|
6 July. R. O. | 37. John Whalley to Cromwell. |
| Is informed by Master Wingfield that before his last coming to Dover,
the master of the Maison Dieu had left to speak with the duke of Norfolk.
Cannot tell on what business; if on the King's affairs Cromwell will know.
He has been away 12 days. Hears the King is coming to Dover. Two
French men of war have lain in Dover harbour these two days and this
morning went to sea. Thinks some ordnance should be sent for defence
of the harbour and town. Dover, 6 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd. |
7 July. | 38. Edward Seymour, Viscount Beauchamp. |
| See Grants in July, No. 12. |
7 July. R. O. | 39. Sir Chr. Mores to Lord Lisle. |
| Desires him to aid Robt. and John Owen, gunfounders, sent by the
King to Calais to finish the works they have begun there, and that if
Harry Johnson do come to Calais he may have no powder to make
proof of guns until the writer either comes himself or sends word. Begs
him to order Thos. Forten to deliver to the said brothers a culverin of brass
of their casting, "which came off the wall from Wenlockes quarter," and
he shall have a piece of like weight delivered to him. London, 7 July.
Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais. |
8 July. Vienna Archives. | 40. Chapuys to Charles V. |
| Wrote on the 1st very fully. Next day the French ambassador and I
were in Court, and soon after dinner the Chancellor brought me into the King's
presence, whither we were immediatety followed by the dukes of Norfolk
and Suffolk and the rest of the Council, not one remaining with the
ambassador of France in the antechamber. The King being come I explained
to him how you had been pleased to send me the rejoinder to the answer
made by the French king to your speech in Consistory for the express purpose
that I might communicate it to him, as the prince who, by his prudence,
virtue, and experience, would know best the truth and importance of the
matters which had for the most part passed through his hands, and as one
towards whom your Majesty desired to be fully justified; that by this
rejoinder, besides the innumerable injuries by which you had been provoked,
he would see the futility of the French king's reply and also of the arguments
used by the French ambassador on Sunday. And hereupon I repeated to
him in summary the grounds alleged by the said ambassador with the answer
to each. Nevertheless the King sought to maintain the said ambassador's
quarrel to some extent, saying that the French king, not recognising a
superior, had no occasion to proceed by justice against the duke of Savoy
who was not a true subject of your Majesty, even if he was of the Empire,
and although he were, and the king of France had invaded him, that your
Majesty might lawfully chase the French out of Piedmont, but he (Henry)
had no occasion, either on that account or on account of the French invasions
of your frontiers, to invade France even on the side nearest to him, for the
preservation of which the treaties between him and France appeared to be
specially drawn up. He added that they had had several treaties with
the French since that of Cambray, made between you and him, which
he confessed still remained in force, and finally said that if your Majesty
would lay aside your arms, some arrangement might be made. After he had
said this and other things to the like effect, I said that I was sure that there
was no one living who knew better the justice of your Majesty's cause, not
only in repelling the violence done to you, but also in avenging yourself and
proceeding by war for the full satisfaction of the wrongs done you by them,
and that the objections he had started were only to try my wit; but to obey
his desire I would answer, which I did pretty fully, not without several
interruptions and replies from him, in which he persisted with some obstinacy.
And seeing that he could not reasonably resist the truth, he entered into other
matter and began to say he would have as lawful occasion to complain of
your Majesty and of the rupture of the. amity as you had of the king of
France, seeing that lately a subject of his had been imprisoned at Seville for
having produced and exhibited in judgment a certain power in which among
other titles given to him was that of sovereign head under God of the Church
of England, and that he knew not what injury could be greater than to take
away from him that title and prerogative which God and reason had given
him. Although I might have reasonably justified the said act of imprisonment, yet as it was not convenient to enter into such discussions, I told him
simply that the affair was new to me, and that if a memorial of it was given
me I would write to your Majesty, who I was sure would reply in such style
that he would have reason to be satisfied. He requested me also to write
about it to the Empress and to those of the Inquisition, which I promised to
do, but he has not yet sent me the said memorial, and from what I have
heard, the man who was imprisoned was released in eight days. After this
I came back upon the former subject, wishing to know of him if he intended
when the army of Flanders marched into France to declare himself in any
wise against your Majesty. He replied that his wish was to observe the treaties
which he had with your Majesty as well as those he had with France, and
that what he had disputed with me was not for final decision, for he did not
yet consider himself fully informed of the affair; and I think, as Cromwell,
indeed, confesses, the King maintains an opposite opinion, both because his
natural inclination is to oppose all things debateable, taking great pride in
persuading himself that he makes the world believe one thing instead of
another, and also to make your Majesty feel the more grateful if he come to
declare himself for you. |
| Owing to what Cromwell and the duke of Norfolk had told me,
that the King was surprised and somewhat sorry that so long after the
beginning of the negociations for the amity no answer had been received
from you, I began to relate the whole progress of the affair from the
beginning, showing clearly that it was not owing to your Majesty that the
matter had not been concluded, and I further reminded him of the times and
the manner in which he and his ministers had delayed it. To which the
King could make no answer, except that if your Majesty's will had been
such as I said, you would have sent me a copy of the past treaties with power
sufficient to treat. To this I replied that as the originals were here there
was no need of such copies, and as to the power there was no occasion to
send it until the articles had been discussed on both sides, and, as your
Majesty had already declared what you wanted, it rested with him to do the
same. He replied that he was continually urged to speak, and he would do
nothing, for that belonged to those who required it and who had treated him
badly, and hereupon he repeated that the treaties would be as ill kept towards
him as they were after the capture of the king of France. By these words
and by what I have been able to learn elsewhere, it appears to me that he
expects you to return to the original agreement to make him king of France,
and thinks it very strange that no indication has been given to encourage him
in this hope. |
| He dismissed me graciously, saying he would speak with his Council, and
that he would call me another time to see the said reply of your Majesty;
nevertheless he desired me immediately to communicate the said reply to his
Council. I then left the King's chamber, and the whole Council immediately followed me. Then the said ambassador went in to speak to the
King, but did not remain the tenth part of the time I had done, and left less
cheerful than he had been on entering, and abruptly left the Court without
speaking to any of the Councillors who were seated with me to hear the
reading of the said reply. I read it slowly and distinctly, so that not a word
passed but it was well noted and weighed, and the whole was very much
praised by all, a marvellous thing. And almost at every clause the Councillors
broke out into exclamations of praise, except the duke of Norfolk, who was
not too well pleased at it, the pension from France having obscured his
judgment, and the cessation of that which he used to have from your
Majesty. Cromwell has told me that the said Duke does not bear you illwill,
yet he is a little variable and a little greedy, and will sometimes show that he
has not his pension from France for nothing. After the reading of the said
reply with the declarations, additions, and apostyles necessary, I begged the
company that they would exhort the King to declare himself on the side of
your Majesty according to the former treaties, from which would result,
besides being a service to God, the peace of Christendom, for reasons I had
several times declared. I further explained to them in summary what had
taken place as to the negociations for amity, enlarging on the importance and
necessity of it and your great desire for it, and urging them to advance it.
On this the duke of Norfolk said that your Majesty must begin by declaring
your demands. And on my replying that you had done so, requesting that
the King would declare himself against France, and if former treaties were
not sufficient for this that new ones should be made more strict, he
answered that that was entering into business, and that they would report it
to the King and do their best in both points. I think it necessary to declare
the progress of the said negociations because the duke of Norfolk told me
that the King took it ill that Cromwell and I had discussed the matter so
long without any result, and that the said Cromwell was in such a position
(en estoit de sorte) that henceforth he would not dare to speak a word to the
King about it; and, as Cromwell told me two days afterwards, the Duke
spoke thus out of envy that I had not addressed him on these matters.
Moreover, it was true that before I spoke to the King this last time, he
seemed somewhat displeased with him about this, but everything was set
right since. Moreover as I have been told, that the day before I was in
Court, when the French ambassador left the Court, he said to Norfolk that
he had done a good day's work, and also by what the Duke had said to me,
that your Majesty was aiming at the monarchy, I fear those here have a bad
impression of your Majesty's affairs. For this reason I took Cromwell apart
and informed him of the above, but he told me it was of no importance, and
that upon his life and honour the King his master had never intended to
declare himself against your Majesty, and that I must not mind about what
the duke of Norfolk said. Yet I cannot help thinking that the insinuation
about monarchy was intended to suggest that to abate this suspicion your
Majesty must offer to the English a part in France. I spoke also to Cromwell about the French ships which haunted this coast, about which he said
he would make good provision, and petition the King as of himself without
showing either to the King or anyone else that I had suggested it to him. |
| Having on the 5th inst. received your Majesty's letters of the 8th [June?]
("dudit huitieme de l'autre"), I sent immediately to inform Cromwell,
desiring to speak with the King, but with him first; and he at once sent to
tell me that I might find him at his lodging about vespers, and have access
to the King next day. I was at his lodging at the hour appointed, and he
had just arrived from Court, where the French ambassador had been negociating all the morning, and according to Cromwell's account had been filling
the ears of the King with their accustomed braveries,—that your Majesty's
forces in Italy were insignificant, and that they would soon bring them to
the test,—till Cromwell could stand it no longer, and gave him two or three
home thrusts (fn. 1) which at once made him silent. On this Cromwell showed me
a packet which he was despatching into France, telling me that it contained a
reply with which the king of France might perhaps not be satisfied; nevertheless it was so reasonable and so well put that they could take no exception
to it; and I might be assured that the matters we were treating together
would go on well, but means and ceremonies must be employed to protect
the honour of the King his master, who the day before, about 4 p.m.,
returning from a marriage in masquerade dressed en la Turquesque, had
come to him, and they had scarcely spoken about anything but this establishment of friendship. He had found the King well disposed, and as to
the Councillors, there was not one except the duke of Norfolk, who did
not beseech him to get the King to take your Majesty's side. Afterwards,
from one thing to another he went on to tell me that this morning, having
informed the King of our having been together that day, he charged [him]
to complain of the coolness shown in giving effect to our negociations,
telling him he should provoke me a little (il me debuoit ung peu picquer) on
this subject. I said that some martial influence must prevail, for I also came
intending to lament their coolness and to provoke and instigate him (le
picquer et agoulonner), and for this combat I came well armed with letters
which I had received that morning from your Majesty, as well as some
earlier ones. And hereupon I began to read some of the said last letters;
and he was much pleased that you had written to me so plainly of the obligation of this King to assist you. And seeing that I complained from the
same feeling, of the slowness of our negociations, both because your Majesty
might impute some blame to me, and because, while the time was being lost,
a beginning might already be made of something for the good of Christendom,
he said that he always thought, and now still more, that there was no dissimulation on your Majesty's side. I assured him so with oaths, and he said that
that very hour he would speak more frankly to his master, and that I should
soon see the result. He said further that the French were using diverse
artifices to draw them over to their side, and he thought that the secretary
of Venice, either at the instigation of the French ambassador, or from
some French leaning of his own, had come to him when they were making
up the despatch for France, and had related to him a thousand idle stories
(mil braveures, qu. mille braveries ?) of the Turk, casting some doubt for
this reason on the affairs of your Majesty, in order, perhaps, that the reply
to the said despatch might be more favorable to the French. |
| Cromwell said he would have advised your Majesty to write a letter
to this King recounting not only the injuries your Majesty has received
from France, but also some of those which this King might have received,
and to exhort him to renew old alliances and arm himself against his old
enemy. But on my showing him that your Majesty had charged me by
several letters to do that and more, as I have done, he was content.
To say what I think, it would seem they want these letters to make their
profit of them with the French, to whom they are still somewhat tied by
fear of the Pope. Cromwell also told me that I could not have audience of
the King his master next day, because he and the Queen were to visit the
Princess secretly, three miles hence, and that it would be far better for the
advancement of business that I should speak to him after his return, knowing
well that after seeing the beauty, goodness, prudence, and virtue of the same
Princess, the King would be more inclined to the matters in question; and
it would lose no time, for he would the better ascertain the King's intention
and would advise me of the means I should use with the King for the good
of affairs. Cromwell, although he had informed me that Fossan had
promised to surrender if not succoured in a month, desired yet to show
me the letters; and certainly, as far as I can see, these news of Fossan
which came since I was in Court, have greatly softened this King, of
which, after having spoken to him, I may write more accurately to your
Majesty. |
| The day before yesterday, the 6th instant, the King and Queen left this
with a small and secret company to visit the Princess three miles from here,
where they remained till yesterday about vespers. The kindness shown by
the King to the Princess was inconceiveable, regretting that he had been so
long separated from her. He made good amends for it in the little time he
was with her, continually talking with her with every sign of affection,
and with ever so many fine promises. The Queen gave her a beautiful
diamond, and the King about 1,000 crowns in money for her little pleasures,
telling her to have no anxiety about money, for she should have as much as
she could wish. She was served at table and otherwise with more ceremony
than she had ever been. On leaving, the King told her that he would send
to her in three or four days Mr. Secretary Cromwell and other persons to
appoint her estate, and begged her to have patience and to remain at the
lodging where she was before, while he went to Dover and that coast, and
on his return he would call her to Court. She will, no doubt, by her great
prudence remedy many things. Even if she has long to wait, yet it
would be very important to secure a match for her, and I shall lose no
opportunity of putting forward the infant Don Loys, which as yet has not
taken form (nest venu en taille). [The news] was quite common that the
King was to declare her heir apparent, but he has changed his mind and
has got a statute passed that it should be in his power, in case he had not
lawful children, to declare whomsoever he pleased as heir, and that his said
declaration should be as good as an Act of Parliament, and there is little
fear that the lot will fall on the Princess, especially failing the duke of
Richmond, who, in the judgment of physicians is consumptive (tysique), and
incurable. Cromwell told me that the Sieur de Vely had reported in France
of the army which was preparing in Flanders under the charge of Nassau,
and that the French were in terrible dread of it. The duke of Suffolk
showed himself continually ardent in the service of your Majesty, and would
like, as I have written before, to show his zeal in deeds. He told me lately
that he had been informed that the emperor Maximilian used to say when
there was a talk of an expedition against the Turk that there was no more
real Turk nor one who better deserved to be punished than a king of France;
which, with still better justice, might be said of the present King who, he
thought, according to old prophecies would be the first of his name and the
last of his race. |
| I must not omit to mention that the Chancellor after reading your
Majesty's reply, began to say openly, in presence of the Council, it was a
pretty game that of the French who had first addressed themselves to the
Pope whom they knew to be their master's (Henry's) enemy, and had been
negociating God knows what, and then came hither, not for friendship or
confidence, but because they knew not how to recover themselves. I had
already touched somewhat on that subject in detail, but I then began to
enrich the story, giving particulars of the French negociations to their
disadvantage, which the French king tries to excuse by his answers, and the
invasion of Navarre contrary to the declaration of Calais; on which the
Chancellor and almost all the Councillors said that by that one might judge
the remainder of the answer to be full of falsehood. London, 8 July 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 12. |
8 July. Vienna Archives. | 41. Chapuys to [Granvelle]. |
| When last in Court I heard that the duke of Norfolk had affirmed
and assured to the ambassador of France what I wrote to his Majesty by
my second last letters touching the Scotch marriage, of which in my last I
wrote doubtfully to you. Cromwell is certainly doing his best to promote
this amity, and says that having carried it into effect he will die proud both
of this and of having reconciled the Princess and her father, and that he
would not wish to live one hour longer. He gives me good hope of it by
what he says, that Master Valoup, who is ambassador in France, will be
immediately despatched to his Majesty, to whom the King and Cromwell
know him to be much devoted. |
| Some of the Princess's servants have told the late Queen's physician they
fear the King will compel the Princess to marry here, lest when once she
was abroad she should annul what she has done in confirmation of the
wicked statutes, when by the Emperor's aid she might easily dethrone the
King. They fear particularly that he will give her to Cromwell, which I
cannot in the least believe, and I think that Cromwell himself, even if the
King desired it, would decline. What has raised their suspicions is the
favour shown him by the King on returning from the Princess, as you will
see by what follows. |
| The King, after returning from the Princess, has given the office of Privy
Seal, which has been taken away from Wiltshire, to the Secretary Cromwell.
It is worth, in ordinary wages, four ducats a day, and carries with it the
title of mylord, while the Secretary is only addressed as master. The King
has also given him a great lordship (une signourie principalle), of which I
know not the name, and certainly his great services deserve that he should not
only bear the title but also have full possession of it. The statute declaring
the Concubine's daughter princess and lawful heir has been repealed, and
she has been declared bastard,—not as being the daughter of Master Noris, as
might have been more honorably said, but because the marriage between
the King and the Concubine was invalid, because the King had carnally
known the said Concubine's sister; on which ground the archbishop of
Canterbury, one or two days before the said Concubine's execution, pronounced the sentence of divorce—of which, as you know, there was little
need when the sword divorced them absolutely. It would have been more
honorable to have alleged that she had been previously married to another,
but God has been pleased to reveal still greater abomination, which is the
more inexcusable as ignorance could not be alleged either of the law or of the
fact. God grant that may be the end of follies! |
| Since writing the above, I have asked the late Queen's physician who
were the authors of the news about the Princess's marriage, and he has
named to me a lord and a gentleman, both honest persons, anxious for the
Princess's welfare. Still I do not the more believe about Cromwell marrying
her, though I think, as I have written above, that [the King] will not marry
her out of the realm, and I am sure she would not consent to it herself,
unless it were to Master Reynold Pole, who is at Venice, or to the son (fn. 2) of
my lord Montague. |
| He who told me yesterday what I wrote to his Majesty touching the humanity
of this King towards the Princess, was a servant whom she had been
accustomed to send to me; and on his making her recommendations to me
and declaring ("prefeussant" ?) those news, I thought he had spoken to
herself. But I suspect not, and that it was on the report of another; and
from what I have been told, among so much honey of humanity there was
a dram of gall; but we must condone this to a father's authority and pray
God to enlighten him to conduct himself better towards the said Princess
than many expect, and also to study more sincerely the amplification of the
league with his Majesty, in which, as you know, he has always dissembled
and had recourse to subterfuges. |
| Thanks him for a matter relating to the Master of Toledo. London,
8 July 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3. |
8 July. Vienna Archives. | 42. Chapuys to [Anthoine Perrenot]. |
| Was much pleased to learn by his second last letters that the
rejoinder of his Majesty to the replies of France would be printed; otherwise would have hesitated to give it to those here who have made the greatest
solicitation for it, although he had no reason to think it a thing to be kept
from publication, it was so wise, cogent, and truthful, so well composed, and
well calculated to extinguish the calumnies and inventions of their opponents.
Cannot express how it has been praised and esteemed by several of the
English Council, especially by Cromwell, who has got it translated into
English for insertion in certain chronicles which he is composing. Fears
the messenger who reported to him what he writes en clair to the Emperor
about the Princess was a little mistaken, yet he came as her messenger, and
brought Chapuys some venison a day or two after. Cannot believe that
God will permit that those mentioned in the cipher of his correspondent's
letter of the 19th ult. "facent chose quil doigent en nul endroit, et que sa
divine justice vuille avoir matiere pour soy y adoperer." |
| It is a lamentable thing to see a legion of monks and nuns who have
been chased from their monasteries wandering miserably hither and thither
seeking means to live, and several honest men have told me that what with
monks, nuns, and persons dependent on the monasteries suppressed, there
were over 20,000 who knew not how to live. Doubts not God will one day
hear their complaints and avenge them. |
| Is very glad of the arrival of his man, who he trusts will bring him back
news "dela curée, &c." In any case the husband of the one-eyed woman
must be grateful to the Mæcenas for his good will. London, 8 July, 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2. Begins: Monsieur le Secretaire. |
8 July. Otho. C. x. 283. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge. 130. | 43. Princess Mary to [Henry VIII.]. |
| Unable as I am to express my thanks "for your gracious mercy and
fatherly pity surmounting mine offences, at this time extended towards me,
I shall, prostrate at your most noble feet, humbly, and with the very bottom
of my stomach," beseech you to believe what I have professed, i.e. "that, as
I am now in such merciful sort recovered, being more than almost lost with
mine own folly, that your Majesty may as well accept me justly your bounden
slave by redemption as your most humble faithful and obedient child and
subject by the course of nature planted in this your most noble realm."
Promises to continue in obedience according to her promises, both spoken
and written, made to the King. "I beseech our Lord to preserve your
Grace in health with my very natural mother the Queen, and to send you
shortly issue; which I shall as gladly and willingly serve with my hands
under their feet as ever did poor subject their most gracious sovereign."
Hunsdon, 8 July.
Hol. Mutilated. |
8 July. R. O. | 44. Cromwell to Sir John Harding, parish priest of Harding. (fn. 3) |
| The King's command is that he repair to Cromwell immediately.
The Rolls, 8 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: "Resayd ye morrow after St. Mary Mawdlen day."
and in another hand "My lord's letter to Sir John Harding, parish priest of
Harding." |
R. O. | 45. The Coinage. |
| Assay of silver made in the Star Chamber at Westminster,—28 (fn. 4)
Hen. VIII. in presence of Sir Thos. Audeley, Chancellor, Thos. duke of
Norfolk, treasurer, Charles duke of Suffolk, [Thos. earl of Wiltshire,] (fn. 5)
John earl of Oxford, Rob. earl of Sussex, Thos. lord Crumwell, secretary, (fn. 6) [Steph. bp. of Winchester,] (fn. 5) [Sir Rob. Norwiche,] (fn. 5) chief justice
of the Common Pleas, John Baldwin, (fn. 7) [Edw. Fox,] (fn. 5) the King's almoner,
Sir Will. Kyngeston, Sir Ric. Weston, and Sir Jo. Dauncey.
A roll of paper. |
8 July. R. O. | 46. John Husee to [Lord Lisle]. |
| This day I have received your letter by Rob. Amner, showing that
you would gladly see the King at Dover. But I can get no answer from
Mr. Secretary, except that he has spoken to the King, who will consider it;
so he answered me again this day. If I can get no comfort of him to-morrow
I will desire Mr. Russell and Mr. Treasurer to know the King's pleasure. I
wonder his Majesty makes such stay in it. Here are many reports of his
coming to Dover—as that he has deferred it till after the Parliament, which
will not break up for 15 days; but I am told it will be prorogued on Wednesday
next. Others think he will not go till after the progress. I look daily
when my lord Chancellor, Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Treasurer will be in
hand with the discussion of your lordship's patent, Mr. Porter's and
Mr. Whethill's. Mr. Treasurer advises you to write a gentle letter to my
lord Chancellor for his lawful favor in it. I am confident Satan shall have
a fall. As to your own suit to the King, I get small comfort from your
advocates, but Mr. Secretary says he has got the King's promise to look to
it. I hope you may come over to me yourself. As to the Marsh and
Mr. Wingfield's patent, it is in hand in the Parliament House, and will
immediately pass as you would have it. I have spoken again with Hide's
man and his friend Butten. He rests now on six years' purchase, and
requires your answer. Mr. Smythe and his brother have consulted me on
this matter. If your lordship will let him, Mr. Wynsor will ride to him;
but I fear if he be much sought he will make less esteem of it. Your ship
has arrived, laden with merchants' goods of this city, from Roan, and the
purser is left there, so that the master knows not what to do. Here is an
honest man willing to serve both as purser, mariner, and gunner. To-day
my lord Fewaren is made earl of Bath, and Mr. Secretary is lord Cromwell
of Wimbledon. London, 8 July. |
| Mr. Secretary says the King has signed certain letters which will be
directed to you for the ordering of ships of both parts, both of the Empire
and France, repairing to that haven.
Hol., pp. 2. |
8 July. R. O. | 47. John Husee to Lady Lisle. |
| I have received your letter this day by Rob. Amner. The world is
such that money cannot be borrowed without great losses and good assurance.
I trust if my lord might meet the King he shall solicit his own causes; but
no man yet knows whether his Grace is going, or when. If he goes the
Queen will go with him. If your ladyship wish to see her Highness, you
must prepare in season and meet her there. I will apply to Mr. Tuke when
I can get him at leisure. I hope he will favor your sureties, or else you
have been dissembled with in times past; "but I see this world is but every
man to serve his turn." I cannot see that Hide will pass the six years'
purchase he has offered. I have written to my lord, and he may do his
pleasure. As to preferring your daughter to the Queen, you had better wait.
The Coronation will not be till after All Hallow tide. Send Bremelcom a
livery coat. London, 8 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add. |
R. O. | 48. Lord Thomas Howard. |
| The lord Thomas examined how long he hath loved the lady Margaret;
answers, about a twelvemonth. (2) What tokens he has given her within
this twelvemonth—none but a crampring. (3) What tokens he has
received of her—none but her "phisnamye," painted, and a diamond.
(4) When the first communication was of the contract—only since Easter.
(5) Who was of counsel—heard that she told it the next day after the
contract to lord William's wife that now is, and he lately told it to Hastings,
his mother's servant.
P. 1. In Wriothesley's hand. Endd.: Examination of the lord Thomas
Howard. |
R. O. | 2. John Ashley examined how long he hath known any love between the
lady Margaret and the lord Thomas says about a quarter of a year. |
| Thomas Smyth says the same, and that he never carried any tokens
between them and never was made of counsel by either party, nor knows nor
suspects any who were of counsel except her women. Examined when he
first knew that there was a contract; says she told him yesterday (in
margin, 8 July), saying she expected he would be thereupon examined.
Being asked whether he had seen him (lord Thomas) resort unto her when
my lady of Richmond was present; he says divers times, insomuch that he
would watch till my lady Boleyn was gone, and then steal into her chamber.
Examined whether he hath been there with him (lord Thomas); he
answers, sundry times, but never heard any communication of any such
matter.
Pp. 2. In Wriothesley's hand. Endd. |
9 July. | 49. Thomas Baron Cromwell.
See Grants in July, No. 14. |
9 July. | 50. John Bourchier Earl of Bath.
See Grants in July, No. 15. |
9 July. Vesp. F. xiii., 88 b. B. M. | 51. Dorothe [Countess of] Derby to Cromwell. |
| Has obtained the advowson of Stockport, Cheshire, of the patron,
Laurence Warren, for the use of her chaplain, Thos. Bradshawe. Is informed
that Mr. Lawe, a priest, has since obtained another advowson of the same
benefice, which is thought to be of none effect. But Lawe, by his feigned
surmises, has induced Dr. Smythe, the parson, to resign, and obtained
Cromwell's letters to the Bishop to give him institution. Requests a commission of quid dicunt. 9 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. |
9 July. Vatican Archives. | 52. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio. |
| Wallop complained very confidentially that he learns by letters of
merchants from England that Parliament has not been finished, but only
prorogued; which, he says, is a sign that his King does not wish his
daughter to be declared princess; and that some preachers of the worse sort,
whom the bishop of London attempted to stop, having had a commission
from the King to that effect, said that they would continue as they were
authorised to do so by the vicar-general Cromwell. If this be so, for he has
no letters himself yet, he thinks little good is to be hoped for, and the King
and French lords say the same; for facts show that "traditus est in reprobum
sensum." |
| * * * * * * |
| The bailly of Troyes returned to-day from England.
Ital., p. 1. Extract copy from a register, p 1. Headed: Di Mons. di
Faenza di ix di Luglio 1536, da Lione. |
Add. 8715, f. 269 b. B. M. | 2. Modern copy of the whole letter.
Pp. 7. |
10 July. | 53. Christopher Hales, Master of the Rolls.
See Grants in July, No. 17. |
10 July. | 54. John Baker, Attorney-General.
See Grants in July, No. 18. |
10 July. R. O. | 55. Cromwell to Lord Lisle. |
| Has received his letters, by which he perceives that Lisle takes
unkindly Cromwell's letters lately sent to him. Meant no ill. Perceives
that they did not understand each other. Wrote more plainly to give him
the occasion of setting forward that weighty business as the necessity thereof
did then require, as a perfect friend might do. Has been in hand with the
King that Lisle might come over to meet him at Dover. When he has a
definite answer, will advertise the same by Huse. The Rolls, 10 July.
Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: My lord Privy Seallis. |
10 July. R. O. | 56. Lord Lisle. |
| "The names of the wagonners that brought my lord hay, anno
r. R. H. VIII. xxviij°. |
| A list of 70 names divided under the parishes of St. Peter's, Colham,
Mark, Oye, Olderkyrke, Newkyrke, and Howscyrke. Opposite some of the
names are the marginal dates 4, 5, 8, and 10 July. "Summa of wagons in
all, 71."
Large paper, pp. 2. |
R. O. | 2. An earlier copy, headed: "The names of them that bringeth hay for
my lord Deputy," with some slight differences. |
| The year in this copy is not given, but the days are indicated as Tuesday
(Martis), 4 July, Wednesday, 5 July, &c.
Pp. 4. |