Just as Catholics and Protestants concluded in their Wars of Religion, Sunni and Shia have to exhaust one another before concluding that neither side can determine what their religion is to be.
It is not apparent that policymakers in either the U.S. or China yet seem persuaded that accommodation is necessary. Both seem to underestimate the resolve of the other and hope that they can secure all they want because the other will back down to avoid confrontation. This is how Asia today most resembles Europe in 1914.
Instead of a challenge to the United States, China's development is winning both time and space necessary for the soft-landing of American hegemony.
Simmering tensions between China and Japan and in the South China Sea combined with the American "pivot" to Asia have been used by some to produce a narrative that China is a destabilizing force for the region and the world. Many have accused China of being a free rider and troublemaker. Nothing can be further from the truth. On the contrary, China has been a linchpin for stability and development in this important region.
Now that Xi and Abe have had their icy handshake, China and Japan need to move forward. Hotlines are necessary, but so is continued leadership: for President Xi, to ensure that anti-Japanese nationalism does not dictate policy towards Tokyo; for Prime Minister Abe, to tamp down tendencies towards historical revisionism.
Thousands of people were waiting for us at the airport, a sea of black-red-golden flags fluttering in the cold December wind in between an almost forgotten white-green flag of the Saxon State. Once the plane had taxied to a standstill, I climbed down the escalator and saw Hans Modrow, who was awaiting me about 10 meters away from the steps with a blank expression on his face. I then turned around to tell the Minister of the Chancellery Rudolf Seiters: "It's done."
Bloodshed in Europe and the Middle East against the backdrop of a breakdown in the dialogue between major powers is of enormous concern. The world is on the brink of a new Cold War. Some are even saying that it's already begun.
On the evening of the 9th of November 1989, when the message came in that the Berlin Wall was open, I was sitting in the Chancellery in Bonn, in a meeting on the issue of housing migrants from the German Democratic Republic. The session wasn't continued. Everyone stormed to the nearest television sets.
The end of the Cold War, epitomized by the Berlin Wall destruction, quickly came to be seen by the West as its own triumphant victory and the USSR/Russia's unconditional surrender. Hence Russia was to be treated as a second-rank country, a regional power at best, that was expected to obediently follow whatever directions may have come from Washington and Brussels. The problem was the Russians did not share this view of themselves as a defeated nation obliged to accept the victors' terms.
When he initiated the Asia-Pacific rebalance, U.S. President Barack Obama staked all his international strategic capital on that cast of dice. The move, however, only ended up in the birth of more imbalances in the world, which forced the U.S. to scurry between one hotspot after another.
Putin wants to regain that same "respect" that the West held for Khrushchev, and he sees no other way but to underscore his own unpredictability. I suspect that the recent sorties by Russian strategic bombers over the Atlantic Ocean and the Baltic, North and Black seas are a manifestation of this new unpredictability.
The Fall of the Wall in 1989 wasn't this generation's emotional joint "German" experience; more probably, the FIFA World Cup 2006 was.
Although our lives are very different, my grandmother was and remains my role model, and I carry in me a quote from her, as true for my generation as it was for hers: "As women, we depend on ourselves."
Databases may be defaming you without you even knowing it.
"Mexico's Moment" was a mirage. It is time for Mr. Peña Nieto to acknowledge this and understand that above energy, telecommunications, and finance, what Mexico really needs is judicial reform, one that cleans and strengthens law-enforcement institutions.
For many people, and especially those living in the developed countries, the freshwater that flows from our taps could hardly be taken more for granted. So accustomed have we become to safe and reliable supply that we rarely ponder what makes this basic essential of modern life possible. It is essential we protect future water security. This is in relation to the importance of integrated approaches and joined-up solutions. Maintaining future water supplies is bound up with a wide range of other challenges, including climate change, energy security, food production, continuing population growth, urbanization and rising living standards.
When politics has gone bankrupt and finds its extension in fratricidal war, there is only one way forward, which is to make everyone understand that no one can win alone and that salvation, and suicide alike, can only be collective.
The so-called Arab Spring has proved that the fall of a Mubarak-like presidency does not mean the immediate rise of democracy. In spite of this, I am confident that Egypt will not return to an authoritarian governing system again, and that with some time, it will achieve its democratic goals.
It would be nice to think that a humbled President Barack Obama and his emboldened Republican foes would join hands to deal with our obvious public problems: Immigration policy, debt, foreign policy, education, infrastructure. It would be nice, but it would be wrong.