent away) while their house is on fire, having seen Berlusconi-the-buffoon sit back, looking at underage girls while Italy disappears under the waves, and Italian politicians acting as if nothing is the matter, having seen this and more, one wonders how to have a single currency with this kind of nations. In both countries, old guard politicians are already clamoring to get the reins back, so you already can see failure or disaster coming. Democracy is wonderful, but it doesn´t work the same way everywhere. Just try ´increasing integration´ under these circumstances.

Posted by Beethoven | Report as abusive

Waiting for deus ex ECB

Nov 10, 2011 15:36 EST

James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

It looks as if we will need to see some kind of miracle intervention from the European Central Bank — a Deus ex ECB — or the euro zone is heading for a nasty divorce.

Either the ECB comes across with a mandate-busting rescue, probably involving direct lending to Italy and rolling the currency printing presses, or the forces aligned against currency union will roll over Italy and into France.

Italian political chaos and a move by some clearing houses to demand more margin on Italian debt helped to drive 10-year yields of the troubled sovereign borrower to a euro-era record of 7.5 percent on Wednesday. The market appears to doubt that the EFSF rescue fund will be big enough and operative enough to back Italy effectively.

The sheer size of what would be required to backstop Italy, which has the world’s third-largest bond market, throws doubt in turn on support for Spain, whose bonds are also selling off, and the ability of France to maintain its AAA rating, without which Germany is left alone as the bulwark against a gigantic bank run.

The ECB has been buying Italian bonds in the secondary market but still sees itself as only providing transitional support until other European rescue initiatives can take its place.

There is no time for that, and the ECB, and the nations which ultimately govern it, must decide if they are going to stick to their stated principles or preserve the euro.

“What is needed is a clear statement from the ECB that it would act as the lender of last resort for a sovereign that meets explicit and tough conditions and can thus safely be deemed to be solvent,” Holger Schmieding, economist at Berenberg Bank wrote in a note to clients.

“We still believe that the ECB would step in to save the euro and itself in the end, and that the Bundesbank may even acquiesce to that once all other alternatives to keep the euro together have been exhausted.”

To save the euro the ECB must declare that it will act as a lender of last resort for euro zone sovereigns, wade into primary bond markets in huge size, effectively monetizing government debt by printing money to fund borrowing. To work, this has to be accompanied by believable pledges not just of economic reform, but to bring on fiscal integration and to change forever the role of the ECB.

Doesn’t sound very likely, does it, especially in the next week or two.

A SMALL MATTER OF THE LAW

Not only is this anathema to many within the ECB, it is expressly against the treaty which describe what it may and may not do. Article 101 of the European Treaty expressly forbids the ECB from lending to governments and Article 103 prohibits the euro zone from becoming liable for the debts of member states. That means that either the ECB has to in essence go rogue, violating its founding principles, or the mechanisms of structural change have to pull off a miracle in the next week to change its mandate.

The amount of debt the ECB would take on to its balance sheet might also eventually require a recapitalization of the central bank itself, no small matter.

If that all somehow comes to pass, then the rest of ailing Europe, seeing how Italy was bailed out solely because it is big, will immediately try to reopen the terms of their own bailouts. Not to mention the fact that these actions would almost certainly face enormous political and legal challenges in Germany and elsewhere.

Not only does this all seem far-fetched, it is far from clear that it is a good idea. As soon as the ECB starts printing money the euro will tumble, and the Federal Reserve will be under pressure to engage in its own round of quantitative easing to counter the drag on its own economy that a newly strong dollar represents, raising the specter of hot currency wars.

One alternative is an IMF-led bailout of Italy, perhaps supported by some cash from the EFSF. This too may be too big a task for the IMF to garner sufficient support from its own funders. Imagine the election year challenge the Obama administration would face in explaining why it provided hundreds of millions in support to Europe via the IMF.

The other choices are equally unpalatable. Simply letting Greece go, which might have worked several months ago, is now not enough. The consequences to the global banking system and economy if Italy and perhaps others left at the same time are mind-boggling.

Why equities have traded as well as they have given these risks is a mystery. Perhaps massive money printing will be good for riskier assets; a euro break-up surely will not.

One way or another, it is looking as if we are going to find out.

(At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund. You can email him at jamessaft@jamessaft.com)

COMMENT

Is it possible that investors and financial columnists engage in short-term thinking? Bailing out anyone does not solve the problem, it only extends it. Unless you have a mechanism that allows for differing growth rates and differing efficiencies, then you are merely applying a patch. One way of providing the foregoing is to allow each country to have its own currency. It is a revolutionary idea that all the human rights activists (including OWS) should take up immediately, unless they can come up with a better one.

Posted by Jim1648 | Report as abusive

Euro plan drives into ditch

Nov 8, 2011 15:36 EST

James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

The early returns on the euro rescue are as straightforward as the plan was vague: it probably isn’t going to work.Two numbers tell the tale: the 177 basis points over German debt the supposedly AAA-rated euro rescue fund was forced to pay to borrow on Monday; and 6.67 percent, the 14-year record amount Italy had to pony up to borrow for 10 years.

Neither of those numbers fit in well with the plan announced last week to recapitalize banks, bail out Greece, erect a firewall around the larger weak economies and produce credible plans for fiscal and economic reform.

Put simply, these numbers are telling us that the market and debt investors do not believe the plan will work in its current form. And little wonder, it is now just days later and Greece’s government has fallen, Italy‘s Berlusconi is under siege and the much hoped-for support from outsiders like China has failed to materialize.

When the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) tried to sell 3 billion euros of 10-year debt Monday it only just managed to scrape up the cash and was forced to pay much more than it has in past. In some ways this is no surprise; the rescue plan was vague about crucial details of how the EFSF would be structured and employ leverage.

Hopes that China and other emerging powerhouses would step up and support the plan have so far gone exactly nowhere.

Not only did Chinese President Hu Jintao leave France after the G20 summit without committing, the head of the country’s sovereign wealth fund went as far as to attack European ”sloth.”

“If you look at the troubles which happened in European countries, this is purely because of the accumulated troubles of the worn out welfare society,” Jin Liqun, chairman of the board of supervisors of China Investment Corp, told Al-Jazeera television in an interview.

“The labor laws induce sloth, indolence, rather than hard-working.”

As if that was not bad enough, British Prime Minister David Cameron said Monday that the G20 withheld extra commitments to the IMF because they lacked faith in the plan.

“The world sent a clear message to the euro zone at this summit: sort yourselves out and then we will help, not the other way round,” Cameron told Parliament.

“The important role of the IMF is not to support a currency system, not to support the bailout fund — it is to be there for countries in distress.”

ARAB SPRING, EUROPEAN FALL?

All of this is before we get to the high level of political instability the crisis has wrought.

Greece is pulling together a temporary technocratic government, but meanwhile, larger problems come to the foreground. While it is undoubtedly a good thing if the Arab Spring has jumped the Mediterranean and spread to Italy, the fact of Berlusconi’s weakness, welcome as it is for so many fundamental reasons, only underscores just how difficult it will be to make the moving pieces of the plan fit.

Berlusconi, under pressure to step down to clear the way for reform, refused to cooperate even as Italian borrowing costs hit critical levels. Two-year Italian yields hit a euro-era high of 6.31 percent. This is perhaps worse than the rise in 10-year yields and is very similar to what happened to other euro zone peripheral countries before they were shut out of the bond markets.

It is not clear that even the fall of Berlusconi will solve Europe‘s problems, though it may temporarily drive down Italian borrowing levels. The huge move higher in Italian rates since the bailout was announced instead indicates that Italy, seeing the deal given Greece, has less reason to resolve to reform. At the same time, Italy‘s vulnerability calls into question Europe‘s ability and willingness to make a truly huge transfer of wealth southward from Germany.

The logic is self-reinforcing: the bigger the prospective crisis, the less reason Germany has to stick with the euro and the more reason it has to stand tough against things like the suggestion that it put its gold reserves to work backing the EFSF.

Two things to watch now; the Swiss franc and signs of deposit flight out of Italy, Spain and Portugal.

Depositors in Italy, for example, have good reason to wonder if they shouldn’t hedge their bets by pulling out of banks there, on the small chance that the crisis leads to Italy‘s expulsion or Germany‘s flight. Some of that money would head for the tunnels into Switzerland, so any signs of renewed strengthening in the Swiss Franc should be closely monitored.

Europe is going to need some unaccustomed luck in coming weeks. The rest of us ought to hope it gets it, but perhaps prepare for the increasing chance that it won’t.

(At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund. You can email him at jamessaft@jamessaft.com).

COMMENT

Until today I was pretty optimistic about Europe. Sure, the Greeks are liars and cheats and the Italians allow a buffoon to run their country into the ground, but the fundamentals are reasonable in the end, even the Italian ones. Now, however I feel a sense of despondency coming up seeing among governments and politicians a general lack of will to fix anything. Just look at the Greeks, doing nothing but dragging their feet and awaiting the next billions. Just look at Berlusconi, pretending to go away but pulling wool over everybody’s eyes. Half-measures everywhere else in Europe but no solution in sight. Might as well plant some cabbages, it’s going to be a long, cold winter.

Posted by Lambick | Report as abusive

Europe’s three simple problems

Nov 3, 2011 11:40 EDT

James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

The plan to rescue the euro zone faces only three hurdles; democracy, reality, and supply and demand.If they can overcome those, it is going to work perfectly, and, amazingly, they just might.

Democracy reared its rather large head when the Greek government decided suddenly that it wanted a sign-off from its voters and moved to put the plan to a plebiscite.

While it is hard to argue with the idea of a people getting a chance to vote directly on a plan that will mean tough times for the better part of the next decade, the move jeopardizes not only the confidence on which the entire rescue relies but also the next infusion of much-needed cash Greece is slated to get in November.

If the Greeks vote against the plan it means a full-fledged, badly controlled sovereign default, with all that implies for euro zone banks. Is that something the Greeks will vote for, even if it means ejection from the euro zone? Just the specter of the vote makes it far harder for euro zone officials to put the rest of their plan into effect, a number of whose planks are already looking shaky.

Democracy, or whatever alternative term you would prefer to use, is also doing the rescue no favors in Italy, where Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi is under pressure to step aside for a government of national unity. There is also precious little faith that Italy will produce credible fiscal and structural reforms. All of this is reflected most starkly in the reality of the bond market. Italian 10-year bond yields now stand at about 6.16 percent, a level that is unsustainable, considerably higher than before the grand plan was announced, and a threat in and of itself to the rest of the plan’s moving pieces.

Remember, Italy is not only the third-largest economy in the euro zone, and probably too big to bail out, but the third-largest government bond market in the world. A plan that can’t bring Italian borrowing costs back down is one which will fail.

If anyone ever wondered where the bond market vigilantes have gone, we have our answer: they’ve moved to Europe and are providing reality therapy to governments.

Again, sometimes that kind of therapy works, and perhaps Italy will come across with the goods. The problem is time and moving parts — too little of one, too many of the other.

EFSF, RATINGS AND THE MARKET

The European Financial Stability Facility, the fund which is supposed to borrow funds under government guarantees to pay for the bailout, chose to delay a planned bond offering on Wednesday, its arrangers citing market volatility. There is also the little issue that euro zone officials have failed thus far to explain exactly how the vehicle is supposed to work.

The EFSF is supposed to create friendly market conditions by being big enough and bad enough to fund weaker countries regardless of their stand-alone fundamentals. It is not supposed to be subject to the market and the fact that it is, so soon, is a bad sign.

And the larger the number of countries which might be borrowing from the EFSF rather than contributing to it, the less solid its AAA status seems, as well as the AAA status of its backing nations.

France is the case in point — as the number of strong countries dwindles, its own AAA status looks less reliable. Bond investors drove the premium France must pay to borrow for 10 years compared to Germany to a euro-era record on Wednesday to 129 basis points.

The final issue where supply and demand are working against the euro zone plan is in banking, where banks have been given a deadline of next June to recapitalize, either in the market or with state support.

That means that many banks are going to be trying to either raise capital or sell assets at the same time, driving up the price of the first and down those of the second. It also implies a rather large credit crunch in Europe, one that probably has already begun on the fringes.

That means Europe‘s recession will get a kick downhill.

So, to overcome democracy, reality, and supply and demand Europe is going to need a force that is immune to some degree to all three. Such a force exists in most other large developed countries with independent currencies — the central bank.

The ECB can’t and won’t play a similar role, and until it decides it should and a way is smoothed for that to happen, the odds are against the plan.

(At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund. You can email him at jamessaft@jamessaft.com and find more columns here.)

COMMENT

Meanwhile, France, teetering on the brink is AAA, while the U.S. is AA+.

Posted by ARJTurgot2 | Report as abusive

Going for crazy broke

Nov 1, 2011 15:54 EDT

Why aren’t Americans still saving?

James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

A look at the fall in the U.S. savings rate raises one crucial question: are Americans crazy, or just broke?

The answer may hold the key for whether the country is headed for another recession or a policy-engineered recovery.

The personal savings rate fell in September to 3.6 percent, the lowest since December 2007. Given that household balance sheets are still under stress from tumbling housing prices — and tiny rates of savings for much of the last decade — this makes little sense as a strategy.

If anything, the past 20 years should have taught Americans that their expectations about how fast their assets can grow, and how likely they are to be dealt a financial blow like illness or unemployment, were too rosy. Conventional wisdom in the wake of the great financial crisis was that savings were headed higher and would stay high for a long time. Many people in the U.S. were working a financial high-wire act without a net and needed to reduce risk.

Things have not turned out that way. The savings rate did claw its way higher in 2008 and 2009, ranging mostly in the 5 to 5.5 percent range, but started to head south this summer and has now been falling for three straight months.

A turning away from savings makes a certain amount of sense. After all, almost all of the policies put into place since late 2007 have been designed to transfer money out of the pockets of savers to cushion borrowers. Real negative interest rates punish those who have saved, forcing them to either live with very low returns or take on commensurately higher risks.

At the same time policies intended to aid the housing market have managed to reduce outgoings for many borrowers without actually lifting prices, which would share the benefit between borrowers and those who own their homes outright. A new round of mortgage bond buying by the Federal Reserve, something that is in the offing, might only further reduce loan costs without lifting prices.

All of this makes a depressing backdrop for savers, and some may have decided that the rewards and risks of thrift don’t add up and can’t keep up with the pleasures of spending. In its own way, this would be a triumph of monetary policy, as the Federal Reserve will have coaxed people to do something that is arguably against their own best interest in service to the, perhaps, larger goal of cushioning the blow of deleveraging.

MAYBE THEY ARE JUST BROKE

So, if households are spending because they don’t see the point in saving, score one for the Fed. There may be a simpler explanation, and a look at last week’s surprisingly strong U.S. gross domestic product figures helps to explain.

While consumer spending helped to drive GDP to a 2.5 percent annual growth rate, the stuff people were spending money on was telling. Spending on health care and utilities was the main impetus behind the consumer contribution to growth, and after all those are things it is really hard to cut back upon. And this is happening within a context where there are increasing signs that Americans are putting off or forgoing medical care for economic reasons.

Really it seems that people were not saving because they simply did not have the money. That makes it much harder to look at recent data, some of which has been reassuring, and conclude that the risk of another recession is past.

“The hallmark of the Q3 GDP report is that a massive and unsustainable gap has opened up between incomes and spending,” Gluskin Sheff strategist David Rosenberg wrote in a note to clients.

“If we don’t soon start to see personal income growth revive, then consumer budgets are going to be staring a contraction in the face.”

If that contraction does begin to emerge, then the safe bet is that the Federal Reserve will dish up more of the same kind of policy in response. Already several Fed officials have raised the possibility of another round of mortgage bond buying. While it is hard to argue that the housing market is at the center of the economic malaise, cheap financing so far does not have a good track record.

One thing is clear, at some point the savings rate will have to rise. Putting that off for a time may help ease the pains of deleveraging, but only by extending them. That is a temporizing measure rather than a solution.

Asset markets aren’t priced for the rise in savings, but some day, when the policy drugs wear off, they will be.

(At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund.)

COMMENT

“One huge problem with this op-ed piece is that Saft doesn’t define “savings”.”

It’s standard economic term. You just showed your ignorance.

Posted by advocatusdiabol | Report as abusive
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