TO
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
THE DUKE OF SUSSEX,
THIS BIOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT
OF
ONE OF THE MOST AMIABLE AND
RESPECTABLE DEFENDERS OF THE NOBLE
CAUSE OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY,
OF WHICH
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS HAS UNIFORMLY
BEEN A CONSTANT AND POWERFUL
ADVOCATE,
IS
(WITH HIS PERMISSION),
MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED,
BY
Great Ormond Street,
29 Sept. 1826.
CONTENTS
In the following pages we shall attempt to present our Readers, with a
Life of HUGO GROTIUS; and MINUTES OF THE CIVIL,
ECCLESIASTICAL, AND LITERARY HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS.
In writing these pages, we principally consulted his
life, written in the French language, by M. de Burigni,
Member of the French Royal Academy of Inscriptions and
Belles Lettres; an English translation of it, was published
in 1754, in one Volume, 8vo.;
Hugonis Grotii Manes, ab iniquis obtrectationibus
vindicati; 2 vols. 8vo. 1727: the author of this work is
said to be M. Lehman;
The article Grotius, in Bayle's and Chalmers's
Dictionaries;
And many of the letters in Hugonis Grotii Epistolæ,
published at Amsterdam in 1687, in one volume, folio; and
many in the Præstantium et Eruditorum Virorum Epistolæ
Ecclesiasticæ, published at Amsterdam in 1684, in one
volume, 4to.
For what we have said on GERMANY AND THE NETHERLANDS, we
principally consulted,
Schmidt's Histoire des Allemands;
Pfeffell's Histoire Abregé de l'Allemagne, 2 vols.
8vo.;
Mr. Durnford's excellent Translation, of Professor
Pütter's Historical Developement, of the Political History
of the German Empire; 3 vols. 8vo.;
And Hugonis Grotii Annales, et Historiæ de Rebus
Belgicis, one vol. 8vo. Amsterdam, 1658.
In our account of the troubles on Arminianism, and
the Synod of Dort; we principally consulted, the French
Abridgment, in 3 vols. 8vo. of Brand's History of the
Netherlands, and Grotius's excellent Apology:
In every part of the work, we have consulted other
publications;-three only of these we shall mention;
The three Bibliothècques of Le Clerc;
The Life of Arminius, and
Calvinism and Arminianism Compared, by Mr. James
Nichols.
From these materials the following pages have been
composed: they may be found to contain,-
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER
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A.D. 800-911.
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I.
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1. Boundaries, and Devolution of the
Empire of Germany, during the Carlovingian dynasty
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2. State of Literature, in the time
of Charlemagne
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3. Decline of Literature, under the
Descendants of Charlemagne
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A.D. 911-1024.
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II.
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1. Boundaries, and Devolution of the
empire of Germany, during the Saxon dynasty
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2. State of Literature, during the Saxon
dynasty
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A.D. 1024-1138.
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III.
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1. Boundaries, and State of Germany,
during the Franconian dynasty
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2. State of German Literature, during
the Franconian dynasty
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A.D. 1138-1519
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IV.
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1. State of Germany, from the beginning
of the Suabian dynasty, until the accession of the
Emperor Charles V.
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2. State of German Literature, during
this period
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A.D. 1138-1519
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V.
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1. Antient, and modern Geography of the
Netherlands
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2. The formation, of the different
provinces of the Netherlands, into one State
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3. Brief view, of the History of the
Netherlands, until the acknowledgment of the Seven
United Provinces, by the Spanish monarch
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4. Their constitution, and principal
officers
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CHAPTER I.
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A.D. 1582-1597.
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BIRTH, AND EDUCATION OF GROTIUS
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CHAPTER II
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A.D. 1597-1610.
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GROTIUS, EMBRACES THE PROFESSION OF THE LAW
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CHAPTER III.
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THE EARLY PUBLICATIONS, OF GROTIUS
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CHAPTER IV.
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HISTORICAL MINUTES, OF THE UNITED PROVINCES, FROM
THEIR DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, TILL THE ARMINIAN
CONTROVERSY
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CHAPTER V.
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A.D. 1610-1617.
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THE FEUDS, IN THE UNITED PROVINCES, BETWEEN THE
DISCIPLES OF CALVIN, AND THE DISCIPLES OF ARMINIUS,
UNTIL THE SYNOD OF DORT
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CHAPTER VI.
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A.D. 1618.
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THE SYNOD OF DORT
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CHAPTER VII.
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A.D. 1618-1621.
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TRIAL AND IMPRISONMENT OF GROTIUS; HIS ESCAPE FROM
PRISON
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CHAPTER VIII.
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A.D. 1622
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JAMES I.
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VORSTIUS
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CHAPTER IX.
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A.D. 1621-1634.
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GROTIUS, AFTER HIS ESCAPE FROM PRISON, UNTIL HIS
APPOINTMENT OF AMBASSADOR, FROM SWEDEN, TO THE COURT
OF FRANCE
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CHAPTER X.
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SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS, OF GROTIUS
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1.
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New edition of Stobæus
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2.
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His
treatise
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de Jure
Belli et Pacis
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3.
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----
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de Veritate
Religionis Christianæ
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4.
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----
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de Jure
summarum potestatum circa sacra.--And Commentatio ad
loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo
agunt, aut agere videntur
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5.
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His Commentaries on the Scriptures
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6.
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His other works
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CHAPTER XI.
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A.D. 1634-1645.
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GROTIUS, AS AMBASSADOR FROM THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN,
TO THE COURT OF FRANCE
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CHAPTER XII.
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THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF GROTIUS; SOME OTHER OF
HIS WORKS,
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1.
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Subsequent History of Arminianism
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2.
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Grotius's religious sentiments
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3.
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Projects of religious Pacification
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CHAPTER XIII.
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THE DEATH OF GROTIUS
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CHAPTER XIV.
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A.D. 1680-1815.
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HISTORICAL MINUTES OF THE REVOLUTIONS OF THE
GOVERNMENT OF THE SEVEN UNITED PROVINCES, FROM THE
DEATH OF WILLIAM II. TILL THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS.
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1.
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William III.
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2.
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John William Count of Nassau Dietz, 1702-1711;
William IV. 1711-1751
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3.
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From the death of William IV. till the erection of
the Kingdom of the Netherlands
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APPENDIX I.
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Some Account of the Formularies, Confessions of
Faith, or Symbolic Books, of the Roman-Catholic,
Greek, and principal Protestant Churches
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APPENDIX II.
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On the Reunion of Christians
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I.
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II.
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II. 1.
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II. 2.
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II. 3.
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II. 4.
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III.
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III. 1.
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III. 2.
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III. 3.
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III. 4.
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IV.
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V.
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FOOTNOTES.
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THE
LIFE
OF
HUGO GROTIUS,
WITH MINUTES OF THE CIVIL, ECCLESIASTICAL,
AND LITERARY HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS.
SUCCINCT NOTICE OF THE GEOGRAPHY, PRINCIPAL POLITICAL
EVENTS, AND LITERATURE, OF THE NETHERLANDS, BEFORE THE BIRTH
OF GROTIUS.
We propose to present to our readers, in this chapter, a succinct
account, of the Geography, Devolution, and Literature of the
Netherlands,-considering them, until they became subject to
the princes of the House of Burgundy, as a portion of the
German Empire, and included in its history:-and from that
time, as forming a separate territory.
Contemplating the Netherlands in the first of these
views,-we shall briefly mention the Boundaries and
Government, of the German Empire, and the state of learning
in its territories, during the Carlovingian, Saxon,
Franconian and Suabian Dynasties, and the period, which
intervened, between the last Suabian emperor and the
election of the Emperor Charles the fifth.
From this time, we shall confine ourselves to the History
of the Netherlands. We shall then, therefore, endeavour to
give a short view of the geography of these countries, and
of the manner in which they were acquired by the Princes of
Burgundy; then, shortly mention the successful revolt of the
Seven United Provinces.
In one of them, GROTIUS, the subject of these pages, was
born; the part which he took in the public events of his
times, forms the most important portion of his biography.
Boundaries and Devolution of the Empire of Germany
during the Carlovingian Dynasty.
800-911.
The Ocean on the north, the Danube on the south, the Rhine on the west,
and the Sarmatian Provinces on the east, are the boundaries
assigned by Tacitus to Antient Germany. It formed the most
extensive portion of the territories of Charlemagne;
descended, at his decease, to his son, Lewis the Debonnaire;
and, on the partition between his three sons, was allotted
to Lewis, his second son.
All the territories of Charlemagne were united in Charles
the Fat; he was deposed by his subjects, and his empire
divided. Germany was assigned to his third son, Charles the
Brave. On his decease, it was possessed by Arnold, a natural
son of Carloman, the elder brother of Charles: from him it
descended to Hedwiges, the wife of Otho, Duke of Saxony, and
she transmitted it to their son Henry the Fowler, the first
emperor of that house.
From the skirts of Germany and France two new kingdoms
arose: the kingdom of Lorraine, which comprised the
countries between the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheld; or
the modern Lorraine, the province of Alsace, the Palatinate,
Treves, Cologne, Juliers, Liêge and the Netherlands;-and the
kingdom of Burgundy: This was divided into the Cis-juranan,
or the part of it on the east, and the Trans-juranan, or the
part of it on the west of Mount Jura. The former comprised
Provençe, Dauphiné, the Lyonese, Franche-comté, Bresse,
Bugey, and a part of Savoy; the latter comprised the
countries between Mount Jura and the Pennine Alps, or the
part of Switzerland between the Reus, the Valais, and the
rest of Savoy.
Such was the geographical state of Germany at the close
of the Carlovingian Dynasty.
State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne.
So far as Literature depends upon the favour of the monarch, no æra in
history promised more than the reign of Charlemagne. His
education had been neglected; but he had real taste for
learning and the arts, was sensible of their beneficial
influence both upon the public and the private welfare of a
people; and possessed the amplest means of encouraging and
diffusing them; his wisdom would suggest to him the
properest means of doing it, and the energy of his mind
would excite him to constant exertions.
I. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne.
Nothing that could be effected by a prince thus gifted
and disposed, was left untried by Charlemagne. He drew to
him the celebrated Alcuin, Peter of Pisa, Paul Warnefrid,
and many other distinguished literary characters: he heaped
favours upon them; and a marked distinction was always shewn
them at his court. He formed them into a literary society,
which had frequent meetings. Their conversation was
literary, he often bore a part in it; and, what was at least
equally gratifying, he always listened with a polite and
flattering attention while others spoke. To establish
perfect equality among them, the monarch, and, after his
example, the other members of this society, dropt their own
and adopted other names. Angelbert was called Homer, from
his partiality to that poet; Riculphus, archbishop of Mentz,
chose the name of Damétas, from an eclogue of Virgil:
another member took that of Candidus; Eginhard, the
Emperor's biographer, was called Calliopus, from the Muse
Calliope; Alcuin received, from his country, the name of
Albinus; the archbishop Theodulfe was called Pindar; the
abbot Adelard was called Augustine; Charlemagne, as the man
of God's own heart, was called David.
800-911
The Emperor corresponded with men of learning, on
subjects of literature; they generally related to religion.
In one of his letters, he requires of Alcuin an explanation
of the words Septuagesima, Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima,
which denote the Sundays which immediately precede, and the
word Quadragesima, which denotes the first Sunday which
occurs in Lent. The denominations of those Sundays give rise
to two difficulties; one, that they seem to imply that each
week consists of ten, not of seven days; the other, that the
words sound as if Septuagesima were the seventieth, when it
is only the sixty-third day before Easter Sunday;
Sexagesima, as if it were the sixtieth, when it is only the
fifty-sixth; Quinquagesima, as if it were the fiftieth, when
it is the forty-ninth; Quadragesima, as if it were the
fortieth, when it is the forty-second. Alcuin's answer is
more subtle than satisfactory.
At the meals of Charlemagne some person always read to
him. His example was followed by many of his successors,
particularly by Francis I. of France, who, in an happier era
for learning, imitated with happier effects, the example of
the Emperor.
I. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne.
Alcuin was general director of all the literary schemes
of Charlemagne. He was an Englishman by birth; skilled both
in the Greek and Latin language, and in many branches of
philosophy. Having taught, with great reputation and
success, in his own country, he travelled to Rome. In 780,
Charlemagne attracted him to his court.
There, Alcuin gave lectures, and published several
treatises. In these, he began with Orthography; then
proceeded to Grammar; afterwards to Rhetoric, and Dialectic.
He composed his treatises in the form of dialogues; and, as
Charlemagne frequently attended them, Alcuin made him one of
his interlocutors. Few scholars of Alcuin were more
attentive than his imperial pupil; he had learned grammar
from Peter of Pisa; he was instructed in rhetoric,
dialectic, and astronomy by Alcuin. He also engaged in the
study of divinity; and had the good sense to stop short of
those subtleties, in which Justinian, Heraclius, and other
princes, unfortunately both for themselves and their
subjects, bewildered themselves. Letters from Giséla and
Richtrudis, the daughters of Charlemagne, to Alcuin, shew
that they partook of their father's literary zeal: his
favourite study was astronomy.
The number of persons in his court, who addicted
themselves to pursuits of literature, was so great, and
their application so regular, that their meetings acquired
the appellation of "The School of Charlemagne." Their
library was at Aix-la-Chapelle, the favourite residence of
the monarch: but they accompanied him in many of his
journies. Antiquarians have tracked them at Paris,
Thionville, Wormes, Ratisbon, Wurtzburgh, Mentz, and
Frankfort.
Charlemagne established schools in every part of his
dominions. In 787, he addressed a circular letter to all the
metropolitan prelates of his dominions, to be communicated
by them to their suffragan bishops, and to the abbots within
their provinces. He exhorted them to erect schools in every
cathedral and monastery. Schools were accordingly
established throughout his vast dominions: they were divided
into two classes; arithmetic, grammar, and music were taught
in the lower, the liberal arts and theology in the higher.
1. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne.
In France, the abbeys of Corbie, Fontenelles, Ferrieres,
St. Denis, St Germain of Paris, St. Germain of Auxerre, and
St. Benedict on the Loire;-in Germany, the abbeys of Proom,
Fulda, and of St Gall;-in Italy, the abbey of Mount Casino,
were celebrated for the excellence of their schools. One,
for the express purpose of teaching the Greek language, was
founded by Charlemagne at Osnabruck. All were equally open
to the children of the nobility and the children of
peasants; all received the same treatment. It happened that,
on a public examination of the children, the peasant boys
were found to have made greater progress than the noble. The
Emperor remarked it to the latter, and declared with an
oath, that "the bishopricks and abbeys should be given to
the diligent poor." "You rely," he said to the patrician
youths, "on the merit of your ancestors; these have already
been rewarded. The state owes them nothing; those only are
entitled to favour, who qualify themselves for serving and
illustrating their country by their talents and their
merits."
The civil law then consisted of the Theodosian code, the
Salic, Ripuarian, Allemannic, Bavarian, Burgundian, and
other codes; and of the formularies of
Angesise and Marculfus. To these Charlemagne added his own
capitularies. The whole collection, in opposition to
the canon or ecclesiastical law, received the appellation of
Lex Mundana, or worldly law. The canon law
consisted of the code of canons which Charlemagne brought
with him from Rome in 784; a code of the canons of the
church of France; the canons inserted in the collection of
Angelram, bishop of Metz; the apostolic canons, published by
St. Martin, bishop of Braga; the capitularies of Theodulfus,
of Orleans; and the penitential canons, published in the
Spicilegium of d'Acheri.[001]
To the study, both of the canon and civil law, schools were
appropriated by Charlemagne: few, except persons intended
for the ecclesiastical state, frequented them. Rabanus
Maurus,[002]
abbot of Fulda, and afterwards archbishop of Mentz, has left
an interesting account of the studies of this period; it
shews that all were referred to theology, and only
considered to be useful so far as they could be made
serviceable to sacred learning. Such a plan of study could
conduce but little to the advancement of general literature
or science. Still, it was productive of good, and led to
improvement.
I.2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne.
It is observable that both antient and modern civilizers
of nations, have called music to their aid; among these we
may mention Charlemagne. In his residence at Rome, he was
delighted with the Gregorian chant. After his return to
Germany, he endeavoured to introduce it, both into his
French and German dominions. The former had a chant of their
own; they called it an improvement, but other nations
considered it a corruption of the Gregorian. Greatly against
the wish of Charlemagne, his Gallic subjects persisted in
their attachment to their national music; the merit of it
was gravely debated before the Emperor; they vehemently
urged the superiority of their own strains. "Tell me," said
the Emperor, "which is purer, the fountain or the rivulet?"
They answered, "the former." "Return ye, then," (said the
Emperor) "to St. Gregory: he is the fountain, the rivulets
are evidently corrupted." The Emperor was obeyed, and the
Gregorian chant was taught, both in France and Germany, by
Italian choristers. The Italian writers of the times
describe the difficulties which they experienced in forming
the rough and almost untuneable voices of their French and
German pupils to the softness of the Gregorian song. They
appear to have succeeded better with the Germans than the
French. By these, their lessons were so soon and so
completely forgotten, after the decease of Charlemagne, that
Lewis the Debonnaire, his son, was obliged to request Pope
Gregory IV. to send him from Rome, a new supply of singers
to instruct the people.
But music continued to prosper in Germany; it abounded in
songs. Some were amatory, (münnelier); some were
satirical, (cantica in malitiam); some heroic, (cantica
in honorem,); some diabolical, (cantica diabolica.)
These consisted of incantations, and of narratives of the
feats of evil spirits.
Vernacular poetry, and vernacular composition, of every
kind, were almost wholly left to the vulgar; all, who aimed
at literary eminence, wrote in the Latin language. Some
discerning spirits became sensible that the German language
was susceptible of great improvement, and excited their
countrymen to its cultivation. Among these was Otfroid; he
translated the Gospel into German verse. He describes, in
strong terms, the difficulties which he had to encounter:
"The barbarousness of the German language is," he says, "so
great, and its sounds are so incoherent and strange, that it
is very difficult to subject them to the rules of grammar,
to represent them by syllables, or to find in the alphabet
letters which correspond to them." It is however remarkable,
that, although he complains of the dissonance of the German
language, he never accuses it of poverty.
While France and Germany continued subject to the same
monarch, German was the language of the court, and generally
used in every class of society. When the treaty of Verdun
divided the territories of Charlemagne, the Romande,
or Romançe language, a corruption of the Latin,
superseded the German in every part of France: it was
insensibly refined into the modern French, but the German
continued to be the only language spoken in Germany.
Great progress was made in architecture: the churches and
palaces constructed by the direction of Charlemagne at
Aix-la-Chapelle, the Basilisc at Germani, the church of St.
Recquier at Ponthieu, and many other monuments of great
architectural skill and expense, belong to the age of
Charlemagne, and bear ample testimony to the well-directed
exertions of the monarch, and of some of his descendants,
and to their wise and splendid magnificence.
Decline of Literature under the Descendants of
Charlemagne.
I. 3. Decline of Literature under the Descendants of
Charlemagne.
That literature began to decline immediately after the decease of
Charlemagne, in every part of his extensive dominions, and
that its decline was principally owing to the wars among his
descendants, which devastated every portion of his empire,
seems to be universally acknowledged; yet there are strong
grounds for contending that it was not so great as generally
represented. Abbé le Beuf,[003]
in an excellent dissertation on the state of the sciences in
the Gauls during the period which elapsed between the death
of Charlemagne and the reign of Robert, king of France,
attempts to prove the contrary; and the preliminary
discourses of the authors of "l'Histoire Literaire de la
France," on the state of learning during the ninth and tenth
centuries, strongly confirm the abbé's representations. It
is surprising how many works were written during these dark,
and, as they are too harshly called, ignorant ages. It is
more to be wondered, that while so much was written, so
little was written well. The classical works of antiquity
were not unknown in those times; the Latin Vulgate
translation of the Old and New Testament was daily read by
the clergy, and heard by the people. Now, although the
language of the Vulgate be not classical, it is not
destitute of elegance, and it possesses throughout the
exquisite charms of clearness and simplicity. It is
surprising that these circumstances did not lead the writers
to a better style. They had no such effect; the general
style of the time was hard, inflated and obscure. It should,
however, be observed, that Simonde de Sismondi, as he is
translated by Mr. Roscoe, justly observes, that "during the
reign of Charlemagne, and during the four centuries which
immediately preceded it, there appeared, both in France and
Italy, some judicious historians, whose style possesses
considerable vivacity, and who gave animated pictures of
their times; some subtle philosophers, who astonished their
contemporaries, rather by the fineness of their speculations
than by the justness of their reasoning; some learned
theologians, and some poets. The names of Paul Warnefrid, of
Alcuin, of Luitprand, and Eginhard, are even yet universally
respected. They all, however, wrote in Latin. They had all
of them, by the strength of their intellect, and the happy
circumstances in which they were placed, learned to
appreciate the beauty of the models which antiquity had left
them. They breathed the spirit of a former age, as they had
adopted its language: we do not find them representatives of
their contemporaries: it is impossible to recognize in their
style the times in which they lived; it only betrays the
relative industry and felicity with which they imitated the
language and thoughts of a former age. They were the last
monuments of civilized antiquity, the last of a noble race,
which, after a long period of degeneracy, became extinct in
them."
Boundaries and Devolution of the German Empire
during the Saxon Dynasty.
911-1024.
We have mentioned that, on the death of Lewis, the son of Arnhold, the
empire descended to Henry I. in the right of his mother.
From him, it devolved through Otho, surnamed the Great, Otho
II., and Otho III., to Henry II. the last emperor of the
Saxon line.
In this period of the German history, the attention of
the reader is particularly directed to two
circumstances,-the principal states, of which Germany was
composed, the cradles, as they may be called, of the present
electorates, and the erection of the principal cities and
monasteries in Germany.
II. 2. State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty.
A curious altercation between Nicephorus Phocas, the
Greek emperor, and Luitprand bishop of Cremona, ambassador
from Otho I. to the Greek sovereign, shews the state of
Germany during this period. "Your nation," said the empire
to the ambassador, "does not know how to sit on horseback;
or how to fight on foot: your large shields, massive armour,
long swords, and heavy helmets, disable you for
battle."-Luitprand told the emperor that "he would, the
first time they should meet in the field, feel the
contrary." Luitprand observed, that "Germany was so little
advanced in ecclesiastical worth; that no council had been
held within its precincts:" the ambassador remarked, that
"all heresies had originated in Greece." The emperor
asserted, that "the Germans were gluttons and drunkards:"
Luitprand replied, that "the Greeks were effeminate." All
writers agree, that, in what each party to this conversation
asserted, there was too much truth.
We have noticed the advance towards civilization which
Henry I, made by the construction of towns; he effected
another, by the introduction of tournaments and field
sports, on a large, orderly and showy plan. Speaking
generally, society in Germany during the Saxon line of its
princes, was always improving.
State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty.
"In the school of Paderborn," says the biographer of Meinwert, as he is
cited by Schmidt, "there are famous musicians,
dialecticians, orators, grammarians, mathematicians,
astronomers and geometricians. Horace, the great Virgil,
Sallust, and Statius, are highly esteemed. The monks amuse
themselves with poetry, books and music. Several are
incessantly employed in transcribing and painting."
A German translation of the Psalms, by Notker, a monk of
the abbey of St. Gall, shews that some attention was paid to
the language of the country. The Greek was cultivated; the
writers of the times mention several persons skilled in it.
Notker, in a letter to one of his correspondents, informs
him, that "his Greek brothers salute him."
II. 2. State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty.
Poetry was a favourite study: the celebrated Gerbert,
afterwards Pope Silvester II, and Waldram, bishop of
Strasburgh, were the best poets of their times. Hroswith,[004]
a nun in the monastery of Gardersheim, published comedies:
"Many Catholics," she says, in her preface to them, "are
guilty of a fault, from which I myself am not altogether
free; they prefer profane works, on account of their style,
to the holy Scriptures. Others have the Scriptures always in
their hands, and despise profane authors; yet they often
read Terence, and their attention to the beauties of his
style does not prevent the objectionable passages in his
writings from making an impression on them."
To this age, the origin of Romances is usually assigned:
but these belong to the French; no specimen of them has been
discovered in Germany. Music was much cultivated. Hroswith
introduced it into her comedies.
It has been mentioned, that Sallust was read in the
school at Paderborn. It is supposed that Tacitus was known
to Wittikind or Dittmar: both relate visions, and several
puerile circumstances; but they write with precision, and
shew, on many occasions, great good sense.
The same cannot be said of the Legend-writers; the
account which the authors of "The Literary History of
France" give of them is very just. "The ancient legends,"
they say, "were lost, in consequence either of the plunder
or the burning of the churches; it was considered necessary
to replace them, as it was thought impossible to honour the
memory, or to preserve the veneration of the saints, without
some knowledge of their lives. It is to be remarked, that
the saints, whose memories were thus sought to be honoured,
had been long dead, or had lived in foreign countries, so
that little was known of them except by oral tradition. From
this it may be easily guessed, that those who employed
themselves upon the legends, were deprived of necessary
information, and upon that account could not produce exact
and true histories. Thus, to the general defects of the age
in which they lived, they added uncertainty, confusion, and
some falsehood. Their pages abound with visions. In the
place of the simple and natural, they substituted the
wonderful and extraordinary. It even happened too frequently
that they took leave to tell untruths. Heriger, the abbot of
St Lupus, says, in direct terms, that they piously lied."
Dialectic was in great favour: it was called philosophy;
no work was more read than "the Book of Categories,"
erroneously ascribed to St. Augustine; and a work, upon the
same subject, imputed to Porphyry.
II. 2. State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty.
The schools of the cathedrals and principal monasteries
contributed essentially to the increase and diffusion of
literature. Among the monasteries, those of Fulda, St. Gall,
Corbie and Kershaw, were particularly renowned. Bishops and
abbots exerted themselves to procure books, and to have
copies of them made and circulated: they were often
splendidly illuminated. Henry I. caused a painting to be
made, of a battle which he had gained over the Hungarians.
Bernard, bishop of Hildersheim, in imitation of what he had
seen in Italy, ornamented the churches of his diocese with
mosaic paintings; he also introduced, among his countrymen,
the art of fusing and working metals; he caused precious and
highly ornamented vases to be made in imitation of the
antients. Large and small bells were cast; chalices,
patines, incensories, images, and even altars of gold and
silver, or ornamented with them, were fabricated. Aventin
relates, that at Mauverkirchen, in Bavaria, figures in
plaster, hardened by fire, had, in 948, been made of a duke
of Bavaria and his general.
The establishment of schools, and the protection given to
the arts and sciences, invited the whole body of the nation
to the acquisition of useful and ornamental knowledge; but
the invitation was not even generally accepted. There was
much superstition in every order of the laity. An opinion
prevailed among them, that the world was to end, and the day
of judgment arrive, in the year 1000. An universal panic
spread itself over Europe. Strange to relate, the people
sought to avoid the catastrophe, by hiding themselves in
caverns and tombs.
The existence of this ignorance cannot be denied: but, to
the ecclesiastics, who strove against it, who erected and
fostered so many schools to dispel it, and who exerted
themselves in the manner we have mentioned, to establish
another and a better order of things, a great share of
praise and gratitude should never be denied.
The mines of Hartz were discovered in the time of Otho I.
and diffused so much wealth over Saxony, and afterwards over
all Germany, as gave the reign of that emperor the
appellation of "the age of gold." Before this time,
Nicephorus Phocas had called Saxony, from the dress, or
rather the coverings of its inhabitants, "the land of
skins." But all the wealth of the country still continued to
be concentrated among the great landowners.
Boundaries and State of Germany during the
Franconian Dynasty.
1024-1138.
Under Henry III. the second prince of this line, the German empire had
its greatest extent. It comprised Germany, Italy, Burgundy
and Lorraine. Poland, and other parts of the Sclavonian
territories, were subject to it. Denmark and Hungary
acknowledged themselves its vassals.
The emperors affected to consider all kingdoms as forming
a royal republic, of which the emperor was chief. For their
right to this splendid prerogative, they always found
advocates in their own dominions: they reckon, among these,
the illustrious Leibniz. Out of Germany, nothing of the
claim, beyond precedence in rank, has ever been allowed.
This, no sovereign in Europe has contested with the
emperors: it is observable, that, as the French monarchs
insisted on the Carlovingian extraction of Hugh Capet, they
affected to consider Henry the Fowler the first prince of
the Saxon dynasty, and all his successors in the empire as
usurpers. Lewis XIV. expresses himself in this manner in
some memoirs recently attributed to him.
State of German Literature during the
Franconian Dynasty.
Throughout this period, commerce was always upon the increase; and
literature, science and art, increased with it. The
monuments of the antient grandeur of the eternal city, began
about this time to engage the attention of the inhabitants
of Germany, and to attract to Rome many literary pilgrims.
They returned home impressed with admiration of what they
had seen, and related the wonders to their countrymen. "The
gods themselves (they told their hearers) behold their
images in Rome with admiration, and wish to resemble them.
Nature herself does not raise forms as beautiful as those,
which the artist creates. One is tempted to say that they
breathe; and to adore the skill of the artist rather than
the inhabitant of Olympus represented by his art." Thus the
uncultivated Germans began to perceive the beauty of these
relics of antiquity, and to feel the wish of imitation. This
first appeared on the seals of the emperors and bishops;
several of distinguished beauty have reached our times. The
German artists soon began to engrave on precious stones, and
to work in marble and bronze. Four statues of emperors of
the house of Saxony, of the workmanship of these times, are
still to be seen at Spires; they are rudely fashioned, but
are animated, and have distinct and expressive countenances.
III. 2. State of German Literature during the Franconian
Dynasty.
When the emperors or nobility travelled, they were
frequently accompanied by artists. These sometimes made
drawings of foreign churches and edifices, and on their
return home, raised others in imitation of them. Thus the
cathedral at Bremen was built on the model of that of
Benevento. The cathedral of Strasburgh, and many other
churches, were built about this time.
Music was considerably improved; the system of Guido
Aretinus was no where understood better, or cultivated with
greater ardour, than in Germany. Some improvement was made
in poetry, but it chiefly appeared in the songs of the
common people. A monk of Togernsee, in Bavaria, composed a
collection of poems under the title of Bucolics; they
resemble those of Virgil only in their title. Lambert, of
Aschaffenburgh, published a history of his own times,
inferior to none which have reached us from the middle ages.
Dialectic, however, still continued the favourite study;
and the art of disputation was never carried so far: the
interest which the public took in these disputes was
surprising. When it was announced that two celebrated
dialecticians were to hold a public dispute, persons flocked
from all parts to witness the conflict; they listened with
avidity, and with all the feelings of partisans. This
appears ridiculous; but, in the present times, is there no
fancy which deserves equal ridicule?
The State of Germany, from the beginning of
the Suabian Dynasty, till the Accession of the Emperor
Charles V.
1138-1519.
The principal events in the reigns of the latter princes of the
Franconian, and of all the princes of the Suabian line, were
produced or influenced by the contests between the popes and
emperors, respecting investitures, or the right of
nominating to vacant bishoprics;-by the pretensions of the
popes to hold their antient territories independent of the
emperors;-or by the new acquisitions of the popes in Italy.
1264-1272.
These contests reduced the empire to a state of anarchy, which produced
what is generally called, by the German writers, the Great
Interregnum. While it continued, six princes successively
claimed to be emperors of Germany.
1272-1438.
The interregnum was determined by the election of Rodolph, count of
Hapsburgh. From him, till the ultimate accession of the
house of Austria, in the person of Albert the Second, the
empire was held by several princes of different noble
families.
1438-1519.
Albert was succeeded by Frederick III.; Frederick, by Maximilian I.;
and Maximilian, by Charles V.
To the period between the extinction of the Suabian
dynasty and the accession of the emperor Albert, may be
assigned the rise of the Italian republics, particularly
Venice, Genoa and Florence; the elevations of the princes of
Savoy and Milan, and the revolutions of Naples, and the Two
Sicilies.
IV. 1. The State of Germany, from the beginning of the
Suabian Dynasty till the Accession of the Emperor
Charles V.
The boundaries of Germany, during this period, were the
Eider and the sea, on the north; the Scheld, the Meuse, the
Saone and the Rhone, on the west; the Alps and the Rhine, on
the south; and the Lech and Vistula, on the east. They
contained,-1. The duchy of Burgundy; 2. The duchy of
Lorraine; 3. The principalities into which Allemmania and
Franconia were divided; 4. The Bavarian territories, which
the Franks had acquired in Rhoetia, Noricum, and Pannonia;
5. Saxony; 6. The Sclavic territories between the Oder and
the Vistula: these were possessed by the margraves of
Brandenburgh, and the dukes of Poland and Bohemia, and the
princes dependent upon them in Moravia, Silesia and
Lusatia;-7. by the provinces of Pomerania and Prussia, on
the east of Saxony; 8. and the Marchia Orientalis, Oostrich,
or Austria, on the east of Bavaria.
At first, the emperor was chosen by the people at large;
the right of election was afterwards confined to the
nobility and the principal officers of state: insensibly, it
was engrossed by the five great officers,-the chancellor,
the great marshal, the great chamberlain, the great butler,
and the great master of the palace. But their exclusive
pretensions were much questioned. At length, their right of
election was settled; first, by the Electoral Union, in
1337; and finally, in the reign of the emperor Charles IV.
by the celebrated constitution, called, from the seal of
gold appended to it, the Golden Bull. By this, the
right of election was vested in three spiritual and four
temporal electors: two temporal electors have since been
added to their numbers.
State of German literature during this period.
While the empire was possessed by the princes of the house of Saxony, a
copy of the Pandects of Justinian was discovered at Amalfi.
"The discovery of them," says Sir William Blackstone, in his
Introductory discourse to his Commentaries, "soon brought
the civil law into vogue all over the west of Europe, where
before it was quite laid aside, and in a manner wholly
forgotten; though some traces of its authority remained in
Italy, and the eastern provinces of the empire.-The study of
it was introduced into many universities abroad,
particularly that of Bologna, where exercises were
performed, lectures read, and degrees conferred in this
faculty, as in other branches of science; and many nations
of the continent, just then beginning to recover from the
convulsions consequent to the overthrow of the Roman empire,
and settling by degrees into peaceable forms of government,
adopted the civil law (being the best written system then
extant,) as the basis of their several constitutions;
blending or interweaving in it their own feudal customs, in
some places, with a more extensive, in others, a more
confined authority."
IV. 2. State of German Literature, from the Suabian
Dynasty to Charles V.
This was a great step toward the civilization of Germany,
and of the other countries in which the institutions of the
civil law were thus introduced. They certainly tended to
animate the nations, by whom they were received, to the
study of the history and literature of the people from the
works of whose writers they had been compiled. They produced
this effect in several countries of Europe; but their
influence in Germany was very limited: the disposition to
subtilize, which was at that time universal throughout the
German empire, led those who cultivated literature rather to
refine upon what was before them, than to new inquiries. The
language of the Pandects is of the silver age; it might
therefore be expected, that it would have improved the
general style of the times; but this improvement is seldom
discernible.
IV. 2. State of German Literature, from the Suabian
Dynasty to Charles V.
Good or evil is seldom unmixed: civil contests and
dissensions, generally produce both public and private
misery; sometimes, however, they generate mental excitement.
This is favourable to Literature and Science. Its good
effects appeared in the contests between the Popes and the
Emperors. Great were the public and the private calamities
which they caused, both in church and state; but they
promoted inquiry and intellectual exertions. These were
often attended with happy results. Irnerius, by birth a
German, had studied Justinian's law at Constantinople.
Towards the year 1130, he was appointed professor of civil
law at Bologna: the contests between the popes and the
emperors produced a warfare of words among the disciples of
Irnerius. It has been mentioned that the German emperors
pretended to succeed to the empire of the Cæsars. The
language and spirit of the Justinianean code, being highly
favourable to this claim, the emperors encouraged the
civilians, and in return for it, had their pens at command.
The decree of Gratian was favourable to the pretensions of
the popes; and on this account was encouraged by the
canonists. Hence, generally speaking, the civilians were
partisans of the emperors, the canonists of the popes. From
their adherence to the law of Justinian, the former were
called Legistæ; from their adherence to the decree of
Gratian, the latter were called Decretistæ. The controversy
was carried on with great ardour and perseverance; the
schools both of Italy and Germany resounded with the
disputes, and in both, numerous tracts in support of the
opposite claims, were circulated. The question necessarily
carried the disputants to many incidental topics: these
equally increased the powers and curiosity of the
disputants, and stimulated them to better and more
interesting studies.
Antient and Modern Geography of the
Netherlands.
We have thus brought down our historical deduction of the German Empire
to the accession of the Emperor Charles the Fifth.
About 160 years before this event, that portion of the
empire, to which its situation has given the appellation of
THE NETHERLANDS, began to have a separate history, and both
a separate and important influence on the events of the
times. To them we shall now direct our attention.
These spacious territories are bounded on the north, by
the German Ocean; on the west, by the British Sea and part
of Picardy; on the south, by Champagne or Lorraine; on the
east, by the archbishoprics of Triers and Trêves, the
dutchies of Juliers and Cléves, the bishopric of Munster,
and the county of Embden or East Friesland.
V. 1. Antient and Modern Geography of the Netherlands.
When the Romans invaded Gaul, it was divided among three
principal clans: the Rhine then formed its western boundary.
The left banks of this river were occupied by the Belgians:
this tract of land now comprises the catholic Netherlands,
and the territory of the United States; the right bank of
the Rhine was then filled by the Frisians, and now comprises
the modern Gröningen, east and west Friesland, a part of
Holland, Gueldres, Utrecht, and Overyssell: the Batavians
inhabited the island which derives its name from them; it
now comprises the upper part of Holland, Utrecht, Gueldres,
and Overyssell, the modern Cléves between the Lech and the
Waal.
In antient geography, the Netherlands were separated into
the Cisrhenahan and Transrhenahan divisions: the Cisrhenahan
lay on the western side of the Rhine, and included the
Belgic Gaul; it was bounded by the Rhenus, the Rhodanus, the
Sequana, the Matrona, and the Oceanus Britannicus: the
Transrhenahan lay on the eastern side of the Rhine; it was a
part of Lower Germany, and bounded on the north by the
eastern Frisia, Westphalia, the Ager-Colonensis, the
Juliacensis-Ducatus, and the Treveri. The classical reader
will have no difficulty in assigning to these denominations,
their actual names in the language of modern geography.
The whole of these territories is called the Netherlands
by the English; and Flanders by the Italians, Spaniards, and
French.
The formation of the different Provinces of the
Netherlands into one State.
In 1363, John the Good, the king of France, gave to Philip the Bold,
his third son, the dutchy of Burgundy: it then comprised the
county of Burgundy, Dauphiné, and a portion of Switzerland.
The monarch at the same time created his son duke of
Burgundy. Thus Philip, became the patriarch of the second
line of that illustrious house.
History does not produce an instance of a family, which
has so greatly aggrandized itself by marriage, as the house
of Austria. The largest part by far of the Netherlands was
derived to it, 1st, from Margaret of Franche Comtè; 2dly,
from Margaret of Flanders; 3dly, from Jane of Brabant;
4thly, from Mary of Burgundy; 5thly, from Jacqueline of
Holland; and 6thly, from Elizabeth of Luxemburgh.
Formation of the Provinces of the Netherlands into one
State.
The possessions of the three first of these splendid
heiresses, descended to Margaret of Flanders. She married
Phillip the Bold, who, as we have just mentioned, was the
first of the modern Dukes of Burgundy. By this marriage, he
acquired, in right of his wife, the provinces of Flanders,
Artois, Mechlin, and Rhetel; and transmitted them and his
own dukedom of Burgundy to his son Charles the Intrepid.
From Charles, they descended to his son Philip the Good. He
purchased Namur; and by a transaction with Jacqueline of
Holland, acquired that province, Zealand, Hainault, and
Friesland. By other means, he obtained Brabant, Antwerp,
Luxemburgh, Limburgh, Gueldres, and Zutphen. On the failure
of issue male of Philip the Good, all these fourteen
provinces descended to Mary his only daughter. She married
the Emperor Maximilian. He had two sons by her, the Emperor
Charles V. and Ferdinand. The former acquired, by purchase
or force, Utrecht, Overyssell and Gröningen.
These territories formed what are generally called the
SEVENTEEN PROVINCES OF THE NETHERLANDS.
In the language of the middle ages, they consisted of the
Dutchies of Brabant, Limburgh, Luxemburgh, and Gueldres; the
Earldoms of Flanders, Artois, Hainault, Holland, Zealand,
Namur, Zutphen, Antwerp, (sometimes called the Marquisate of
the Holy Empire) and the Lordships of Friesland, Mechlin,
Utrecht, Overyssell, and Gröningen. Cambrai, the Cambresis,
and the County of Burgundy, though a separate territory,
were considered to be appendages, but not part of them.
Brief View of the History of the Netherlands,
till the acknowledgement of the Independence of the Seven
United Provinces by the Spanish Monarch.
The laws, the customs, and the government of all these provinces were
nearly alike: each had its representative assembly of the
three orders, of the clergy, nobility, and burghers: each
had its courts of justice; and an appeal from the superior
tribunal of each lay to the supreme court at Mechlin.
Public and fiscal concerns of moment fell under the
cognizance of the sovereign. The people enjoyed numerous and
considerable privileges: the most important of them was the
Droit de Joyeuse entrée, the right of not being taxed
without the consent of the three estates. Commerce,
agriculture, and the arts, particularly music and painting,
flourished among them. The people were honest, frugal,
regular and just in their general habits; more steady than
active; not easily roused; but, when once roused, not easily
appeased.
Brief View of the History of the Netherlands.
Charles V. made over his hereditary territories in
Germany to his brother Ferdinand; but retained the
Netherlands, and annexed them to the crown of Spain.
With that crown, they descended to Philip the Second, the
only son of Charles.
Unwise and unjust measures of that monarch drove the
inhabitants into rebellion.
On the 5th of April 1566, a deputation of 400 gentlemen,
with Lewis of Nassau, a brother of the prince of Orange, at
their head, presented a petition to Margaret of Austria, the
Governor of the Netherlands. From the coarseness of their
dress, they acquired the name of gueux or beggars,
and retained it throughout the whole of the troubles which
followed.
Brief View of the History of the Netherlands.
Calvinism had, before this time, made great progress in
these countries, and gained over to it numbers of the
discontented party. Philip proceeded to the most violent
measures, and sent the Duke of Alva, with an army of 20,000
men, into the Netherlands. William, Prince of Orange, placed
himself at the head of the malcontents, and raised an army.
At an assembly of the States of Holland and Zealand in 1559,
he was declared Stadtholder, or Governor of Holland,
Friesland, and Utrecht: Calvinism was declared to be the
religion of the States. In 1579, the three provinces were
joined by those of Gueldres, Zutphen, Overyssell, and
Gröningen. All signed, by their deputies, the TREATY OF
UNION; it became the basis of their constitution: still,
however, they acknowledged Philip for their sovereign. But
in 1581, the deputies of the United States assembled at
Amsterdam, subscribed a solemn act, by which they formally
renounced allegiance to Philip and his successors, and
asserted their independence. They declared in their
manifesto, that "the prince is made for the people, not the
people for the prince;" that "the prince, who treats his
subjects as slaves, is a tyrant, whom his subjects have a
right to dethrone, when they have no other means of
preserving their liberty;" that "this right particularly
belongs to the Netherlands; their sovereign, being bound by
his coronation oath to observe the laws, under pain of
forfeiting his sovereignty."
In 1584, the Prince of Orange was assassinated by
Balthazar Gerard, a Catholic fanatic: the war was continued
till 1609, when it was suspended by a truce of twelve years.
At the expiration of it, the war burst forth with fresh
fury: it was finally terminated by the peace of Munster, or
Westphalia, in 1648, when the King of Spain acknowledged, in
the fullest manner, the INDEPENDENCE OF THE SEVEN UNITED
PROVINCES, and of all their possessions in Asia, Africa, and
America.
Their Constitution and principal Officers.
Constitution of the Netherlands.
Thus the United Provinces became a confederacy of seven independent
principalities, called in the aggregate the States General.
Several years elapsed before their constitution was finally
settled. Then, the supreme sovereignty of the whole was
considered to be vested in the people of every province
represented by the States. These consisted of deputies
appointed to them from the different provinces. Each
province might send to the assembly more than one deputy;
but, whatever was the number of deputies sent by them, they
had one vote only in the proceedings of the assembly. The
government of each province was vested in its states: these
were composed of two orders, the deputies from the towns,
and those from the equestrian order.
Each province contained several independent republics.
The States General could not make war or peace, or enter
into alliances, or raise money, without the consent of all
the seven provinces; nor did the decrees of any one of the
States bind the constituent parts of it, without their
consent.
Constitution of the Netherlands.
The Stadtholder was appointed by the States General, and
held his office at their will. The offices of
captain-general and admiral were united in him: thus he had
the appointment of all military commands, both by sea and
land; and had considerable influence and power in the
nomination to civil offices. Three officers,-the
treasurer, the conservator of the peace, and the grand
pensionary, were appointed by the States General, and
were immediately subject to their controul; they were wholly
independent of the Stadtholder. The grand pensionary was
always supposed to be profoundly versed in civil,
ecclesiastical, and consuetudinary law; and in foreign
diplomacy. All transactions between subjects or foreigners
with the States General, passed through his hands. He
attended the deliberations of the States; he was not
entitled to vote, but was expected to sum up the arguments
on each side, and to deliver his opinion upon them. Each
province had its advocate, syndic or pensionary; a public
officer who superintended their public concerns; and
represented them, but only with a deliberative voice, in the
assembly of the States.
Brief View of the History of the Netherlands.
We now reach the æra, at which our intended biography
commences. A Literary History of the Netherlands, from the
time of their becoming subjects to the Dukes of Burgundy,
till this æra, is much wanted.
THE BIRTH AND EDUCATION OF HUGO GROTIUS.
1582-1597.
The Life of Erasmus, which we have offered to the public, presents to
its readers, the interesting spectacle of a person, born
under every, disadvantage for the acquisition of literature,
surmounting them all by his genius and perseverance, and
reaching, at an early age, the highest summit of literary
eminence: the Life of GROTIUS, which we now attempt,
exhibits the successful literary career of a person, born
with every advantage, undeviatingly availing himself of
them, and attaining equal eminence; with the addition of
high reputation for great political wisdom and public
integrity.
He was born at Delft, on the 10th April 1582. His parents
were John de Groote, and Alida Averschie. John was the
second son of Hugo de Groote by Elselinda Heemskirke. Hugo
was the son of Cornelius Cornet by Ermingarde, the daughter
and sole heiress of Diederic de Groote. Upon their marriage,
Diederic stipulated that Cornet should adopt the surname of
Groote: it signifies Great, and is said to have been
given to Diederic for some signal service, which he had
rendered to his sovereign. All the males and females
mentioned in the genealogy of Grotius were of noble
extraction.
Learning appears to have been hereditary in the family:
John, the father of Hugo, the subject of our biography, was
both a lawyer in great practice, and a general scholar.
The 10th of April, on which GROTIUS was born, was Easter
Sunday in that year: he always observed his birthday with
religious solemnity.
All the biographers of Grotius assert, and their
assertion will be easily believed, that he discovered, in
his earliest years, great aptitude for the acquisition of
learning, great taste, judgment and application, and a
wonderful memory. He found, in his father, an excellent
tutor: by him, Grotius was instructed in the rudiments of
the Christian doctrine, and his infant mind impressed with
sound principles of morality and honour; in this, he was
aided by the mother of Grotius. The youth corresponded with
their cares. He has celebrated, in elegant verses, their
pious attention to his early education. The mention of these
verses will bring to the recollection of every English
reader, the magnificent strains, in which, Milton addressed
his father.
As soon as Grotius had passed his childhood, he was
placed with Utengobard, an Arminian clergyman: we shall see
that this circumstance had a decisive influence upon his
future life. He retained a lasting regard for Utengobard,
and a grateful recollection of his obligations to him. At
the age of twelve years, Grotius was sent to the university
of Leyden, and committed to the care of Francis Junius.
Here, he distinguished himself so much by his diligence, his
talents, and his modesty, as to obtain the notice and regard
of several of the most famous scholars of the times. Even
Joseph Scaliger, equally distinguished by his learning and
caustic arrogance, noticed him, and condescended to direct
his studies. He was scarcely eleven years of age when Douza,
one of the princes of the republic of letters in those
times, celebrated his praises in verse: He declared that "he
could scarcely believe that Erasmus promised so much as
Grotius at his age:" he announced that "Grotius would soon
excel all his contemporaries, and bear a comparison with the
most leaned of the antients."
Grotius also gained the esteem of Barneveldt, the grand
pensionary, in whose fate he was afterward involved. In
1587, the Dutch sent Count Justin of Nassau and Barneveldt,
at the head of an embassy, to Henry IV. of France.
Barneveldt permitted Grotius to accompany him.
Grotius had been preceded by his reputation. He was known
to M. de Busenval, the monarch's ambassador in Holland.
Busenval described him favourably to the monarch. Henry gave
Grotius a gracious reception, and was so pleased with his
conversation and demeanour, that he presented him with his
picture and a golden chain. Grotius gives an account of this
embassy, in the seventh book of his Annals: he abstains,
with a praiseworthy modesty, from any mention of himself:
but, in one of his poems, he dwells with complacency on his
having seen the monarch, "who owed his kingdom only to his
valour"-
" ... Le Heros, qui regna sur la Françe,
Et par droit de conquête et par droit de naissançe."
Grotius was so much pleased with his reception, and the
present which he received from Henry, that he caused a print
of himself, adorned with the chain presented to him by
Henry, to be engraved. He was introduced to many of the most
distinguished persons at Paris: there was one, whom he
particularly esteemed, but whom, from some unexplained
circumstance, he missed seeing.
This was the President de Thou, a name never to be
mentioned without veneration. He had been employed by his
sovereign on many delicate and important commissions, and
had acquitted himself in all, with ability and honour. He
had filled the office of Maitre des Requétes, and
been advanced to that of President a Mortiér. He was
employed, at this time, upon his immortal History. In the
account which it gives of the events, that took place in
France, it is entitled to almost unqualified praise: in
regard to what happened to other countries, he necessarily
depended on the information which he received from them, and
cannot therefore be equally relied upon. The prolixity, with
which he is now reproached, was not felt at the time in
which he wrote; every event, however small, was then thought
to be important, and multitudes were personally interested
in it. But the charm of his work is, that every page of it
shews a true lover of his country, an impartial judgment,
and an honourable mind. The memoirs, which he has left us of
his own life, recently translated into English by Mr.
Collinson, are interesting and entertaining. He collected a
very large library, both of printed books and manuscripts,
and had them splendidly bound. The whole was sold by auction
in the reign of Louis XIV, and scarcely produced half the
sum which the binding of its volumes had cost: The same has
been said of the Harleian collection, sold in our times.
Having remained a twelvemonth at Paris, Grotius returned
to Holland. Immediately after his arrival, he addressed a
letter to the president de Thou, in which he expressed great
mortification at not having seen him, and requested his
acceptance of a book accompanying his letter, which he had
dedicated to the Prince of Condé. The president de Thou was
highly pleased with this letter: a correspondence took place
between them. Grotius furnished the president with materials
for that portion of his history which related to the
troubles in the Low Countries.
In the last letter of the President de Thou, in this
correspondence, he earnestly dissuades Grotius from engaging
in the religious disputes of the times. In reply to it,
Grotius respectfully intimates to the president, that "he
found himself obliged to enter into them by his love of his
country; his wish to serve his church, and the request of
those to whom he owed obedience:" promising, at the same
time, "to abstain from all disputes that were not
necessary." After the death of the President, Grotius
celebrated his memory in a poem, which was considered by the
bard's admirers to be one of his best performances.
GROTIUS EMBRACES THE PROFESSION OF THE LAW. HIS FIRST
PROMOTIONS.
1597-1610.
In the ruin of the Roman Empire, her laws were lost in the general
wreck. During the 200 years, which followed the reign of
Constantine the Great, Europe was a scene of every calamity,
which the inroads of barbarians could inflict, either on the
countries through which they passed, or those in which they
settled. About the sixth century, Europe obtained some
degree of tranquillity, in consequence of the introduction
of feudalism; the most singular event in the annals of
history. At first, it produced a general anarchy; but the
system of subordination upon which it was grounded,
contained in it the germ of regular government, and even, of
jurisprudence. Its effects were first visible in the
various codes of law which the barbarous nations
promulgated. Such are the Salic, the Ripuarian, the
Alemannic, the Burgundian, the Visigothic, and the Lombard
laws.
A complicated or refined system of jurisprudence is not
to be looked for in them; but, if they are considered with
due regard to the state of society for which they were
calculated, they will be found to contain much that deserves
praise. The capitularies, or short legislative
provisions, propounded by the sovereign, and adopted by the
public assemblies of the nation, were a further advance in
legislation. By degrees, so much regularity prevailed in the
judicial proceedings and legal transactions, that they were
regulated by established formularies; and, in
addition to those provisions, every nation contained a
collection of unwritten usages or customs, which had
the force of law. The natural tendency of these institutions
to introduce order and peaceful habits into society was
great; but it was so much counteracted by the turbulent
spirit of every class of men, that it was not till the
beginning of the thirteenth century that this effect of them
became discernible.
From this time, the governments of Europe sensibly
improved. A better spirit of legislation shewed itself; the
administration of justice became more regular; trade and
husbandry were protected, several arts were encouraged; and
a general wish for a better order of things prevailed in
every part of Europe. While the public mind was in this
state of improvement, an event fortunately happened, which
gave it a very salutary direction. This was, (what we have
already noticed), the discovery of a complete copy of the
Pandects of Justinian at Amalfi, a town in Italy, near
Salerno. From Amalfi, it found its way to Pisa; and in 1406,
was carried to Florence, where it has since remained.
Few events in history can be mentioned which have
conduced more to the welfare of Europe than this discovery.
The codes, the capitularies, the formularies, and the
customs, by which, till that time, the feudal nations had
been governed, fell very short of affording them the legal
provisions, which society, in the improved state of
civilization, to which it was then advancing, evidently
required. Unexpectedly, a system of law presented itself,
which seemed to contain every thing that the most
enlightened men of those times could have desired. The
wisdom and justice of the system of law expressed in the
Pandects seem to have been universally felt. The study of it
was immediately pursued with ardour. It was introduced into
several universities; exercises were performed, lectures
read, and degrees conferred in that, as in other branches of
science; and most of the nations of the continent adopted
it, if not as the basis, at least as an important portion of
their civil jurisprudence. A regular succession of civil
lawyers followed. At first, they rather incumbered the text
with their subtleties, than illustrated it by learning and
discrimination. Andrew Alciat was the first who
united the study of polite learning with the study of the
civil law: he was founder of a school called the Cujacian,
from Cujas, the glory of civilians. Of him, it may be
truly said, that he found the civil law in wood and left it
in marble.
This school has subsisted until our time: it has never
been without writers of the greatest taste, judgment and
erudition; the names of Cujacius, Augustinus, the
Gothofredi, Heineccius, Voetius, Vinnius, Gravina and
Pothier, are as dear to the scholar as they are to the
lawyer; an Englishman however must reflect with pleasure,
that the Commentaries of his countryman, Sir William
Blackstone, will not suffer in a comparison with any foreign
work of jurisprudence. So far as the researches of the
present writer extend, the only one that can be put into
competition with them, is the Jus Canonicum of Van-Espen.
The judicial process of the nations on the continent
differed considerably from that of England. Trial by jury,
and separate courts of equity, were unknown to them. Some
causes were heard and decided by all the magistrates of the
courts; others were referred to one or more of their number.
The king's advocate, or the advocate of the state, as he was
termed in a republic, held a situation between the judges
and the suitors: his province was to sum the facts and
arguments of the cause, and to suggest his opinions upon
them to the judges.-We trust our readers will excuse this
summary view of foreign jurisprudence.
Grotius, by the advice of his father, addicted himself to
the profession of the law. He was only in his seventeenth
year, when he pleaded his first cause. He acquired by it,
great reputation; and this was constantly upon the increase,
through the whole of his professional career. He observed in
his pleadings a rule, which he afterwards recommended to his
son: "That you may not," he told him, "be embarrassed by the
little order observed by the adversary counsel, attend to
one thing, which I have found eminently useful: Distribute
all that can be said on both sides, under certain heads;
imprint these strongly in your memory; and, whatever your
adversary says, refer it not to his division, but to your
own."
Grotius embraces the profession of the Law.
The brilliant success of Grotius at the bar soon procured
him very considerable promotions. The place of
Advocate-General of the Fisc of the provinces of Holland and
Zealand becoming vacant, it was unanimously conferred on
him. This situation was attended with great distinction and
authority; the person invested with it, being charged with
the preservation of the public peace, and the prosecution of
public offenders. In 1613, Grotius was advanced to the
situation of Pensionary of Rotterdam; and his high character
authorized him to stipulate before he accepted it, that he
should hold it during his life, and not, at will, its usual
tenure. It immediately gave him a seat in the assembly of
the States of Holland; and, at a future time, a seat in the
assembly of the States General.
Between the time of his appointment to the advocacy of
the Fisc of Holland and Zealand, and his being appointed
Pensionary of Rotterdam, he married Mary Reygersburgh, of an
illustrious family in Zealand. It proved a marriage of
happiness. The most perfect harmony subsisted between
Grotius and his consort: we shall find that she was an
ornament to him in prosperity, his comfort and aid in
adverse fortune. The marriage was solemnized in July 1608,
and celebrated by many a Belgic bard.
A dispute arising about this time between England and the
States General, upon the exclusive right claimed by the
former to fish in the Northern seas, the States, with a view
to an amicable adjustment of it, sent Grotius to England.
Several meetings took place between him and commissioners
appointed by James, the British sovereign. If we credit the
account, given by Grotius, of the point in dispute, and the
negociation to which it gave rise, justice was decidedly on
the side of the States General; and England only carried the
point by the lion's right,-the droit du plus fort.
Grotius embraces the profession of the Law.
Grotius had every reason to be pleased with his reception
by the English monarch and his court. Between Grotius and
Casaubon, who, at this time, resided in England, an intimacy
had long subsisted. It was cemented by mutual esteem,
similarity of studies, and the earnest wish of each for an
amicable termination of religious differences: each
respected the antient doctrines and discipline of the
church; each thought that many of the points in controversy
were disputes of words; that much might be gained by mutual
concessions; and that the articles, upon which there was any
substantial difference, were few. "I esteem Grotius
highly,"-Casaubon writes in a letter to the president de
Thou, "on account of his other great qualities; but
particularly because he judges of the modern subjects of
religious controversy like a learned and good man. In his
veneration for antiquity, he agrees with the wisest men."
... "I heartily pray God," says Casaubon in a letter to
Grotius, "to; preserve you: as long as I shall live, I shall
hold you in the highest esteem: so much am I taken with your
piety, your probity, and your admirable learning."[005]
THE EARLY PUBLICATIONS OF GROTIUS.
There is not, perhaps, an instance of a person's acquiring at an age
equally early, the reputation, which attended the first
publication of Grotius. It was an edition, with notes, of
the work of "Martianus Mineus Felix Capella, on the
Marriage of Mercury and Philology, in two books; and of the
same writer's Seven Treatises on the Liberal Arts." They had
been often printed; but all the editions were faulty: a
manuscript of them having been put into the hands of Grotius
by his father, he communicated it to Scaliger, and by his
advice undertook a new edition of them.
The time, in which Capella lived, and the place of his
birth, are uncertain; the better opinion seems to be, that
he flourished towards the third century, resided at Rome,
and attained the consular dignity. His works are written in
prose, intermixed with poetry. His diction has some
resemblance to that of Tertullian, but is much more crabbed
and obscure: none, but the ablest Latin scholars, can
understand him. The Marriage of Mercury and Philology,-or of
Speech with Learning, is not uninteresting. His other
treatises contain nothing remarkable: that upon music, is
hardly intelligible; it is printed separately in the
collection of Meibomius. With all his harshness and
obscurity, Capella seems to have been much studied in the
middle ages,-some proof that there was more learning in
them, than is generally supposed,-he is so often quoted by
the writers of those times, that some persons have supposed
that his work was then a text book in the schools.
The early publications of Grotius.
When Grotius undertook his edition of Capella, he was
only twelve years of age: he published it in his fourteenth
year, and dedicated it to the Prince of Condé. The learning
and critical discernment displayed by him in this
publication excited astonishment, and obtained for him the
applause of all the literary world. Grotius himself gives
the following account of his work: "We have collated Capella
with the several authors, who have investigated the same
subjects. In the two first books, we have consulted those
whose writings contain the sentiments of the antient
philosophers, as Apuleius, Albericus and others, too tedious
to name; on grammar, we have compared, Capella with the
antient grammarians; in what he has said on rhetoric, with
Cicero and Aquila; on logic, with Porphyry, Aristotle,
Cassiodorus and Apuleius; on geography, with Strabo, Mela,
Solinus, and Ptolemy, but chiefly Pliny; on arithmetic, with
Euclid; on astronomy, with Hyginus, and others, who have
treated on that subject; on music, with Cleonides, Vitruvius
and Boethius." In Grotius's Annotations all these writers
are mentioned in a manner, which shews that he was
thoroughly conversant with their works. Grotius's edition is
become, from its extreme scarcity, a typographical
curiosity: all the other editions are scarce. The writer of
these pages found, with great difficulty, a copy of it in
the London market.[006]
That of Bonhomme, published at Lyons in 1539, he procured by
loan. The celebrated Leibniz began to prepare an edition of
Capella in usum Delphini; but his collections being
purloined from him, he desisted from his project: it must be
owned that the general learning of Leibniz qualified him
admirably for such a task.[009]
The early Publications of Grotius.
While yet in his fourteenth year, Grotius published a
translation of a work, published by Simon Steven in 1586,
upon Navigation, and shewed by it a profound knowledge of
mathematics:[010]
he dedicated it to the republic of Venice.
In the following year, Grotius published the Phenomena
of Aratus, a poetical treatise of that author upon
astronomy, with Cicero's translation of it, so far as it has
reached us. Grotius supplied the vacancies. It is
universally admitted that the parts supplied by him, are not
inferior to those of Cicero. The abbé d'Olivet, the editor
of Cicero's works, and an enthusiastic admirer of his style,
declares that "the Muse of Cicero[011]
did not throw the Muse of Grotius into the shade:" he
therefore inserted the supplementary verses of Grotius in
his edition. Grotius dedicated his work to the States of
Holland and West Friseland; and promised them in his
dedication something more considerable. He was complimented
upon it by several of the greatest men of the age.
The following simile, taken from Cicero's translation of
Aratus, and Voltaire's version of it, are greatly admired:
Sic Jovis altisoni subito pennata satelles,
Arboris è trunco, serpentis saucia morsu;
Ipsa feris subigit transfigens unguibus anguem
Semianimum, et variâ graviter cervice micantem;
Quem se intorquentem laniens rostroque craentans,
Abjicit efflantem, et laceratum effundit in undas,
Seque obitu a solis nitidos convertit ad ortus.
CICERO.
Tel on voit cet oiseau, qui porte le tonnere,
Blessé par un serpent élancé de la terre;
Il s'envole, il entraine au sejour azuré
L'ennemi tortueux dont il est entouré.
Le sang tombe des airs: il dechire, il devore
Le reptile acharné, qui le combat encore;
Il le perçe, il le tient sous ses ongles vainqeurs,
Par cent coups rédoublés il venge ses douleurs;
Le Monstre en expirant, se debat, se replie;
Il exhale en poison le reste de sa vie;
Et l'aigle tout sanglant, fier et victorieux,
Le rejette en fureur, et plane au haut des cieux.
VOLTAIRE.
The early Publications of Grotius.
About the year 1608, Grotius published his celebrated
work Mare Liberum, to assert in it against the
English, the general freedom of the sea. The controversy
arose upon the claim of Great Britain to enjoy the dominion
of the British seas, in the most extensive sense of those
words, both as to the right of navigating them, and the
right of fishing within them. Against this claim, Grotius
attempted to shew that the sea was, from its nature,
insusceptible of exclusive right; and that, if it were
susceptible of it, England did not prove her title to it.
Selden, in opposition to Grotius, asserted the British
claim, by his treatise Mare Clausam,-a noble exertion
of a vigorous mind, fraught with profound and extensive
erudition. It is pleasing to add, that he treats Grotius
with the respect due to his learning and character. Selden's
treatise was thought of so much importance to his cause,
that a copy of it was directed to be deposited in the
British Admiralty. Grotius was highly pleased with the
respect, which was shewn to him by Selden.
On Selden's Mare Clausum he composed the following
epigram:-
Ipsum compedibus qui vinxerat Ennegisæum,
Est Grecâ Xerxes multus in
historia:
Lucullum Latii Xerxem dixere togatum;
Seldenus Xerxes ecce Britannus
erit.
The States General were gratified by his work; but at
that time it was so much their interest to preserve the
strictest amity with England, that they discountenanced any
further advocation of their claim.[012]
The year after his publication of his "Treatise on the
Freedom of the Sea," Grotius printed his work on the "Antiquity
of the Batavian Republic." He gives in it an account of
the antient Batavians; he professes to shew that they
were the allies, not the subjects of the Romans; that, after
a period of anarchy, during which little is known of their
history, they became subjects of the Counts of Holland; that
these were not vassals of the empire, but independent
princes; and, strictly speaking, elected by the people,
although, in the election of them, great regard was always
shewn to the hereditary line: that they were bound to
conform to the laws of the state; and always required,
before their election, to swear to the observance of the
constitution; that the taxes were always imposed by the
States, and that Philip the Second had occasioned the grand
war, by repeated infractions of the public and private right
of the people of the United Provinces.
The early Publications of Grotius.
The States of Holland were highly pleased with this work;
they voted thanks to its author, and accompanied them with a
present. It is considered that his partiality to his country
led him to advance some positions favourable to its antient
independence, which his proofs did not justify.
For the use of Du Maurier, the French ambassador
to the States General, Grotius published, about this time,
his "Directions for a Course of general Study," De omni
genere studiorum recte instituendo. It was favourably
received, both by the diplomatist for whose use it was
composed, and the public at large; but, on account of the
great extension of literature, since the time of Grotius, it
is now little read. Mentioning the Roman history, he shews
that a knowledge of it is better acquired by reading its
Greek than by reading its Latin historians; because
foreigners give more attention to the public manners and
customs of a country than natives.
All the works, which we have mentioned, were most
favourably received in every part of the United Provinces.
It was now become evident that the exertions for their
independence were on the eve of being crowned with complete
success. All the European Powers had deserted Spain, so that
she was left to her own single and unaided strength, to
maintain the contest against the insurgent provinces. The
glory, which they acquired by their successful resistance to
her, determined them to make choice of an historian, who
should transmit to future ages the signal exploits of their
memorable struggle. With this view, they appointed Grotius
their historiographer.
It remains to mention the "Poems of Grotius:"
throughout his life, he sacrificed to the Muses. The
Prosopopoeia, in which he introduces the City of Ostend
addressing the world, when, in the third year of her siege,
the Marquis Spinola led the troops of Spain against her, was
greatly, admired. All the adjacent territory had been taken
by the Spaniards, so that nothing remained of it to the
confederates, but the precinct within the walls of the city;
and even much of this had been wrested from the besieged.
All Europe had its eye fixed on the operations of Spinola.
It is therefore, with great propriety of language, that
Grotius makes Ostend thus address herself to the world, in
the following lines:-
"Area parva ducum, totus quam respicit orbis;
Celsior una malis, et quam damnare ruinae
Nunc quoque fata timent,-alieno in litore resto.
Tertius annus abit; toties mutavimus hostem:
Sævit hyems pelago, morbisque furentibus æstas;
Et minimum est quod fecit Iber,-crudelior armis
In nos orta lues,-nullum est sine funere funus.
Nec perimit mors una semel:-Fortuna quid haeres?
Quâ mercede tenes mixtos in sanguine manes?
Quis tumulos moriens hos occupet hoste perempto?
Queritur,-et sterili tantum de pulvere pugna est."
"A small area of chiefs, whom the whole world
contemplates;
alone loftier than my woes; I, whom the
Fates even yet, fear to condemn to ruin;-remain on a
foreign shore.
"The third year now passes away; thrice has my foe been
changed:
"The winter rages on the sea; the summer, by its furious
heats.
"The Spaniard has been my least enemy;-more cruel
than arms, a pestilence has risen among us; no funeral
is
without another; the dying never perish by a single
death.
"Fortune! why do'st thou hesitate? By what reward
do'st thou detain the manes mingled in blood?
"Who, dying, will, after the destruction of the enemy,
occupy these tombs?-This is enquired.-
The contest is only for sterile dust."
With the following poetical translation of these verses,
the writer has been favoured by Mr. Sotheby, the elegant
translator of "Oberon."
Scant battle-field of Chiefs, thro' earth renown'd,
Opprest, I loftier tow'r;-and, now, while Fate
Dreads to destroy, in foreign soil I stand.
Thrice chang'd the year, thrice have we chang'd the Foe.
Fierce Winter chafes the Deep, the Summer burns
With fell disease: less fell th' Iberian sword.
Dire Pestilence spreads;-on funerals funerals swell:
Nor does one death at once extirpate all.
Why, Fortune! linger? why our souls detain
With blood immingled? Who, the Foe extinct,
Who, dying, shall these sepulchres possess,
And in this sterile dust the conflict close?
W.S.
March 28,1826.
These verses produced a great sensation in the literary
world: they were ascribed by many to Scaliger, as the best
Latin poet of the age; the only person considered to be
capable of writing them. The celebrated Peyresck hinted this
to that learned man: Scaliger answered, that "he was too old
not to be the aversion of the virgins of Helicon," and
announced that the verses were written by Grotius. They were
translated into French by Du Vair, afterwards the keeper of
the seals; by Rapin, grand-provost of the Constabulary of
France; by Stephen Pasquier, and by Malherbes: Casaubon
translated them into Greek.[013]
Three Generals had successively been entrusted with the
siege of Ostend; nine commanders had successively been
entrusted with its defence: the siege had cost the besiegers
and besieged 100,000 lives: all the historians of the times
agree, that few important consequences were derived to
either side by the success of the Spaniards. The Archduke
and Infanta, had the curiosity to view the city, after it
was taken. They found in it nothing but heaps of ruins:
little that shewed the former state of the town; its ditches
were filled, its fortifications overthrown, its buildings,
and the works of attack and defence, were levelled with the
ground. Spinola led them to the spots in which the most
remarkable events had taken place; and, finally to that, in
which the forces of the besieged had made their last stand;
had, for want of space, found themselves unable to raise
military works, and had, on that account, found themselves
forced to surrender. The Archduke and the Infanta were moved
to tears at the melancholy sight; and declared that such a
victory was not worth its cost.
The success of the siege of Ostend covered Spinola with
glory: his reply to a person, who asked him,-who, in his
opinion was the greatest general of the age,-is generally
known: "Prince Maurice," he said, "is the second."[014]
The principal poetical performances of Grotius in the
collection we have mentioned, are-three tragedies,
"Adam in Banishment," "Christ Suffering," and
"Sophomphaneos," which signifies in the language of Egypt,
"the Saviour of the world:" it exhibits the story of Joseph.
Sandys translated it into English verse, and dedicated his
translation to Charles I. From the second of these
tragedies, Lauder transcribed many of the verses, upon which
he founded the charge of plagiarism against Milton.
An eminent rank among modern Latin poets, has always been
assigned to Grotius: his diction is always classical, his
sentiments just. But those who are accustomed to the wood
notes of the Bard of Avon, will not admire the scenic
compositions, however elegant or mellifluous, of the
Batavian Bard.
HISTORICAL MINUTES OF THE UNITED PROVINCES, FROM THEIR
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, TILL THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY.
The present chapter will lead our readers to the public life of
Grotius: in a former page we succinctly mentioned the
principal events in the history of the United Provinces,
from their first insurrection against Philip II. till their
declaration of independence. On that event, they continued
Prince William of Orange in the Stadtholderate: he was
entitled to it by his civil and military talents.
Application, activity, liberality, eloquence, intrepidity,
enterprise and discretion, were united in him in an
extraordinary degree: he could accommodate himself to all
persons and occurrences, accelerate or retard events, as
best served the interests of his cause, or his own designs.
In the rare talent of governing popular assemblies, and
procuring the co-operation of persons of opposite views, he
has had few equals. He wanted no quality, which a chief of a
party should possess, either to insure the success of the
public object, or to further his private aims.
These had, for some time, been suspected: it was
generally observed, that he affected the exercise of
sovereign authority; that he endeavoured to attach the
military to his own person; that he always sought to have
the acts of the States issued in his own name; that, on many
occasions, he avoided consulting the States, or doing any
thing which could be considered an explicit recognition of
their supremacy; and that in several instances, in which the
constitution required the co-operation of the States, he
acted independently of them. This gave rise to a party,
which was jealous of his power, and on many occasions
thwarted, what they thought the projects of his private
ambition. From their attachment to the constitution, they
were termed the republican party: Barneveldt, the
Grand-Pensionary of the States General, was their leader.
Assassination of William Prince of Orange.
Whatever were the projects of the prince, there appeared
to be great probability of their ultimate success. In 1684,
he had gained so for, that the States of Holland, Zealand
and Frizeland, had come to a resolution to confer upon him
the sovereignty of their states, under the title of Count.
All the conditions were settled: on one hand, the rights of
the prince, on the other, the rights of the people, were
defined and recognised; a contravention of them by any of
the people was declared to be treason; the infringement of
them by the prince, was declared to be a forfeiture of his
sovereignty. Thus the prince seemed to be on the eve of
receiving the fruit of all his exertions. But, as we have
already mentioned, he was assassinated by Balthazar Gerard,
a fanatic Spaniard. The last words of the prince were,
"Lord! have mercy on my soul! have pity on my poor country!"
In 1585, Prince Maurice, the second son of William, was,
chiefly by the influence of Barneveldt, proclaimed
Stadtholder by the States General. They were not less
jealous of his views, than they had been of his father's;
but the misconduct of the Earl of Leicester had made it
necessary for them to throw themselves into the prince's
arms. The weakness of Spain, and the troubles in France, now
permitted the United Provinces to enjoy some repose. They
availed themselves of it, to settle the constitution: the
towns were repaired, the fortifications completed,
Universities were founded or revived at Utrecht, Leyden and
Franker; and the arts of peace began to be cultivated.
Maurice inherited all the civil talents of his father; he
had greater military skill, and at least equal ambition. The
art of war seems to consist, at the present time, in
directing immense masses of men, by skilful evolutions and
positions, to the destruction of the force opposed. In the
wars of the Netherlands, it was principally shewn by
surprising strong-holds, besieging towns, regular assaults,
advantageous encampments, and wasting the army of the enemy
by skilful marches. The camp of Maurice became a school, in
which the nobility and gentry of the empire, France, and
England, entered as volunteers, to learn the art of war. His
taking of the city of Breda, raised his reputation to the
highest: from this time, the war, which, on the part of the
United Provinces, had till then, been a defensive war,
became offensive, and their arms were attended with almost
uninterrupted success: they equally triumphed on Sea.
In 1698, the war between Spain and France was terminated.
Philip II. soon afterwards died: he was succeeded by Philip
III. a weak monarch. Then, began the naval glory of the
United Provinces; their attacks on the West Indian and East
Indian colonies of the Spaniards. In 1600, prince Maurice
gained a decisive victory at Nieuport near Ostend: it was
followed by other important successes. In 1607, Admiral
Heemskirk obtained a complete victory over the Spanish
fleet, though protected by the batteries of Cadiz, and
seized their ships and treasures.
Armistice between Spain and the United Provinces.
The war between Spain and the United Provinces had now
continued forty years: the resources of Spain were so
exhausted, that she herself was forced to solicit an
armistice. Prince Maurice objected to it, as the continuance
of the war was essential to the furtherance of his own
ambitious views. On this account, the truce was promoted by
Barneveldt and the republican party. They justly thought
that the aggrandizement of the house of Orange would be the
extinction of the liberties of their country, so that the
result of the war would only be, that the United Provinces
would change their masters. After a long negotiation, an
armistice of twelve years was agreed upon in 1609, and
England and France guaranteed the execution of the treaty.
THE FEUDS IN THE UNITED PROVINCES BETWEEN THE DISCIPLES
OF CALVIN AND THE DISCIPLES OF ARMINIUS, UNTIL THE SYNOD AT
DORT.
1610-1617.
It has generally happened, when a people have risen against their
sovereign, that their first successes have been followed by
divisions among themselves; and that these have endangered,
and sometimes even ruined, their cause. Such a division took
place, in a remarkable manner, in the conflict between the
United Provinces and Spain. No sooner did the arms of the
former begin to prosper, and promise ultimate success, than
the ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY burst forth. At first, it was
merely a religious dispute; but it soon mixed itself in the
national politics; split the people into two very hostile
parties, and produced contentions between them, which more
than once brought their cause to the brink of destruction.
Grotius was unfortunately involved in them. This part of the
history now claims our attention.
The reformed church, in the largest import of the word,
comprises all the religious communities, which have
separated themselves from the church of Rome. In this sense,
the words are often used by English writers; but, having
been adopted by the French Calvinists to describe their
church, these words are most commonly used, on the
continent, as a general appellation of all the churches who
profess the doctrines of Calvin.
About the year 1541, the church of Geneva was placed by
the magistrates of that city, under the direction of Calvin.
He immediately conceived one of the boldest projects, that
ever entered into the mind of an obscure individual. He
undertook to new model the religious creed of the reformed
church; to give it strength and consistency, and to render
the church of Geneva the mother and mistress of all
Protestant churches. His learning, eloquence, and talents
for business, soon attracted general notice; and, while the
fervour of his zeal, the austerity of his manners, and the
devotional cast of his writings, attracted the multitude,
the elegance of his compositions, and his insinuating style,
equally captivated the gentleman and the scholar. By
degrees, his fame reached every part of Europe. Having
prevailed upon the senate of Geneva to found an academy, and
place it under his superintendence, and having filled it
with men eminent throughout Europe for their learning and
talent, it became the favourite resort of all persons, who
leaned to the new principles, and sought religious or
literary instruction. From Germany, France, Italy, England
and Scotland, numbers crowded to the new academy, and
returned from it to their native countries, saturated with
the doctrine of Geneva, and burning with zeal to propagate
its creed.
Calvin's peculiar doctrine on Predestination and
Free-will soon attracted attention, and gave rise to more
than a civil war[015]
of controversy,[016]
We feel that we are free: if we were not free, conscience
could not exist; for, if a man had not freedom of action,
conscience could not intimate to him either its approbation
or its disapprobation of his actions.
But-how are we free? How is free-will
reconcileable, either with the influence of motive upon
will? or with the order of the universe, prescribed by the
Deity? or, with his prescience? For that, which his infinite
mind prescribes or foresees, must be fixed.
Disputes on the Free-will of Man.
This question soon engaged the attention of the Greek
Philosophers: some advocated the free-will of man; others
denied it, and ascribed his actions to Fate or Destiny; a
being or energy, which they were never able to define or
describe. Among the Jews, the Sadducees embraced the former
opinion; the Pharisees, the latter. Among the Mahometans, a
like division took place between the followers of Omar, and
those of Ali.
Unfortunately, the Christians engaged in these ungrateful
speculations: their disputes chiefly turned upon the effect,
which motive, suggested by grace, or the divine favour, has
upon will. Does it necessitate? then, there is no
free-will,-no merit,-no demerit. Does it not necessitate?
then, in the choice of good, man acts by his own power, and
thus achieves a good of which God is not the author.
The dispute was brought to an issue by Pelagius
and his disciples. They held, that man acts independently of
divine grace, both in the choice and execution of good. This
independence was denied by St. Augustin, he asserted,
that man co-operates with grace, yet, that grace begins,
advances and brings to perfection every thing in man, which
can be justly called good. St. Thomas of Aquin
new-modelled the system of St. Augustin, and used new terms
in describing it: his subtile distinctions, in the opinion
of many, considerably improved it.
Calvin aggravated the doctrine of St. Augustin. He
maintained,[017]
that the everlasting condition of mankind in the future
world, was determined from all eternity, by the
unchangeable order of the Deity; and that this
absolute determination of his will was the only source
of happiness or misery to individuals. Thus Calvin
maintained, without any qualification, that God, from all
eternity has doomed one part of mankind to everlasting
happiness, the other to everlasting misery; and, was led to
make this distinction, without regard to the merit or
demerit of the object, and by no other reason or motive than
his own pleasure.
Luther,[018]
in opposition to Calvin, maintained, that the divine
decrees respecting the salvation or misery of men, are
founded upon a previous knowledge of their sentiments and
characters; or, in other words, that God, foreseeing from
all eternity the faith and virtue of some, and the
incredulity or wickedness of others, has reserved eternal
happiness for the former, and eternal misery for the latter.
Disputes on the Free-will of Man.
These, and other doctrinal differences, separated the
Protestants into the adherents to the creed of Luther, and
the adherents to the creed of Calvin. The United Provinces
were among the latter: the creed of Calvin was, as we have
mentioned, one of the fundamental laws of the Union.
The Calvinistic doctrine, that God, from all eternity,
consigns one portion of mankind, without any fault on their
side, to everlasting torments, shocks our feelings, and is
totally repugnant to the notions entertained by us of the
goodness and justice of the Deity: it is not therefore
surprising that it should be called in question. From the
first, several objected to it; but it was not till the
successes of the United Provinces appeared to afford them a
near prospect of triumph, that the opposers of Calvin's
doctrine formed themselves into a party, and occasioned a
public sensation.
The celebrated JAMES ARMINIUS[019]
was at their head. He was born in 1560, at Oudewater in
Holland, of respectable parents. He lost his father in his
infancy, and was indebted, for the first rudiments of his
education, to a clergyman, who had imbibed some opinions of
the reformed religion. Under his tuition, Arminius studied,
during some time, at Utrecht. After the clergyman's decease,
Rudolphus Snellius, a clergyman of eminence, took Arminius
under his protection, and, in 1575, placed him at Marpurgh.
There, he heard of the taking of Oudewater by the Spaniards,
and their massacre of its inhabitants. His mother, sister,
and two brothers were among the victims. On the first
intelligence of the calamity he repaired to Oudewater, in
hopes that the account of it might have been exaggerated.
Finding it true, he retired to Leyden: there, his severe
application to study, and the regularity of his morals,
gained him universal esteem. In 1563, he was sent to Geneva,
at the expense of the magistrates of Amsterdam, to perfect
his studies under the care of Beza. Unfortunately, by
adopting the philosophical principles, of Ramus, and
unguardedly professing them, he displeased some leading men
of the university, and was obliged to leave it: he then went
to Bâsle. There, his reputation having preceded him, he was
received with great kindness: the faculty of divinity
offered him a doctor's degree; but a general wish for his
return being expressed at Geneva, he declined the honour,
and returned to that city. He then visited Italy, and,
during some months, studied under Zabarella, a famous
philosopher, who then lectured at Padua. In 1588, Arminius
was ordained minister at Amsterdam.
Some theologians of Delft having attacked the sentiments
of Calvin and Beza upon predestination, and given great
offence by it, they defended themselves by a book, entitled;
"An Answer to certain Arguments of Beza and Calvin, in the
treatise concerning Predestination; or upon the ninth
Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans." They transmitted
their defence to Martin Lydius, a partisan of the divines
whom it attacked; he sent it to Arminius, with a request
that he would answer it. Arminius undertook the task, and
attentively examined and weighed the arguments on each side;
the result was, that he embraced the opinions which he had
been called upon to confute, and even went further than the
ministers of Delft. Upon this account, the friends of the
rejected principles raised a great clamour against him; but
were quieted by the intervention of the magistrates. The
opinions, which Arminius adopted, he endeavoured to
propagate. They are contained in the Remonstrance of his
disciples, which we shall afterwards transcribe.
As the language of Arminius seemed to express notions,
more consonant than those of Calvin, to the sentiments
entertained by rational Christians, of the goodness and
justice of the Deity, it is not surprising that they found
many advocates among the learned and moderate; but some
ardent spirits were offended by them, and instilled their
dislike of them into the populace. This, Arminius was soon
made to feel. In 1603, he was appointed, on the death of
Francis Junius, to a professorship of theology in the
university of Leyden: great efforts were made, first to
prevent, and afterwards to procure a recision of his
appointment. He was accused of having said in a sermon, that
"God had not yet sent his letter of divorce to the church of
Rome;" but his friends produced a work of Francis Junius,
his predecessor in the theological chair, in which that
celebrated theologian had used the same expression. Arminius
was also accused by his adversaries, of elevating the action
of reason in the choice of good, at the expense of grace. To
this Arminius replied, by accusing his adversaries of
sacrificing reason entirely to grace. But the greater number
of the enemies of Arminius supported their charges against
him, by making it a question of authority: "the States,"
they said, "had decided the question, by adopting Calvin's
doctrine at the union; so that the gainsayers of it were
guilty of treason." The friends of Arminius replied, that he
did not deny Calvin's doctrine, but merely explained it.
Thus they disputed;
"And found no end, in wandering mazes lost."
Milton.
In fact, the subject,-as the writer has more than once observed,-is
above human reason: the day will come, "when the Almighty
will be judged, and will overcome;"-when the secret of his
councils will be unfolded, and their justice and goodness
made manifest to all.[020]
The friends of Arminius also observed, that he was by no
means singular in his doctrine; that it was favoured by
professors in Gueldres, Friesland, Utrecht, and other parts
of Holland; and, that in all the provinces, it was
patronized by the higher ranks of the laity. Was it fitting,
they asked, that the peace of the church, and the
tranquillity of the state, should be disturbed by such a
dispute? by a dispute which affected no essential article of
christianity; no civil, no moral, no religious observation?
The principal adversary of Arminius was Gomarus,
also a professor of theology at Leyden. When the election of
Arminius was proposed, Gomarus announced suspicions of his
orthodoxy; he afterwards raised his tone, and accused
Arminius of Pelagianism, of secretly inclining to the church
of Rome, and holding principles which led to general
scepticism and infidelity.
Arminius died on the 19th October 1609.
Grotius made his eulogium in verse. He had hitherto
applied little to these matters; he acknowledges, in a
letter written in 1609, his general ignorance of them.
Entering afterwards into the dispute, he became convinced
that the idea, which we ought to have of the goodness and
justice of God, and even the language of the scriptures and
the early fathers of the church, favoured the system of
Arminius, and contradicted that of Gomarus.
The prejudices against the Arminians increasing, they
drew up a Remonstrance, dated the 14th January 1610, and
addressed it to the States of Holland. It begins by stating
what they do not believe: it afterwards propounds their own
sentiments in the five articles following:[021]
1. "That God, by an eternal and immutable decree in Jesus Christ his
son, before the world was created, resolved to save in
Jesus Christ, on account of Jesus Christ, and through
Jesus Christ, those, from among mankind fallen in sin,
who, by the grace of the Holy Spirit believe in his same
son Jesus; and through the same grace continue in the
faith and obedience to the end; and, on the contrary, to
leave under sin, and wrath, and to condemn the obstinate
and unbelieving, as having no part in Christ; according
to what is said St. John iii. 36.
2. "That accordingly, Jesus Christ the Saviour of the
world, died for all and every man; and by his death on
the cross has merited for all, reconciliation with God,
and remission of sin; in such manner nevertheless, that
no one can partake of them but believers, according to
the words of Jesus, St. John iii. 16., 1 John
ii. 2.
3. "That man hath not saving faith of himself, and by
the strength of his own free will; since, while in a
state of sin and apostasy, he cannot of himself think,
desire, or do, that which is truly good, which is what
is chiefly meant by saving faith; but it is necessary
that God in Jesus Christ, and by the Holy Spirit,
regenerate and renew him in his understanding and
affections, or in his will and all his powers; that he
may know the true good, meditate on it, desire, and do
it. St. John xv. 5.
4. "That to this grace of God is owing the beginning, the progression,
and accomplishment of all good; in such manner, that
even the regenerate, without this antecedent, or
preventing, exciting, concomitant, and cooperating
grace, cannot think that, which is good, desire or
practise it; nor resist any temptation to evil; so that
all the good works or actions he can conceive, spring
from the grace of God; that as to what regards the
manner of operation of this grace, it is not
irresistible, since it is said of several, they resisted
the Holy Spirit. See Acts vii. and other places.
5. "That those, who by a lively faith are engrafted
into Christ, and consequently made partakers of his
quickening spirit, are furnished with sufficient
strength to be able to combat, and even overcome Satan,
sin, the world, and their own lusts; and all this, as is
carefully to be observed, by the assistance of the grace
and the Holy Spirit; and that Jesus Christ succours them
by his spirit in all temptations, reaches to them his
hand, (provided they be willing to engage, ask his
assistance, and are not wanting to themselves,) supports
and strengthens them: so, that they cannot be led away
by any wile or violence of Satan, or snatched out of
Christ's hands, as he says himself, St. John x.
My sheep shall no man pluck out of my hands. For
the rest, if it be asked whether these may not through
negligence let go the confidence they had from the
beginning, (Heb. iii. 6.) cleave again to the present
world, depart from the holy doctrine, which was
delivered, make shipwreck of a good conscience? (2 Pet.
i. 10., Jude iii., 1 Tim. i. 19., Heb. xii. 15.) This
must be previously examined with more care, by the
Scriptures, to be able to teach it with full assurance
to others."
Such is the Confession of Faith of the Arminians: they gave it the name
of Remonstrance; and were styled from it
REMONSTRANTS. It was drawn up by Utengobard, minister
at the Hague, with the help, it is supposed, of Grotius: it
was signed by forty-six ministers.
The Gomarists opposed to it a Contra-Remonstrance;
which gave them the name of the CONTRA-REMONSTRANTS.
It was about this time, that Grotius was elected
Pensionary of Rotterdam, and ordered to England: it has been
suggested, that he had secret instructions from the
Arminians, to induce king James to favour their principles.
We are informed, by Mr. Nichols, (Calvinism and
Arminianism compared,)[022]
that the Arminians sent to King James by Grotius, a true
state of their case; that Grotius found an adversary in
Archbishop Abbott, and friends in Bishops Andrews
and Overal; and that by their advice the monarch
addressed to the States General, a wise and conciliatory
letter.
The irritation of the public mind increasing, the States
of Holland, to restore tranquillity, published an edict of
Pacification, by which they strongly enjoined forbearance,
toleration, and silence. This was favourable to the
Arminians, but it increased the violence of the
Contra-remonstrants. Thus, it became a signal of war.
The States of Holland transmitted it to King James: his
Majesty, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the other English
prelates, allowed its doctrine to be orthodox.
Remonstrants-Contra-Remonstrants.
Still, the troubles in Holland augmented: riots took
place and greater riots were apprehended. In an evil hour,
Barneveldt, the Grand-Pensionary, proposed to the States of
Holland, that the magistrates of the cities of that province
should he empowered to raise troops for the suppression of
the rioters. Amsterdam, Dort, and other towns, that favoured
the Gomarists, protested against this measure, styling it a
declaration of war against the Contra-remonstrants. Yet, on
the 4th August 1617, Barneveldt's proposition was agreed to,
and promulgated.
We have mentioned the enmity of Prince Maurice to
Barneveldt, on account of his having promoted the armistice
of 1609, and his favouring the republican party. The Prince
professed to consider the edict of Pacification as
derogatory of his authority, and forbade the soldiers to
obey the States, if they should be ordered to act against
the rioters. He publicly declared, that he favoured the
Gomarists; he assisted, at the divine service, in their
churches only, and shewed them every other mark of public
favour. Exulting in this powerful support, the Gomarists
separated themselves, formally, from the Arminians.
To bring over Amsterdam to their sentiments, the States
of Holland sent a deputation to the burgomasters of that
city, and placed Grotius at its head. On the day after their
arrival in Amsterdam, the burgomasters assembled to receive
the deputies. Grotius addressed them in an argumentative and
eloquent speech. He urged the necessity and advantage of
religious toleration, particularly upon theoretical points
of doctrine. He observed to the assembly, that Bullinger and
Melancthon had been tolerated by Deza and Calvin; that
James, the King of Great Britain, had advanced, in his
writings, that each of the two opposite opinions on
Predestination might be maintained without danger of
reprobation; that Gomarus himself had declared that Arminius
had not erred in any fundamental article of Christian
doctrine; that the contested articles were of a very
abstruse nature; that the affirmative or negative of the
doctrines expressed in them, had not been determined; and
that toleration would restore tranquillity and union, and
favour the assembling of a numerous and respectable synod,
which might labour with success in restoring peace to the
church.
Grotius delivered his speech in the Dutch language; it
was afterwards translated into Latin; all, who heard,
admired it; but it produced no effect on them. The deputies
were uncivilly dismissed; and the oration of Grotius, by an
order of the States General, was suppressed.[023]
Feuds of the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants.
He was much affected by the bad success of his mission:
he was seized with a fever, which nearly proved fatal to
him. Many of his friends sought to persuade him to retire
from the contest: he told them that he had taken his
resolution after deep deliberation; that he was aware of his
danger, and that he submitted the event to providence.
The next effort of the States of Holland to pacify the
troubles, was to prepare a formula of peace, which
the ministers of the two parties should be obliged to sign.
It contained nothing contrary to the doctrine of Calvin; it
referred the five articles to future examination, and
prescribed, in the mean time, silence upon the parts in
dispute. Grotius drew up the Formula; it was shewn to Prince
Maurice, and rejected by him.
Matters now converged to a crisis:-we have more than once
mentioned the opposite politics of Prince Maurice and
Barneveldt, the Grand-Pensionary; the former wishing to draw
the whole sovereign power to himself; the latter
endeavouring to preserve and stabilitate the the
constitution of the Provinces, as it had been settled by the
Act of Union. We noticed that the Gomarists sided with the
Prince; the Arminians with the Grand-Pensionary. As the
Prince was aware that the States of Holland were favourable
to the Arminians, that the States General were opposed to
them, and that the clergy of each denomination partook of
the civil and ecclesiastical opinions of their flocks, he
convened a national synod of the clergy; and, that be might
the more overawe his opponents and strengthen his own party,
he appointed the synod to meet in Holland. Against this
synod the provinces of Holland, Utretcht, and Overyssell
protested. Barneveldt was so much affected by the
disturbances, and a view of the evils with which they
appeared to threaten his country, that he sought to resign
his place of Grand-Pensionary; but the States of the
province of Holland, which needed more than ever the
counsels of such an experienced minister, sent a deputation
to him, beseeching him not to abandon them in times of so
much difficulty. He thought it his duty to yield to their
entreaty, and continued to exercise the functions of his
office.
Imprisonment of Barneveldt, Grotius and Hoogerbetz.
To frustrate the designs of Prince Maurice, several
cities favourable to the Arminians levied bodies of militia,
and gave them the name of Attendant Soldiers. The
States-General, at the instigation of Prince Maurice,
enjoined the cities to disband them. The cities generally
disobeyed these orders. In this they were justified by the
established constitution: the Prince, however, treated their
conduct as rebellious; and, in concert with the States
General, marched in person, at the head of his troops,
against the refractory cities. Wherever he came, he disarmed
and disbanded the new levies; deposed the Arminian
magistrates, and expelled the ministers of their party.
In the provinces of Gueldres and Overyssell, he met with
no resistance; and little at Arnheim: greater resistance was
expected at Utretcht: the States of Holland sent Grotius and
Hoogerbetz, the Pensionary of Leyden, to stimulate the
inhabitants to resistance; but the fortune of the Prince
prevailed. In an extraordinary assembly, which consisted of
eight persons only, yet assuming to act as the States
General, the Prince procured an ordonnance to be passed,
which directed Barneveldt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz to be
taken into immediate custody. They were accordingly
arrested, and confined in the Castle at the Hague.
Thus the Prince's party prevailed in every part of the
United Provinces. About this time, he succeeded, in
consequence of the death of his elder brother, to the
dignity of Prince of Orange.
THE SYNOD OF DORT.
1618.
The States General determined that the Synod[024]
should be composed of twenty-six divines of the United
Provinces, twenty-eight foreign divines, five professors of
divinity, and sixteen laymen;-seventy-five members in the
whole. The expence was calculated at 100,000 florins. The
English divines were, Dr. George Carlton, Bishop of
Llandaff; Dr. Joseph Hall, Dean of Worcester; John Davenant,
professor of divinity, and Master of Queen's college,
Cambridge; Samuel Ward, Archdeacon of Taunton, and head of
Sidney college, Cambridge. To these were added, Walter
Balcanqual, a Scottish theologian, as representative of the
Scottish churches. The ever-memorable John Hales of Eaton,
as that learned and amiable person is justly termed by
protestant writers, was permitted to attend the debates of
the Synod, but was not allowed to speak, or take any part in
its proceedings.
We have mentioned that Arminius was converted to the
opinions, which he defended afterwards so strenuously, by
the perusal of a work in support of the opposite doctrine,
which he had been desired to confute. In the same manner,
the proceedings of the Contra-Remonstrants, at the Synod of
Dort, made Mr. Hales a Remonstrant. We are informed by his
friend Mr. Faringdon, that, in his younger days, he was a
Calvinist; but that some explanations given by Episcopius of
the text in John iii. 16, induced him, as he himself said,
to "bid John Calvin, Good Night." His letters from Dort to
Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at the Hague,
contain an interesting account of the proceedings of the
assembly.[025]
Dr. Heylin says, in his "Quinquarticular History," that
the theologians sent by King James to Dort, were inclined to
condemn the Remonstrants; but he intimates that the monarch
acted from reasons of state; and that he was more hostile to
their persons than their doctrines: Brand makes the same
remark upon Prince Maurice. It seems to be admitted, that,
in the conference at Hampton Court, King James declared
against absolute predestination.[026]
The English divines arrived at the Hague on the 5th
November 1618: they were immediately presented to the States
General, and most honourably received.
The King of France had permitted two Protestant
theologians of his kingdom to attend the Synod; but
afterwards revoked the permission. The French Protestant
churches had deputed to it, the celebrated Peter de Moulin
and Andrew Rivet; but the King prohibited their attending
it, under severe penalties.
After the election of the members was finally adjusted,
the Synod appeared to be composed of about seventy
Contra-Remonstrants and fourteen Arminians.
It was opened on the 13th of November 1618. Two
commissioners of the States placed themselves on the right
side of the chimney of the room; the English divines were
placed on the left; seats were kept vacant for the French;
the third place was assigned to the deputies from the
Palatinate; the fourth, to those from Hesse; the fifth, to
the Swiss; the sixth to the Genevans; the seventh to the
theologians from Bremen; and the eighth to those from
Embden. The professors of theology were placed immediately
after the commissioners; then, the ministers and elders of
the country. By an arrangement, favoured by the States,
thirty-six ministers and twenty elders were added to the
five professors. Of this the Remonstrants complained, on the
just ground, that it evidently gave their adversaries an
undue preponderance.
The commissioners nominated the celebrated Daniel
Heinsius secretary. The Remonstrants objected to him; they
admitted his extensive acquaintance with polite literature,
and his elegant taste; but asserted, that he possessed no
theological learning, and was prejudiced against them.
Episcopius was always considered to be at the head of the
Remonstrants: he has seldom been excelled in learning,
eloquence, or power of argumentation.
No further business than arranging the forms of sitting
and voting, was transacted at the first session of
the Synod. At the second, the Synod constituted John
Bogerman its president, and appointed two assessors and two
secretaries: all five were distinguished for their known
hostility to the Remonstrants. The appointment of Bogerman
particularly offended them, as he openly avowed it to be his
opinion that heretics should be punished by death; and had
translated into the Dutch language the celebrated treatise
of Beza, de hæreticis a civili magistratu puniendis,
in which this doctrine is explicitly maintained in its
fullest extent.
In the third session,-the deputies from Geneva
produced their commission: it was expressed in terms
decidedly hostile to the Remonstrants.
In the fourth session,-the grand preliminary
question,-in what manner the Remonstrants were to be
summoned,-came under consideration. After much argument, it
was settled, by a great majority of voices, that "Episcopius
and some other Remonstrants should within a fortnight,
appear before the Synod, as the sovereign ecclesiastical
tribunal of the United States."
The Remonstrants and the advocates of their cause
protested against this proceeding: they called in question
the authority of the Synod to sit as judges upon them, or
even to decide any point of doctrine definitively: they
averred it contrary to the evangelical liberty professed and
taught by the first Reformers. Every friend to the true
principles of the reformation must admit the force of this
objection.
The 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th and 13th
Sessions of the intermediate fortnight, were consumed in
debates upon a projected new translation of the Scriptures;
the 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th and
21st Sessions were employed in discussions, upon a new
catechism, and other ecclesiastical arrangements.
The 22d Session was held on the 6th of
December. The Remonstrants appeared before the Synod, and
requested further time for preparing their defence on the
articles with which they were charged. Their request was
denied: and Episcopius having said, that "They wished to
enter into a conference with the Synod," a resolution was
passed, by which the Synod declared, that "the Remonstrants
had not been cited to confer with the Synod; but to
propound their opinions, and submit to its judgment."
The Remonstrants then paid their visits to the foreign
theologians: these they found greatly prejudiced against
them; they therefore published two short writings,
explaining and justifying their sentiments.
In the 23d Session, Episcopius made a long
discourse. Mr. John Hales praised it highly, in a letter
addressed by him to the English ambassador An oath was
prescribed to the members, by which they promised, that, in
the examination of the five articles, "or any other points
of doctrine which should be discussed, they would confine
themselves to the Scriptures, and resort to no human
authority." But, what was the Synod itself more than human
authority? The oath was not tendered to the Remonstrants; it
was declined by the Swiss.
The 24th Session was consumed in debates: on
the 25th, Episcopius read a long document, and
afterwards presented it to the Synod. He protested in it
against the authority of the Synod, and asked the searching
question, whether the Calvinists would "submit to a Synod of
Lutherans?" To this question, no answer was given: an angry
discussion followed.
It continued during the 27th and 28th Sessions.
On the 29th, the opinions of foreign divines were
produced in favour of the authority of the Synod: those of
the English divines, and the divines of Bremen, were
expressed with more moderation than the others. The divines
of Geneva stated, that, "if a person obstinately refused to
submit to the just decisions of the church, he might be
proceeded against in two ways; the magistrate might
coerce him, and the church might publicly
excommunicate him as a violator of the law of God."
The dispute was more violent in the 30th Session.
Finally, the Remonstrants agreed to propound their
sentiments in writing; but with an express salvo, of their
right to liberty of conscience, and to retain their
objections to the authority of the Synod.
In the 31st Session, the Remonstrants presented to
the Synod a writing, containing their sentiments upon
Predestination,-the first and most important of the five
articles.
In the 34th Session, they presented their
sentiments upon the four other articles; and in the 39th
Session, upon the Catechism of Heidelberg. The Synod had
enjoined them to confine themselves to explanations of their
own doctrine, and to abstain from controverting the
doctrines of the Calvinists. These debates carried the Synod
to its 46th Session.
In that session, the resolution of the States General
upon the proceedings of the Synod was produced. They
declared by it, that "the Remonstrants were obliged to
submit to the decrees of the Synod,"-and that "if they
persisted in their disobedience to them, both the censures
of the church, and the penalties by which the States
punished violators of public authority, should be inflicted
upon them." The States ordered the Remonstrants to remain,
in the meantime, in the town.
The Remonstrants persisting in their refusal to
acknowledge the authority of the Synod, an assembly of it
met on the 57th Session, and formally expelled the
Remonstrants from the Synod. Episcopius exclaimed, "May God
decide between the Synod and us!" "I appeal," said Niellius,
"from the injustice of the Synod, to the throne of Jesus
Christ." All remained firm in their protestation.
Mr. Hales and Mr. Balcanqual, in their letters to the
English ambassador, blame the proceedings of the Synod.[027]
The only question between the Synod and the Remonstrants
was, whether the latter would submit to acknowledge the
authority of the former. This, the Remonstrants uniformly
refused to do. In almost every Synod there was a repetition
of the same demand, and of the same answer. By every English
reader, the demand of the Synod will be thought exorbitant.
The Synod relaxed afterwards so far, as to permit the
Remonstrants to deliver their sentiments in writing: they
did it at great length. But they still persisted in
objecting to the authority of the Synod, and to be examined
by it. The Synod therefore proceeded against them in their
absence; and ultimately, on the 24th of April 1610,
pronounced them guilty of pestilential errors, and
corruptors of the true religion. The five articles were
formally condemned; Episcopius and the other ministers were
deposed.
"There are conclusions," says Grotius,[028]
in a letter written by him in the same year, "in the canons
of the Synod of Dort, of which, if good Melancthon were
again to make his appearance, he would express his
disapprobation, and with which Bullinger would be no less
grieved; there are others, which alienate all the Lutherans
from the Calvinists; although amity and concord are
desirable between them and us at this juncture. There are
some points in them, which forbid the Greek churches from
uniting with us, though they are very favourable to us; but
there are others of the Dort canons, which admit of no
controversy.-It is possible that they may recall to mind my
labours for unity. Even those writings, which I published
since my calamity, have not been diverted from the same
peaceful object." If ever any Protestant divines deserved
the reproach cast by Mr. Gibbon,[029]
on the first reformers in general, "of being ambitious to
succeed the tyrants whom they had dethroned," they were the
members of the Synod of Dort.
The Synod was closed on the 29th of May.
The sentence passed by it on the Remonstrants was
approved by the States General on the 3d July 1619. On the
same day, the Arminian ministers, who had been detained at
Dort, were, by a sentence of the States General, banished or
imprisoned, deprived of their employments, and the effects
of some were confiscated. Similar severities were exercised
on the Arminians in most of the territories subject to the
States General. To avoid the persecution, some fled to
Antwerp, some to France, the greater part to Holstein.
There, under the wise protection of the reigning duke, they
settled, and afterwards built a town, which from him they
called Friedericstadt.
They continued to assert the irregularity of the Synod:
the Bishop of Meaux shrewdly observed, that "they employed
against the authority of the Synod, the same arguments as
the Protestants use against the authority of the Council of
Trent."
For the publication of Acts of the Council,
divines were chosen out of various districts of the United
Provinces: their edition of the Acts was published at Dort
in the year 1620, in folio, in the types of the Elzevirs;
and was soon afterwards republished with greater
correctness, in the same year, at Hanover, in quarto, with
an addition of a copious index.-An Epistle of their High
Mightinesses the States General, addressed to the Monarchs,
Kings, Princes, Counts, Cities and Magistrates of the
Christian world, and vouching for the authority and
authenticity of the Acts,[030]
is prefixed to this edition. The Remonstrants published an
edition of the Acts in 1620, in 4to.: it is said,[031]
that from a fear of their adversaries, it was printed on
ship-board.
Here, the history of the Arminians, so far as it is
connected with that part of the Life of Grotius to which our
subject has hitherto led us, seems to close. We shall
hereafter be called upon to resume it.
TRIAL AND IMPRISONMENT OF GROTIUS. HIS ESCAPE FROM
PRISON.
1618-1621.
While the Synod of Dort continued its sittings, Prince Maurice and his
party were actively employed in increasing the popular
ferment against Barneveldt, Grotius and Hoogerbetz; in
collecting evidence of the designs and practices of which
they were accused, and in framing the legal proceedings
against them in such a manner as was most likely both to
procure their conviction, and to persuade the public of
their guilt.
We have mentioned that their confinement took place on
the 20th of August 1618, and that they were removed from the
Hague, the original place of their imprisonment, to the
Castle of Louvestein. On the 19th November, the States
General, at the instigation of Prince Maurice, nominated
twenty-six commissioners for their trial. All the prisoners
objected both to the jurisdiction of the commissioners, and
to that of the States General; and asserted that the States
of Holland were their only competent judges. They observed,
at the same time, that many of the judges were notoriously
prejudiced against the Arminians.
Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius.
The act of accusation contained many general charges, and
many averments of particular facts, supposed to substantiate
them. It was alleged against the prisoners, that they had
disturbed the established religion of the United Provinces;
that, in direct contradiction of the articles of union, they
had asserted the right of each province to decide for itself
in matters of religion; that they had set up the authority
and interests of the States of Holland and West Friesland
against those of the States General; that they were the
authors of the Insurrection at Utrecht; had levied, in
opposition to the orders of government, the attendant
soldiers; had raised jealousies between the Prince and
several of the Provincial States, and between these and the
States General; and that, by their habitual conduct, they
had become public disturbers of the tranquillity of the
republic, and councillors and practisers of schemes hostile
to its welfare.
The Commissioners proceeded to the trial of Barneveldt.
Uniformly protesting against the competency of the tribunal,
Barneveldt defended himself with great firmness and ability.
He controverted every article of the accusation, and
concluded his defence, by a long and pathetic enumeration of
the services, which he had rendered to the republic; and of
the numerous actions, by which he had shewn his attachment
to Prince William and Prince Maurice:-he proved that it had
been principally owing to him, that the Stadtholderate had
been conferred on the latter. He admitted that he had
suspected the Prince of designs hostile to the constitution
of the United Provinces, and had opposed the Prince in every
measure, which appeared to have such a tendency; but he
asserted that he never had resorted to means which the laws
or constitution of the Provinces did not warrant. His
arguments were unanswerable; but Prince Maurice was
determined on his ruin; and the Commissioners were wholly
subservient to the prince's views: they accordingly passed
unanimously a sentence of death upon Barneveldt.
Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius.
Many of the princes of Europe expressed their
dissatisfaction at these proceedings: none so much as the
French monarch. To him, the great merit of Barneveldt had
been long known. He considered that the conduct of Prince
Maurice was likely to involve the United Provinces in
troubles, of which Spain might take advantages. From
personal regard to Barneveldt, and with a view of
terminating the discord, the monarch sent an ambassador
extraordinary to the United States, and ordered him to join
Du Maurier, his ambassador in ordinary, in soliciting them
in favour of the accused, and in labouring to restore the
public tranquillity. The ambassadors executed their
commission with the greatest zeal. They made many
remonstrances, and had several audiences both with the
States and the Prince. The States, instigated by the Prince,
expressed great indignation at the proceedings of the
ambassadors.
All the accused were respectably allied, and had many
friends: numerous applications were made in their favour.
They undeviatingly demeaned themselves with the firmness and
modest dignity of conscious innocence. They persisted in
denying the guilt attributed to them, and in protesting
against the competency of the tribunal. They made no
degrading submission. At a subsequent time, a son of
Barneveldt having been condemned to death, his mother
applied to Prince Maurice, for his pardon. The Prince
observed to her, that she had made no such application in
behalf of her husband; "No," she replied, "I know my son is
guilty, I therefore solicit his pardon; I knew my husband
was innocent, I therefore solicited no pardon for him."
On Monday morning, May 13, 1619, Barneveldt was informed
that he was to be executed upon that day. He received the
notification of it with great firmness; he inquired whether
Grotius and Hoogerbetz were to suffer: being answered in the
negative, he expressed much satisfaction, observing that
"they were of an age to be still able to serve the
republic."
"The scaffold for his execution," says Burigni, "was
erected in the Court of the Castle at the Hague, facing
the Prince of Orange's apartments. He made a short
speech to the people, which is yet preserved in the
Mercure Françoise. 'Burghers!' he said, 'I have been
always your faithful countryman; believe not that I die
for treason: I die for maintaining the rights and
liberties of my country!' After this speech, the
executioner struck off his head at one blow. It is
affirmed that the Prince of Orange, to feast himself
with the cruel pleasure of seeing his enemy perish,
beheld the execution with a glass; the people looked on
it with other eyes: many came to gather the sand wet
with his blood, to keep it carefully in phials; and the
crowd of those, who had the same curiosity, continued
next day, notwithstanding all they could do to hinder
them.
"Thus fell that great minister, who did the United
Provinces as much service in the cabinet, as the Prince
of Orange did in the field. It is highly probable that
the melancholy end of this illustrious and unfortunate
man was owing to his steadiness in opposing the design
of making Prince Maurice Dictator."[032]
Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius.
The Prince pursued his triumph. Soon after the arrest of
Grotius, the States of Holland presented a petition to the
Prince, representing the arrest as a breach of their
constitutional rights; the Prince referred it to the States
General. To these, therefore, they presented a similar
petition; praying at the same time, that Grotius might be
tried by the laws and usages of the Provinces of Holland: no
regard was shewn to their petitions.
Grotius had an invaluable friend:-he was no sooner
arrested, than his wife petitioned to share his confinement
throughout the whole of his imprisonment: it was denied.
Grotius fell ill: she renewed the application: it was
absolutely rejected: but neither his wife, nor any of the
friends of Grotius ever recommended to him an unworthy
submission. He always denied the competency of the tribunal
appointed to try him: his wife and brother uniformly
recommended him to persist in his plea.
Much disregard of form took place, and many arbitrary
acts were perpetrated, in the proceedings against Grotius.
On the 18th of May 1619, the Commissioners pronounced
sentence against him. After enumerating all the charges, of
which he was accused, and asserting that all were proved
against him, the judges condemned him to perpetual
imprisonment, and his estates to be confiscated. The same
sentence was passed on Hoogerbetz; but the house of the
latter was assigned to him for his imprisonment.
On the 6th of June, Grotius was taken to Louvestein. It
lies near Gorcum, in South Holland, at the point of the
island formed by the Vaal and the Meuse. Twenty-four sous a
day were allowed for his maintenance; but his wife undertook
to support him, during his confinement, from her own estate.
She was at length admitted into prison with him, on
condition that she should remain in it, while his
imprisonment lasted.
Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius.
At first, his confinement was very rigid: by degrees it
was relaxed: his wife was allowed to leave the prison for a
few hours, twice in every week. He was permitted to borrow
books, and to correspond, except on politics, with his
friends.
He beguiled the tedious hours of confinement by study,
relieving his mind by varying its objects. Antient and
modern literature equally engaged his attention: Sundays he
wholly dedicated to prayer and the study of theology.
Twenty months of imprisonment thus passed away. His wife
now began to devise projects for his liberty. She had
observed that he was not so strictly watched as at first;
that the guards, who examined the chest used for the
conveyance of his books and linen, being accustomed to see
nothing in it but books and linen, began to examine them
loosely: at length, they permitted the chest to pass without
any examination. Upon this, she formed her project for her
husband's release.
She began to carry it into execution by cultivating an
intimacy with the wife of the commandant of Gorcum. To her,
she lamented Grotius's immoderate application to study; she
informed her that it had made him seriously ill; and that,
in consequence of his illness, she had resolved to take all
his books from him, and restore them to their owners. She
circulated every where the account of his illness, and
finally declared that it had confined him to his bed.
In the mean time, the chest was accommodated to her
purpose; and particularly, some holes were bored in it, to
let in air. Her maid and the valet of Grotius were entrusted
with the secret. The chest was conveyed to Grotius's
apartment. She then revealed her project to him, and, after
much entreaty, prevailed on him to get into the chest, and
leave her in the prison.
The books, which Grotius borrowed, were usually sent to
Gorcum; and the chest, which contained them, passed in a
boat, from the prison at Louvestein, to that town.
Big with the fate of Grotius, the chest, as soon as he
was enclosed in it, was moved into the boat. One of the
soldiers, observing that it was uncommonly heavy, insisted
on its being opened, and its contents examined; but, by the
address of the maid, his scruples were removed, and the
chest was lodged in the boat. The passage from Louvestein to
Gorcum took a considerable time. The length of the chest did
not exceed three feet and a half. At length, it reached
Gorcum: it was intended that it should be deposited at the
house of David Bazelaer, an Arminian friend of Grotius, who
resided at Gorcum. But, when the boat reached the shore, a
difficulty arose, how the chest was to be conveyed from the
spot, upon which it was to be landed, to Bazelaer's house.
This difficulty was removed by the maid's presence of mind;
she told the bystanders, that the chest contained glass, and
that it must be moved with particular care. Two chairmen
were soon found, and they carefully moved it on a
horse-chair to the appointed place.
Bazelaer sent away his servants on different errands,
opened the chest, and received his friend with open arms.
Grotius declared, that while he was in the chest, he had
felt much anxiety, but had suffered no other inconvenience.
Having dressed himself as a mason, with a rule and trowel,
he went, through the back door of Bazelaer's house,
accompanied by his maid, along the market-place, to a boat
engaged for the purpose. It conveyed them to Vervie in
Brabant: there, he was safe. His maid then left him, and,
returning to his wife, communicated to her the agreeable
information of the success of the enterprise.
As soon as Grotius's wife ascertained that he was in
perfect safety, she informed the guards of his escape: these
communicated the intelligence to the governor. He put her
into close confinement; but in a few days, an order of the
States General set her at liberty, and permitted her to
carry with her every thing at Louvestein, which belonged to
her. It is impossible to think without pleasure of the
meeting of Grotius and his heroic wife. From Vervie he
proceeded to Antwerp; a few days after his arrival in that
city, he addressed a letter to the States General: he
assured them, that, in procuring his liberty, he had used
neither violence nor corruption. He solemnly protested that
his public conduct had been blameless, and that the
persecution he had suffered would never lessen his
attachment to his country.
It was on the 22d March 1621, that Grotius obtained his
liberty. In the same year, the truce, concluded for twelve
years between Spain and the United Provinces expired: it was
expected, that the war would be resumed with more fury than
ever. But this did not happen; the war of thirty years,
which we shall afterwards have occasion to mention, had
mixed the contest between Spain and the United Provinces
with the general military plans and operations of the
parties engaged in it, and had carried much of the conflict
from the Low Countries into Germany. Prince Maurice still
appeared at the head of the army of the United Provinces;
but he had lost, by his persecution of the Arminians, and
his selfish intrigues, the confidence of the people.
Conspiracies against his life were formed: fortune no longer
favoured his arms. His attempts to compel the Marquis
Spinola to raise the siege of Bréda were unsuccessful. This
reverse of fortune preyed upon his mind. He thought himself
haunted by a spectre of Barneveldt: he was frequently heard,
during his last illness, to exclaim, "Remove this head from
me!" "This anecdote," says the author of the Resumé de
l'histoire de la Hollande, "is related by all the
republican historians of the United Provinces; it is
concealed by the flatterers of the House of Orange.... To
relate the remorse of princes for their crimes, is one of
the most useful duties of historians."
Prince Maurice died in 1625.
M. Le Clerc, in the 2d volume of the Bibliotheque
Choisée, art. 3, shews, by unquestionable facts and
irresistible arguments, that both Prince William and Prince
Maurice sought to obtain the independent sovereignty of the
United Provinces. It was the aim of all their successors: it
has been effected in our times by means, which certainly
were foreseen by none.
VORSTIUS,-JAMES I.
1622.
We must now carry back our readers to events which preceded the Synod
of Dort. We have mentioned the decease of Arminius: soon
after it, a circumstance took place, which, to the exquisite
delight of the monarch, who, at that time filled the British
throne, involved him in the theological disputes of the
Belgic theologians.
Not long after the commencement of the Reformation,
several bold inquirers began to deny the trinity of persons
in the Deity, the divine authority of the Old and New
Testament, and the existence of mystery in the Christian
dispensation. Both Catholics and Protestants united against
them. To avoid their hostilities, the maintainers of these
opinions fled to Poland, and, forming themselves into a
distinct congregation, published, in 1574, their First
Catechism. They established congregations at Cracow, Lubin,
Pinczow, Luck and Smila: but their most flourishing
settlement was at Racow.
They spread their doctrines over each bank of the Danube,
and at length penetrated Italy. There, they were adopted by
Loelius Socinus. After many peregrinations in different
parts of Europe, he finally settled at Zurich. Faustus
Socinus, his nephew, inherited his sentiments; and, on this
account, was obliged to quit Zurich. After many wanderings,
he fixed his residence at Racow. There, he was received with
open arms by the new communion, and completed their system
of theology. From him, they derived their appellation of
SOCINIANS. Their doctrine is expressed in the Racovian
catechism, published, in the Polish language, in 1605. Other
editions of it have appeared. An English translation of the
edition of 1605, was published at Amsterdam in 1652: Dr.
Toulmin, in his Life of Socinus, ascribes it, seemingly by
conjecture, to Mr. John Biddle. In 1818, Mr. Rees published
a new translation of it, prefixing to it an interesting
historical preface.
Among the disciples of Arminius, was the celebrated
CONRADE VORSTIUS, born at Cologne in 1569, of parents in
reduced circumstances: he was soon remarked for his
diligence and irreproachable conduct; and was, in 1605,
appointed to a professor's chair at Steinfurth. In 1610, he
quitted it, and was named to succeed Arminius, in the chair
of Professor of Theology, at Leyden. "He was beloved and
honoured," says Mr. Chalmers, "at Steinfurth; there, he
enjoyed the utmost tranquillity, and was in the highest
reputation; he doubtless foresaw, that in the state in which
the controversies of Arminius and Gomarus were at that time,
he should meet with great opposition in Holland. But he was
tempted by the glory he should gain by supporting a party,
which was weakened by Arminius's death."
He had previously published his Treatise "de Deo."
Some passages in it were thought to favour the doctrine of
Arminius; some, to lead to Socinianism; and some, to have an
ulterior tendency. That Arminius himself discovers these
views in his writings, has been frequently asserted. Doctor
Maclaine, the learned translator of Mosheim's Ecclesiastical
History,[033]
observes it to be a common opinion, that "the disciples of
Arminius, and more especially Episcopius, had boldly
transgressed the bounds, that had been wisely prescribed by
their master, and had gone ever to the Pelagians, and even
to the Socinians." "Such," continues Dr. Maclaine, "is the
opinion commonly entertained upon this matter. But it
appears on the contrary evident to me, that Arminius himself
had laid the plan of the theological system, that was, in
after times embraced by his followers; that he had instilled
the principles of it into the minds of his disciples; and
that these latter did really no more than bring this plan to
a greater degree of perfection, and propagate with more
courage and perspicuity the doctrines it contains." To prove
this assertion, the Doctor cites a passage from the Will of
Arminius, in which he declares, that "his view in all his
theological and ministerial labours, was to unite in one
community, cemented by the bonds of fraternal charity, all
sects and denominations of Christians, the papists
excepted." "These words, on this account," continues Dr.
Maclaine, "coincide perfectly with the modern system of
Arminianism, which extends the limits of the christian
church, and relaxes the bonds of fraternal communion in such
a manner, that Christians of all sects and all
denominations, whatever their sects and opinions may be,
(Papists excepted) may be formed into one religious body,
and live together in brotherly love and concord." It is not
surprising that in the state of religious effervescence, in
which the minds of men were at the time of which we are now
speaking, a suspicion that Vorstius entertained the
sentiments we have mentioned, or sentiments nearly
approaching to them, should have rendered him a subject of
jealousy. So greatly was this the case, that the
Contra-remonstrants appealed against his doctrines to
several Protestant states, and represented to them the
doctrine of Vorstius in the most odious light. Our James I.
accepted the appeal: by a royal proclamation, he caused
Vorstius's Treatise de Deo to be burnt in London, and
each of the English Universities. He drew up a list, of the
several heresies, which he had discovered in it, commanded
his resident at the Hague to notify them to the States; to
express his horror of them, and his detestation of those,
who should tolerate them.
With some intimation of their independence, the States
replied, that "the case was of their cognizance;"
that "they would examine it;" and that, "if it should appear
that Vorstius maintained the doctrines imputed to him, they
would not suffer him to live among them." The monarch's
orthodoxy was not satisfied with this answer. He repeated
his suggestions, that the States should proceed against
Vorstius; and hinted, that if the doctrines should be proved
against him, and if he should persist in them, burning might
be a proper punishment for him. The monarch added that, if
the States did not use their utmost endeavours to extirpate
the rising heresy, he should publicly protest against their
conduct; that, in quality of defender of the faith, he would
exhort all Protestant churches to join in one general
resolution to extinguish the abomination, and would, as
sovereign of his own dominions, prohibit his subjects to
frequent so pestilential a place as the University of
Leyden. To his menaces he added the terrors of his pen, and
published a "Confutation of Vorstius."
By the advice of the States, Vorstius replied to his
royal adversary in a most respectful manner; still, the
royal adversary was not satisfied. Finally, the States
condemned the obnoxious doctrines of Vorstius, divested him
of all his offices; and sentenced him to perpetual
banishment. Vorstius remained concealed during two years;
then found an asylum in the dominions of the Duke of
Holstein, who, as we have mentioned, took the remains of the
Arminians into his protection.
Vorstius died in 1622.
GROTIUS AFTER HIS ESCAPE FROM PRISON, TILL HIS
APPOINTMENT OF AMBASSADOR FROM SWEDEN TO THE COURT OF
FRANCE.
1621-1634.
Soon after the escape of Grotius from prison, he repaired to Paris: in
this, he followed the advice of Du Maurier, the French
ambassador at the Hague. His works had made him known in
every part of Europe, in which learning was cultivated: but
persons properly qualified to appreciate their merit,
existed no where in such abundance as at Paris: he was
personally esteemed and regarded by the monarch; and the
principal officers of state were attached to him. Paris was
also recommended to him by its libraries, the easy access to
them, and the habitual intercourse of the men of letters,
who, during, at least, a great part of the year, made that
city their place of residence.
From the Escape of Grotius till his appointment of
Ambassador.
Grotius arrived at Paris on the 13th of April 1621. He
was immediately noticed by a multitude of persons of
distinction and rank; but it was not till March 1622, that
he was presented to the king. His majesty received him
graciously, and settled upon him a pension of 3,000 livres.
The Prince of Condé, the Chancellor, and the Keeper of the
Seals, had exerted themselves to dispose the king in his
favour. His majesty professed kindness towards those, who
had been persecuted by the States; and issued an edict,
dated the 22d April 1622, by which he took them under his
protection, in the same manner as if they were his own
subjects; he even extended this benefit to their children.
The celebrated President Jeannin was one of the most active
and useful of Grotius's friends; but he died soon after
Grotius arrived at Paris.
Grotius, during his stay in that city, attended
frequently the courts of justice. He observed the wretched
style of oratory, which at that time, prevailed in them. It
was, in some measure, corrected by Patru and Le
Maitre; but it did not reach its best state, till the
end of the reign of Lewis XIV. The rhetorical march and
laboured amplifications allowed at the French bar, are
offensive to English ears. Has any nation produced a more
perfect style of forensic or judicial eloquence, than that
of Sir William Grant? The wisdom and justice of
Lord Stowell's decisions, and the admirable arguments by
which he explains or illustrates them, are known and
acknowledged by every Court.
Grotius's love of his native country continued unabated;
all his views, all his hopes, were directed thither. With
these feelings he wrote his Apology. He composed it
in the Dutch language, and translated it afterwards into
Latin: it was published in 1622. He dedicated it to the
people of Holland and West Friesland. It is divided into
twenty chapters; in the first, he argues the important
point, that each of the United Provinces is sovereign and
independent of the States General, and that the authority of
these is confined to the defence of the provinces against
their enemies. In the second chapter, he applies the
position to ecclesiastical concerns; these, he says, are
subject to the sovereign power of each State. In the
following chapters, he descends into the particular charges
against him; defending himself against all the crimes and
irregularities of which he was accused, and shewing the
informality of the judicial proceedings by which he and his
companions in misfortune were tried and condemned.
From the Escape of Grotius till his appointment of
Ambassador.
His answer was universally read and approved: It greatly
incensed the States General: They proscribed it, and forbade
all persons to have it in their possession, under pain of
death; but no answer to it was published. The edict made
Grotius and his friends entertain apprehensions for his
personal safety. On this account, he obtained from the
French monarch letters of naturalization, dated the 26th
February 1623: By these, his majesty took him under his
special protection.
Grotius retained many friends in every part of the United
Provinces: Prince Frederick Henry, the brother of Maurice,
was among them. He had never entered into his brother's
persecuting projects.
"The Count d'Estrades has given us," says Burigni, "some
anecdotes on this subject, which we shall relate on his
authority. He assures us, that, being one day tête a tête
with Prince Henry Frederick in his coach, he heard him say,
that he had much to do to keep well with his brother
Maurice, who suspected him of secretly favouring Barneveldt
and the Arminians. He told me, (these were the Count's own
words), it was true that he kept a correspondence with them,
to prevent their opposing his election, in case his brother
should die; but that, as it imported him to be on good terms
with his brother, and to efface the notion he had of his
connection with the Arminians, he made use of Vandenuse, one
of his particular friends, and Barneveldt's son-in-law, to
let the cabal know, that it was necessary for him to
accommodate himself to his brother, that he might be better
able to serve them,-which Barneveldt approved of."
In the meantime, the situation of Grotius at Paris,
became very uncomfortable. His resources, and those of his
wife, were small; and his pension was paid irregularly.
Cardinal de Richelieu wished to attach Grotius; but required
from him an absolute and unqualified devotion to him, which
was utterly irreconcileable with the slightest degree of
honourable independence. Grotius therefore declined the
offers of the Cardinal. From this time, the Cardinal
regarded him with an evil eye, and often made him feel the
effects of his displeasure.
This rendered Grotius desirous of quitting France.
Trusting to some protestations of friendship, which he had
received from Prince Frederick; to his numerous friends, to
his claims upon the gratitude of the States of Holland, to
his feelings of innocence, and to the effect produced, as he
flattered himself, by his Apology, he ventured into
Holland in 1631. But he met with no countenance: and in that
year was banished a second time. Upon this, he formally bade
a final adieu to Holland, and determined to seek his fortune
elsewhere: He then fixed his residence at Hamburgh.
From the Escape of Grotius till his appointment of
Ambassador.
He sought to preserve his friends in France; but
announced to them his intention to receive no more money
from the French government.
"I shall always," he said in a letter to the First
President of the Cour des Monnoies, "be grateful for the
King's liberality; but it is enough that I was chargeable to
you, while I resided in France. I have never done you any
service, though I made you an offer of myself. But it would
not be proper that I should now live, like an hornet, on the
goods of other men. I shall not, however, forget the
kindness of so great a king, and the good offices of so many
friends."
It may appear surprising that Prince Frederick of Orange
should pertinaciously exclude Grotius from his native
country. But ambition listens to nothing that conflicts with
its own views. Prince Frederick inherited from his father
and brother the wish of becoming the sovereign of the United
Provinces. To this, he knew he should always find a zealous
and able opponent in Grotius: hence, notwithstanding his
great personal regard for Grotius, he always kept him a
banished man. Grotius wished to be employed by the
Government of England, and Archbishop Laud was sounded upon
this subject; but the application was coldly received[034].
Prince Frederick sustained, both in military and civil
concerns, the character of the former princes of his family.
Under his administration, the affairs of the republic
prospered at sea and land. Peter Haim captured the Spanish
flotilla, estimated at twelve millions of florins. The
Prince took Bois-le duc, Maestricht, and Breda, and reduced
the Dutchy of Limburgh. Under his auspices, the celebrated
Van Tromp commenced his career of naval glory, by obtaining
a complete victory over the Spanish fleet, consisting of
seventy men of war. Prince Frederick died in 1658.
From the close of his Stadtholderate, we may date the
origin of the jealousy entertained, by France and England,
of the rising power of the United Provinces. It is to be
observed that Prince Frederick was Stadtholder only of the
Provinces of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gueldres and
Overyssell: Count Ernest Casimir of Nassau was Stadtholder
of the provinces of Gröningen, Frizeland, and the county of
the Drenta. In 1631, their eldest sons were chosen, in the
lifetime of their fathers, their successors in their
respective Stadtholderates. This was a great step towards
making the Stadtholderate hereditary in their families,-one
of the leading objects of their ambitious views.
SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS OF GROTIUS.
1. His Edition of Stobæus.
2. His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis.
3. His Treatise de Veritate Religionis Christianæ.
4. His Treatise de Jure summarum potestatum circa
sacra.
5. His Commentary on the Scriptures.
6. Some other Works of Grotius
That literature is an ornament in prosperity, and a
comfort in adverse fortune, has been often said by the best
and wisest men; but no one experienced the truth of this
assertion in a higher degree than Grotius, during his
imprisonment at Louvestein. In that wreck of his fortune and
overthrow of all his hopes, books came to his aid, soothed
his sorrows, and beguiled the wearisome hours of his gloomy
solitude. His studies often stole him from himself, and from
the sense of his misfortunes. In the exercise of his mental
energies, he was sensible of their powers; and it was
impossible that he should contemplate, without pleasure, the
extent, the worth, or the splendour of his labours; the
services, which he rendered by them to learning and
religion, and the admiration and gratitude of the scholar,
which he then enjoyed, and which would attend his memory to
the latest posterity. He himself acknowledged that, in the
ardour of his literary pursuits, he often forgot his
calamities, and that the hours passed unheeded, if not in
joy, at least without pain.
His Edition of Stobæus.
Being ourselves unacquainted with this work, we cannot do better than
present our readers with the account given of it by Burigni.
"The year after the publication of his Apology,
that is to say in 1623, Nicholas Huon printed at Paris,
Grotius's improvements and additions to Stobæus.
This author, as is well known, extracted what he thought
most important in the ancient Greek writers, and ranged
it under different heads, comprehending the principal
points of philosophy. His work is the more valuable, as
it has preserved several fragments of the Ancients,
found no where else. Grotius, when very young, purposed
to extract from this author all the maxims of the poets;
to translate them into Latin verse, and to print the
original with the translation. He began this, when a
boy; he was employed in it at the time of his arrest;
and continued it as an amusement, whilst he had the use
of books, in his prison at the Hague. He tells us that,
when he was deprived of pen and ink, he was got to the
forty-ninth title, which is an invective against
tyranny, that had a great relation to what passed at
that time in Holland. On his removal to Louvestein, he
resumed this work, and finished it at Paris. He made
several happy corrections in the text of Stobæus; some,
from his own conjectures or those of his friends;
others, on the authority of manuscripts in the King's
library, which were politely lent him by the learned
Nicholas Rigaut, librarian to his majesty.
"Prefixed to this book, are Prolegomena, in which the author
shews that the works of the ancient Pagans are filled
with maxims agreeable to the truths taught in holy writ.
He intended to dedicate this book to the Chancellor
Silleri: he had even writ the dedication, but his
friends, to whom he shewed it, thought he expressed
himself with too much warmth, against the censurers of
his Apology. They advised him therefore to
suppress it; and he yielded to their opinion. It may be
observed in reading the royal privilege, that the
present title of the book is different from what it was
to have had. To these extracts from the Greek poets
translated into Latin verse, Grotius annexed two pieces,
one of Plutarch, the other of St. Basil, on the use of
the poets; giving the Greek text with a Latin
translation."
The work was received with universal approbation.
His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis.
Grotius may be considered as the founder of the modern school of the
Law of Nature and of Nations. He was struck with the
ruthless manner, in which wars were generally conducted; the
slight pretences, upon which they were generally begun; and
the barbarity and injustice, with which they were generally
attended. He attributed these evils to the want of settled
principles respecting the rights and duties of nations and
individuals in a state of war. These, he observed, must
depend on the previous rights and duties of mankind, in a
state of peace: this led him to the preliminary inquiry into
their rights and duties in a state of nature.
Thus, an ample field was opened to him. He brought to it,
a vigorous discerning mind, and stupendous erudition. From
antient and modern history, philosophy, oratory, and poetry,
he collected facts and sayings, which appeared to him to
establish a general agreement of all civilized nations upon
certain principles. From these, he formed his system;
applying them, as he proceeded in his work, to a vast
multitude of circumstances. These are so numerous, that some
persons have not scrupled to say, that no case or
international law, either in war or in peace, can be stated,
to which the work of Grotius does not contain an applicable
rule.
X. 2. The Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis.
Three important objections have been made to this
celebrated work,-one, that the author defers in it, too
little, to principle, too much, to authority;-another, that
the work is written in a very desultory manner, with small
attention to order, or classification;-a third, that his
authorities are often feeble, and sometimes whimsical.
"Grotius," says Condillac, "was able to think for himself;
but he constantly labours to support his conclusions by the
authority of others. Upon many occasions; even in support of
the most obvious and indisputable propositions, he
introduces a long string of quotations from the Mosaic law,
from the Gospels, from the fathers of the church, from the
casuists, and not unfrequently, even in the very same
paragraph, from Ovid, and Aristophanes." This strange
mixture is subject of many witticisms of Voltaire. But let
us hear what is urged in the defence of Grotius, by a
gentleman, of whose praise the ablest of writers may be
proud:
"Few writers," says Sir James Mackintosh, in his
Discourse on the Study of the Law of Nature and Nations,
"were more celebrated than Grotius in his own days, and
in the age which succeeded. It has, however, been the
fashion of the last half century to depreciate his work,
as a shapeless compilation, in which reason lies buried
under a mass of authorities and quotations. This fashion
originated among French wits and declaimers, and it has
been, I know not for what reason, adopted, though with
far greater moderation and decency, by some respectable
writers among ourselves. As to those, who first used
this language, the most candid supposition that we can
make with respect to them is, that they never read the
work; for, if they had not been deterred from the
perusal of it by such a formidable display of Greek
characters, they must soon have discovered that Grotius
never quotes, on any subject, till he has first appealed
to some principles; and often, in my humble opinion,
though, not always, to the soundest and most rational
principles.
His treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis.
"But another sort of answer is due to some of those, who have
criticised Grotius; and that answer might be given in
the words of Grotius himself. He was not of such a
stupid and servile cast of mind as to quote the opinions
of poets or orators, of historians and philosophers, as
those of judges, from whose decision there was no
appeal. He quotes them, as he tells us himself, as
witnesses, whose conspiring testimony, mightily
strengthened and confirmed by their discordance on
almost every other subject, is a conclusive proof of the
unanimity of the whole human race on the great rules of
duty, and the fundamental principles of morals. Of such
matters, poets and orators are the most unexceptionable
of all witnesses; for they address themselves to the
general feelings and sympathies of mankind; they are
neither warped by system, nor perverted by sophistry;
they can attain none of their objects; they can neither
please nor persuade, if they dwell on moral sentiments
not in unison with those of their readers. No system of
moral philosophy can surely disregard the general
feelings of human nature, and the according judgment of
all ages and nations. But, where are these feelings and
that judgment recorded and preserved? In those very
writings which Grotius is gravely blamed for having
quoted. The usages and law of nations, the events of
history, the opinions of philosophers, the sentiments of
orators and poets, as well as the observation of common
life, are, in truth, the materials out of which the
science of morality is formed; and those who neglect
them, are justly chargeable with a vain attempt to
philosophise without regard to fact and experience, the
sole foundation of all true philosophy.
"If this were merely an objection of taste, I should be willing to
allow, that Grotius has indeed poured forth his learning
with a profusion, that sometimes rather encumbers than
adorns his work, and which is not always necessary to
the illustration of his subject. Yet, even in making,
that concession, I should rather yield to the tastes of
others, than speak from my own feelings. I own that such
richness and splendour of literature have a powerful
charm for me. They fill my mind with an endless variety
of delightful recollections and associations. They
relieve the understanding in its progress through a vast
science, by calling up the memory of great men and of
interesting events. By this means we see the truths of
morality clothed with all the eloquence (not that could
be produced by the powers of one man, but) that could be
bestowed on them by the collective genius of the world.
Even virtue and wisdom themselves acquire new majesty in
my eyes, when I thus see all the great masters of
thinking and writing called together, as it were, from
all times and countries, to do them homage and to appear
in their train.
X. 2. His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis
"But this is no piece for discussions of taste, and I am very ready to
own, that mine may be corrupted. The work of Grotius is
liable to a more serious objection, though I do not
recollect that it has ever been made. His method is
inconvenient and unscientific. He has inverted the
natural order. That natural order undoubtedly dictates,
that we should first search for the original principles
of the science, in human nature; then apply them to the
regulation of the conduct of individuals; and lastly
employ them for the decision of those difficult and
complicated questions that arise with respect to the
intercourse of nations. But Grotius has chosen the
reverse of this method. He begins with the consideration
of the states of peace and war, and he examines original
principles, only occasionally and incidentally, as they
grow out of the questions, which he is called upon to
decide. It is a necessary consequence of this disorderly
method, which exhibits the elements of the science in
the form of scattered digressions, that he seldom
employs sufficient discussion on those fundamental
truths, and never in the place where such a discussion
would be most instructive to the reader. This defect in
the plan of Grotius was perceived, and supplied by
Puffendorf, who restored natural law to that superiority
which belonged to it, and with great propriety, treated
the law of nations as only one main branch of the parent
stock."
Whatever may be the merit of the work of which we are
speaking, it must be admitted, that few, on their first
appearance, and during a long subsequent period after
publication, have received greater or warmer applause. The
stores of erudition displayed in it, recommended it to the
classical scholar, while the happy application of the
author's reading to the affairs of human life, drew to it
the attention of common readers. Among those, whose
approbation of it, deserved to be recorded, Gustavus
Adolphus,-his prime minister the Chancellor Oxenstiern,-and
the Elector Palatine Charles Lewis, deserve particular
mention.[035]
As the trophies of Miltiades are supposed to have kept
Themistocles awake, it has been said that the trophies of
Grotius drove sleep from Selden, till be produced his
celebrated treatise, "De Jure naturali et gentium
secundum leges Ebræorim." This important work equals
that of Grotius in learning; but, from the partial and
recondite nature of its subject, never equalled it in
popularity.
X. 9. His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis
The supposed want of general elementary principles in the
work of Grotius gave occasion to Puffendorf's treatise de
Jure Naturae et Gentium; afterwards abridged by him into
the small octavo volume De Officio hominis et civis:
an edition of it in octavo was published by Professor
Garschen Carmichael, of Glasgow, in 1724.
The best edition of Grotius's treatise de Jure Belli
et Pacis was published at Amsterdam in 1730, by John
Barbeyrac.
Foreigners observe, that the study of the law of nature
and nations is less cultivated in England than upon the
continent. Is it not, because Englishmen are blessed with a
free constitution; are admitted into a general participation
of all its blessings; are thus personally interested in the
national concerns; and have therefore a jurisprudence, which
comes nearer to their bosoms? Is it not also, because the
law of nature and nations, with all its merit, is so loose,
that its principles seldom admit of that practical
application, which renders them really useful; and which an
English mind always requires?
De Veritate Religionis Christianæ.
Grotius, while a prisoner in the Castle of Louvestein,
had written, in the Dutch language, "A treatise on the Truth
of the Christian Religion." He afterwards enlarged it, and
translated it, so enlarged, into Latin. It was universally
read and admired. French, German, English, modern Greek,
Persic, and even Turkish versions of it have been made: it
was equally approved by Catholics and Protestants.
De Veritate Religionis Christianæ.
It was invidiously objected, that he did not attempt to
prove, or even mention, the Trinity, and some other gospel
mysteries: he replied, satisfactorily in our opinion, that a
discussion of any particular tenet of the Christian religion
did not fall within the scope of his work. In this respect,
he was afterwards imitated by Abadie and
Houteville, two of the most eminent apologists of
Christianity. The latter expresses himself of the work of
Grotius in the following terms:
"Grotius's work is the first, in which we find the
characteristics of just reasoning, accuracy, and
strength: he is extremely concise; but even this brevity
will please us, when we find his work comprehends so
many things, without confounding them or lessening their
evidence or force. It is no wonder that the book should
be translated into so many languages."
The best edition of it is that published by Le Clerc,[036]
in 1709 at Amsterdam, in 8vo. To this edition, Le Clerc has
added a curious dissertation on religious
indifference. He presumes that the supposed indifference
is persuaded of the authenticity of the New Testament:-He
then (says Le Clerc) must ascertain,-
1. Which are the denominations of religionists which
avow their belief of it:
2. Which of these are most worthy of the name of
Christians:
3. And which profess the Christian religion in most
purity and with least extraneous alloy:
4. He will find, that all Christians agree in the
fundamental articles of faith:
5. That all these articles are clearly expressed in
the New Testament:
6. That no tenet should be believed to be of faith,
unless the New Testament contains it.
7. That the providence of God is admirable in the
preservation of these tenets, amidst the confused
multitude of religious opinions, which have prevailed in
the world:
8. That this confusion was foreseen by God:
9. That he permitted it as a consequence of his gift
of free-will to man:
10. That the inquirer should aggregate himself to
that religious communion, which receives the New
Testament as its only rule of faith, and does not
persecute others:
11. That episcopacy without tyranny is the most
antient form of ecclesiastical government, and most to
be desired; but that it is not essential to a Christian
church:
12. That these were the opinions of Grotius:
13. Finally, that it is greatly to be desired that a
belief of no dogma, not explicitly propounded in the New
Testament, should be required.
Such is the religious system propounded by Le Clerc.-Does
any religious communion really profess it?-Many Protestant
churches declare, that the Bible, and the Bible only,
contains their creed: but, do they not all mean by this-the
Bible, as it is explained by the Articles, the Formulary, or
the Confession received by their church?
Grotius's Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum circa
sacra.-And, Commentatio ad loca quædam Novi
Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt, aut agere putantur.
Nothing in the life of Grotius places him in a more amiable or
respectable point of view, than his constant attempts to put
Catholics and Protestants into good humour with each other,
and to put both into good humour among themselves.
X. 4. His Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum. &c.
We have mentioned the pacific decree of the States of
Holland, which ordered the contending communions to
tolerate each other. Grotius is supposed to have framed this
wise decree. The Contra-remonstrants attacked it: Grotius
reprinted it, with a collection of proofs and authorities.
It gave rise to a controversy on the nice question,
respecting the authority of the temporal power to interfere
in the ecclesiastical concerns of the state. Grotius
adopted, upon this point, the sentiments of what is termed
in England the Low Church: he seems to have pushed them to
their utmost bearings. With these sentiments, he published
his treatise de Imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra.
It was disliked by King James and his bishops: Grotius, in
their opinion, gave too much authority, in sacred things, to
the secular power.
On the work of Grotius, respecting Anti-christ, we
prefer transcribing Burigni's sentiments to delivering our
own.
"This deep study of the Holy Scriptures led Grotius to
examine a question, which made much noise at that time.
Some Protestant synods had ventured to decide that
the Pope was Antichrist; and this extravagance,
gravely delivered by the ministers, was regarded by the
zealous schismatics, as a fundamental truth. Grotius
undertook to overturn such an absurd opinion, that
stirred up an irreconcileable enmity between the Roman
Catholics and the Protestants; and, of consequence, was
a very great obstacle to their re-union, which was the
sole object of his desires. He entered therefore upon
the consideration of the passages of Scripture relating
to Antichrist, and employed his Sundays in it.
"It was this work, that raised him up most enemies.
We see by the letters he wrote to his brother, that his
best friends were afraid lest they should be suspected
of having some hand in the publication of the books, in
which he treated of Antichrist. 'If you are afraid of
incurring ill will, (he writes thus to his brother), you
may easily find people that are far from a factious
spirit, who will take care of the impression. Nothing
has incensed princes against those, who separated from
the church of Rome, more than the injurious names, with
which the Protestants load their adversaries; and
nothing is a greater hindrance to that re-union, which
we are all obliged to labour after, in consequence of
Christ's precept and the profession we make of our faith
in the creed. Perhaps the Turk, who threatens Italy,
will force us to it. In order to arrive at it, we must
first remove whatever obstructs a mutual quiet hearing.
I hope I shall find assistance in this pious design. I
shall not cease to labour in it, and shall rejoice to
die employed in so good a work.'
His Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum, &c.
"Reigersberg, Blaeu, Vossius himself, however much
devoted to Grotius, beheld with concern the printing of
this book, because they did not doubt but it would
increase the number of his enemies. Grotius informs his
brother, of the uneasiness which Vossius gave him on
this subject. 'Among those, who wish this work
destroyed,' says he, 'I am astonished and grieved to see
Vossius. Whence could he have this idea? I imagine
somebody has told him, that it would injure the fortune
of his children, if he approved of such books; and that,
on the contrary, he would find favour by hurting me. We
must therefore have recourse to Corcellius or Corvinus.'
He elsewhere complains of the too great timidity of this
old friend, who at bottom approved of Grotius's
sentiments, but durst not own them publicly, because he
was not so independent as Grotius.
"The treatise on Anti-christ made much noise among
all the declared enemies of the Romish church. Michael
Gettichius wrote to Ruarus, that he had only glanced
over Grotius's book on Antichrist; but as far as he
could judge by the first reading, that learned man, who
was possessed of such an excellent genius, and such
singular erudition, had no other intention than to
engage the learned in a further inquiry concerning
Antichrist; and to determine them to attack with greater
strength, the Romish Antichrist; or, if he wrote
seriously, he wanted to cut out a path for going over,
without dishonour, to the Papists. Ruarus answers this
letter Dec. 16, 1642, from Dantzic. 'I have always (he
says) looked on Grotius as a very honest and at the same
time a very learned man. I am persuaded that love of
peace engaged him in this work. I don't deny but he has
gone too far; the love of antiquity perhaps seduced him:
no Remonstrant, that I know of, has as yet answered him;
but he has been confuted by some learned Calvinists,
particularly Desmonets, minister of Bois le duc, who has
written against him with much bitterness.'
"Grotius's work was printed in 1640, with this title:
Commentatio ad loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de
Antichristo agunt aut agere putantur:-Expedenda
eruditis."[037]
His Commentary on the Scriptures.
X. 5. His Commentary on the Scriptures.
The theological works of Grotius are comprised in four
volumes folio: the three first contain his Commentary, and
Notes upon the Scriptures. On their merit, both Catholics
and Protestants considerably differ. All allow that an
abundance of sacred and profane learning is displayed in
them; and that Grotius, by his references to the writings of
the Rabbis, and his remarks upon the idiom of the sacred
writings, has happily elucidated a multitude of passages in
the text. He uniformly adopts the literal and obvious
signification of the language used by the holy penmen. In
explaining the predictions of the prophets, he maintains
that they referred to events anterior to the coming of
Christ, and were accomplished in these; so that the natural
and obvious sense of the words and phrases, in which they
were delivered, does not terminate in Christ; yet, that in
some of the predictions, those particularly, which the
writers of the New Testament apply to Christ, there is,
besides the literal and obvious signification, a hidden
and mysterious sense, which lies concealed under the
external mark of certain persons, certain events,
and certain actions, which are representative of the
person, the ministry, the sufferings, and the merits of the
Son of God.
It has been objected, that this system leads to
Socinianism, and even beyond it. All Catholic, and several
episcopalian Protestant divines object to it; they generally
contend, that the sacred writings ought always to be
understood in that sense only, which has been
attributed to them, by the early fathers.-Against this
system, Dr. Whitby published his celebrated work "Concerning
the Interpretation of Scripture after the manner of the
Fathers."[038]
X. 5. His Commentary on the Scriptures.
The system of Grotius was defended, to a certain extent,
by Father Simôn, the oratorian, the father of the
modern biblical school. Against both Simôn and Grotius,
Bossuet wielded his powerful lance,-in his "Pastoral
Instruction on the Works of Father Simôn," and his
"Dissertations upon Grotius." In these works he says that,
during thirty years,
"Grotius searched for truth in good faith, and at last
was so near it, that it is wonderful that he did not
take the last step, to which God called him. Shocked at
Calvin's harsh doctrines, he embraced Arminianism; then,
abandoned it. More a lawyer than a theologian, more a
polite scholar than a philosopher, he throws the
doctrine of the immortality of the soul into obscurity.
He endeavours to weaken and steal from the church, her
most powerful proofs of the divinity of the Son of God,
and strives to darken the prophecies, which announce the
arrival of the Messiah."
Bossuet proceeds to particularize some of the principal
errors of Grotius: Le Clerc replied to the prelate's
criticism, by his Sentimens de quelques Theologiens de la
Hollande.-Grotius had also an able advocate in Father
Simôn. His defence of Grotius against the charge of
semi-Pelagianism, in the Bibliotheque de Sainjore,[039]
appears to be satisfactory. He cites the note of Grotius, on
the Acts of the Apostles, (the celebrated ch. xiii. ver.
38), in which he says expressly that he does not exclude
preventive grace: this the semi-Pelagians denied altogether.
But in his defence of Grotius against the charge of
Socinianism, he is not equally successful. Bossuet sent
his Pastoral Instruction, and Dissertations upon
Grotius, to the bishop of Fréjus, afterward Cardinal de
Fleury: he accompanied them by a letter, which closes with
these remarkable words:
"The spirit of incredulity gains ground in the world
every day: you have often heard me make this remark. It
is now worse than ever, as the Gospel itself is used for
the corruption of religion. I thank God that at my age
he blesses me with sufficient strength to resist the
torrent."
Dom. Calmet[040]
calls Grotius,
"one of the most able and moderate Protestant writers:
one who spreads throughout his notes a pleasing
profusion of profane literature, which causes his works
to be sought for and read by those, who have taste for
that kind of literature. His high reputation, great
erudition, and rare modesty," says Dom. Calmet, "render
it easy for him to insinuate his particular sentiments
respecting the divinity of Christ, against which, his
readers should be guarded."
Some other Works of Grotius.
1. The first which we shall mention is his history of the Goths,
Vandals, and Lombards, written in the Latin language,
and accompanied by learned dissertations. He composed it, as
a testimony of his gratitude to the Swedes, by doing honour
to their gothic ancestors. The preface has always been
admired, for its erudition and sound criticism. But the
Belgic friends of Grotius accused him of elevating the
Swedes at their expense.
X. 6. Other Works of Grotius.
2. A more important work consists of his Annals, and
History of the United Provinces. The Annals begin with
the year 1588, when Prince Maurice had the greatest
influence in the affairs of the United Provinces; and
concludes with the truce of twelve years, signed between
them and Spain. The impartiality, with which these works are
written, has been praised by every writer.
It is to be lamented that Grotius professed to imitate,
both in his Annals and History, the style of Tacitus.
Expressed by his own pen, the style of Tacitus is energetic,
picturesque, and pleasing; but it is impossible to deny its
frequent abruptness and obscurity. Generally speaking, an
imitation of what is defective, contains a larger share,
than the original, of its distinctive defect. It should
however be added, that Grotius's own style is short,
sententious and broken; and possesses nothing of the
meliflous ease of the ultramontane Latinists; or of our
Milton or Buchanan. None of the works of Grotius, which we
have mentioned in this Article, were published till after
his decease.
3. It remains to notice the Letters of Grotius, published at
Amsterdam in one volume folio, in 1687.-A multitude of his
unpublished letters is said to exist in different public and
private libraries.
His published letters are an invaluable treasure: they
abound with wise maxims of sound policy, and curious
discussions on points arising on Roman or Belgic
jurisprudence. Many points of sacred and profane learning,
and particularly of the civil and canon law, are treated in
them with equal learning and taste. For the perfect
understanding of them, the letters of the correspondents of
Grotius should be perused: they are principally to be found,
in the Præstantium et Eruditorum Virorum Epistolæ
Ecclesiasticæ et Theologicæ, published at Amsterdam in
1684. A critical account of the Letters of Grotius, executed
with great taste and judgment, is inserted in the first
volume of the Bibliotheque Universelle et Historique.[041]
X. 6. Other Works of Grotius.
It is acknowledged that the letters of Grotius, are
written in the finest latinity, and contain much valuable
information; but the point, the sprightliness, the genius,
the vivid descriptions of men and things, which are so
profusely scattered over the letters of Erasmus, are seldom
discoverable in those of Grotius. A man of learning would
have been gratified beyond measure, by the profound
conversations of Grotius and Father Petau: but what a treat
must it have been, to have assisted with one, two, or three
good listeners, at the conversations between Erasmus and Sir
Thomas More!
GROTIUS.-AS AMBASSADOR FROM THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN TO THE
COURT OF FRANCE.
1634-1645.
The embassy of Grotius is connected with an important period in the
history of the War of Thirty years.
This celebrated war was principally caused by the
religious disputes of the sixteenth century. Very soon after
Luther's first attack on the See of Rome, the Reformation
was established in Saxony, Livonia, Prussia, and
Hesse-cassell; in many imperial towns; in Friezland and
Holland; in several of the Swiss Cantons; in Pomerania,
Mecklenburgh, Anhalt; Sweden, Denmark, Norway; England, and
Scotland. Its progress in Germany is particularly connected
with the subject of these pages.
Embassy of Grotius in the Court of France.
At the diet of Augsburgh, in 1530, the Protestant princes
of Germany delivered to the emperor their Confession of
Faith; they afterwards, at Smalcald, entered into an
offensive and defensive league against the emperor. Being
sensible that they were unable to resist him, they engaged
the French monarch in their cause. At first, the emperor was
victorious; but a new league was formed. France then took a
more active part in favour of the confederates, and the
contest ended in the peace of Passau, in 1552, there the two
parties, for the first time, treated as equals, and the free
exercise of the Lutheran religion was allowed. Things
remained quiet during the reigns of Ferdinand the First and
Maximilian the Second; but, in consequence of the disputes,
which arose on the succession to the dutchies of Cleves and
Juliers, the religious differences broke out with fresh
animosity:-the Protestant princes formed a confederacy
called the Evangelical Union, and placed, at its
head, the Elector Palatine; the Catholics formed a
confederacy called the Catholic League, and placed,
at its head, the Duke of Bavaria. In the year 1618, they
burst into open war; every state in Europe, and even the
Ottoman princes, at one time or other, took a part in it.
France was the soul of the Protestant cause; she assisted it
with her armies, and her subsidies:-it may be truly said,
that, if there be a Protestant state from the Vistula to the
Rhine, or a Mahometan, state between the Danube and the
Mediterranean, its existence is owing to the Bourbon
monarchs. From the period of its duration, it has been
called the WAR OF THIRTY YEARS: it is divided, by its
Palatine, Danish, Swedish, and French periods.
1. Frederick, the fifth Elector Palatine of that
name, being elected King of Bohemia, by the states of that
kingdom, made war on the emperor Ferdinand the Second. Being
defeated in 1620, at the battle of Prague, and abandoned by
his allies, he was driven from Bohemia, and deprived of his
other states.
2. Christian the Fourth of Denmark, then placed
himself at the head of the confederacy against the emperor;
but, having in 1626, lost the battle of Lutter, in which
Tilly commanded the Austrian forces; he signed, three years
after that event, a separate peace with the emperor.
In the following year, Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden,
was placed at the head of the confederacy. Their cause
appeared desperate: Walstein, the Austrian general, had been
uniformly successful, and almost the whole of Germany had
submitted to the emperor: but the Austrians soon experienced
a severe reverse of fortune.
Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.
3. Lewis XIII filled at that time, the throne of France;
his councils were guided by Cardinal Richelieu, one of the
ablest statesmen that has appeared upon the theatre of the
world. Vast, but provident in his designs; daring, but
considerate in his operations; capable of the largest views
and the most minute attentions; he formed three immense
projects, and succeeded in all.
"When your Majesty," he thus addresses the monarch in his
celebrated Testament Politique, "resolved at the same
time to admit me into your councils, and to give me a great
portion of your confidence, I can say with truth that the
Hugonots divided the state with you; that the great,
conducted themselves, as if they were not your subjects, and
the governors of the provinces, as if they were the
sovereigns of them; and that France was contemned by her
foreign allies."
To reduce the Hugonots, to lower the nobility, to elevate
France to be the preponderating power in Europe, were the
three objects, which the Cardinal proposed to himself. In
each, he had difficulties to encounter, which extraordinary
talents only could surmount. By a strict administration of
justice, and severely punishing, without respect to rank or
connections, those, who engaged in treasonable practices, he
completely subdued the towering spirit of the nobility; by
victorious armies and a vigorous dispensation of the laws,
he reduced the Hugonots; and, by calling forth all the
energies of his country, and arraying half the Continent
against Austria and Spain, he gave to France an almost
irresistible ascendant in the concerns of Europe.
To the last only of these three designs our present
subject leads us.
Sweden had long been engaged in a war against
Denmark, and highly dissatisfied with Austria. By the
persuasion of Richelieu, she made peace with the Danes, and
entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with
France. In consequence of it, Gustavus Adolphus was placed
at the head of the Protestant confederacy: a large army of
Swedes entered Germany; Gustavus was invested with the
command of the confederate forces, and his brilliant
campaigns turned the tide of success in their favour. At
Lutzen he obtained a complete victory, but lost his life.
Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.
After the death of Gustavus, the States assembled, and
the Mareschal of the Diet proposed, that the celebrated
Christina, the only child of Gustavus, then an infant of
very tender years, should be crowned: the Mareschal carried
her in his arms into the midst of the assembly. On observing
her, all were struck with her likeness to her father. "Yes!"
they cried, "it is she herself! she has the eyes, the nose
and the forehead of Gustavus! We will have her for our
queen!" She was immediately seated on the throne, and
proclaimed queen. The regency of the kingdom, during the
minority of Christina, was conferred on the Chancellor
Oxenstiern: he had been the confidential minister and friend
of Gustavus, and shewed through life that he deserved that
confidence, by his wisdom, eminent talents, and spotless
integrity. Both the monarch and his minister entertained a
high opinion of the abilities and virtue of Grotius: His
treatise De Jure Belli et Pacis was found, after the
death of Gustavus, in the royal tent.
4. Not long after the disastrous victory of the Swedes at
Lutzen, the Austrian and confederate armies conflicted at
Nordlingen, in one of the most obstinate and bloody battles
recorded in history: the confederates were completely
defeated. The blame was thrown on the Swedes; they were
deserted by almost all their Protestant allies, and the
weight of the war devolved almost entirely upon the Swedes
and the French. Till this time, they had acted and
negociated on an equality: the loss of this battle made the
Swedes dependent upon France, and the haughty genius of
Richelieu made them severely feel it.
The first object of Oxenstiern was to renew the treaty
with France: a skilful negociator on the part of Sweden was
necessary. Oxenstiern fixed his eye upon Grotius: the
penetrating minister had several conversations with him. The
embassy to France was certainly the most important
commission, with which a minister from Sweden could be
charged: Oxenstiern's appointment of Grotius to it,
demonstrated the minister's high opinion of him. Some time
in July 1634, he declared Grotius councillor to the Queen of
Sweden, and her ambassador to the court of France. Grotius
made his public entry into Paris on Friday the 2d of March
1635. Nothing of the customary ceremonial or compliment was
omitted in his regard, by the court of France.
Unfortunately for the success of the embassy of Grotius,
two envoys from some of the Protestant states in Germany had
previously signed a treaty with France, which was generally
considered by the confederates to be injurious to their
interests.
Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.
The first interview of Grotius with the Cardinal took
place on the 28th March. During their conference, a dispatch
arrived from Oxenstiern to Grotius: it was immediately put
into his bands, by the Cardinal's desire. It announced a
resolution, taken by the Chancellor, to repair to Paris, and
that he was actually on his journey thither. Richelieu was
displeased: but he determined to give the chancellor the
most honourable and flattering reception. On the 21st of
April, Grotius met Oxenstiern at Soissons: they proceeded
together to Paris. Conferences between the Cardinal and the
Chancellor immediately took place. The matter in discussion
between the courts were soon arranged: France undertook to
declare war against the emperor, to subsidize Sweden, and to
send an army to co-operate with her forces in Germany. It
has always been considered highly creditable to the firmness
and talents of Oxenstiern, that, in the reduced condition of
the Swedes, he could obtain for them such advantageous
terms. Immediately after the treaty was signed, the
Chancellor quitted France. During his stay, he shewed a
marked attention to Grotius, and expressed unqualified
approbation of his conduct and views.
The arms of Sweden again triumphed. In Pomerania, General
Bannier obtained important advantages over the imperialists;
in Alsace, the arms of the Duke of Saxe-Weimar were equally
successful. In the following year, the two victorious
generals carried their arms into the heart of the Austrian
territories, and, were almost uniformly successful.
But it is foreign to these pages to dwell further on the
military achievements or political intrigues of the times of
which we are speaking. Humanity shudders at the perusal of
the events of this war. Through the whole of its long
period, Germany was a scene of devastation. In its northern
and central parts, the ravages of advancing and retreating
armies were repeatedly experienced in their utmost horrors:
many of its finest towns were destroyed; whole villages
depopulated; large territories laid waste. Frequently the
women, the children, and the aged, naked, pale, and
disfigured, were seen wandering over the fields, supporting
themselves by the leaves of trees, by wild roots, and even
grass. The war extended itself into Lorraine: an affecting
account of the calamities, which it produced in that
beautiful province, was published by Father Caussin, who
accompanied Lewis XIII into it, as his confessor.
Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.
Struck with the scene of woe, St. Vincent of Paul, an
humble missionary priest, who, at that time, resided at
Paris, requested an audience of Cardinal de Richelieu. Being
admitted, he represented to his eminence, with respect, but
with firmness, the misery of the people, the sins, and all
the other enormities, which are the usual consequences of
war: he then fell upon his knees, and in a voice, equally
animated by grief and charity, "Sir!" he said to the
Cardinal "have mercy upon us! Have compassion upon the
world! Give us peace!" The stern and vindictive genius of
the Cardinal sunk before the man of God. He raised Vincent
from the ground. He told him, with much apparent benignity,
that "the general pacification of Europe was his great
object, but that unfortunately it did not depend on him
alone; there being, both within and without the kingdom,
those who sought the contrary, and prevented peace." Few
ministers have shewn greater ability, or produced greater
public or private misery, than Richelieu. It may, on the
other hand, be doubted, whether, at the day of general
retribution, when every child of Adam will have to account
for his works, even one will appear with more numerous deeds
of useful and heroic charity than St. Vincent of Paul.[042]
The affairs of the important embassy entrusted to
Grotius, prospered in his hands. In his conduct, there was
an uniform assemblage of prudence, activity, moderation, and
firmness. To the French monarch, he was always
acceptable-not always so to the cardinal minister. It was
the constant object of the latter, to delay the payments of
the subsidies promised to Sweden, or to make deductions from
them; and to lessen the number of soldiers, which France was
bound, by treaty to supply. Sometimes by blandishments,
sometimes by loftiness, the minister or his agents
endeavoured to induce Grotius to sanction these
irregularities: but Grotius was always true to the interests
of the country which he represented: it does not appear,
that the Cardinal gained a single point against him. Towards
the close of his embassy, Grotius succeeded in renewing the
treaty between Sweden and France, on terms which were
considered to do great honour to his diplomatic talents.
In the discharge of his embassy, Grotius had to sustain
other unpleasantnesses. His pension was not regularly paid:
this often subjected him to great inconveniences. He had
disputes respecting rank and ceremonial, both with the
French ministry and the ambassadors of other states. It must
surprise an English reader to find, that Grotius questioned
the right of the English ambassador to precedence over him:
the French court often played one ambassador, against the
other.
Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.
In the midst of these troubles, Grotius preserved the
serenity of his mind; and his attachment to sacred and
profane literature. He cultivated the acquaintance of the
learned and the good, of every communion; and possessed
their esteem and regard. His conduct as ambassador was
always approved by the Chancellor Oxenstiern, while he
lived, and after his decease, by his son and successor in
his office. The Queen of Sweden was equally favourable to
Grotius; but she unadvisedly took an adventurer into her
confidence, and sent him, in an ambiguous character, to
Paris. This disgusted Grotius: and age and infirmities now
thickened upon him. He applied to the Queen for his recall.
She granted it in the most flattering terms, and desired him
to repair immediately to Stockholm, to receive, from her,
distinguished marks of her favour. She wrote to the Queen of
France, a letter, in which she expressed herself in a manner
highly honourable to Grotius: she acknowledged her
obligations to him and protested that she never would forget
them. This was towards the month of March 1645.
About three years after this event, the war of thirty
years was concluded by the peace of Westphalia. France and
the Protestant princes of Europe dictated the terms: the
Swedes were indemnified for their charges of the war, by
Pomerania, Steten, Rugen, Wismar and Verden: the house of
Brandenburgh obtained Magdeburgh, Halberstad, Minden and
Camin; Alsace was conquered, and retained by France;
Lusatia, was ceded to Saxony. The history of the treaty of
Westphalia has been ably written by Father Bougeant,
a French Jesuit: some critics have pronounced it the best
historical work in the French language. Till the late
revolution of France, it was the breviary of all French
aspirants to political distinction.
THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF GROTIUS:-SOME OTHER OF HIS
WORKS.
1. Subsequent History of Arminianism. 2.
Grotius's Religious Sentiments. 3. His Projects of
Religious Pacification.
Subsequent History of Arminianism.
We left the Arminians under the iron arm of Prince Maurice:-He died in
1625:-We have mentioned, that Prince Frederick-Henry his
brother, and successor in the Stadtholderate, adopted more
moderate councils in their regard; that he recalled the
Remonstrants, with some exceptions, from banishment; that
many settled at Amsterdam and Rotterdam; and that the
Arminians founded a college in the former city:-Episcopius
was its first professor of theology:-it has never been
without teachers, of eminence for learning, as Courcelles,
Pollemberg, Limborch, Le Clerc, Cottemburgh, and Wetstein.
It should be added, that the authority of the Synod of
Dort insensibly declined:-its authority was never formally
acknowledged by the provinces of Friesland,
Zealand, Utrecht, Gueldreland and
Gröningen: In 1651, they were induced to intimate that
they would see with pleasure, the reformed religion
maintained upon the footing, upon which it had been
maintained and confirmed by the Synod of Dort; but this
intimation was never considered to have the force of a
legislative enactment.[043]
XII.1. History of Arminianism.
The theological system of the Arminians, after their
return to Holland, underwent, if we credit Dr. Mosheim,[044]
a remarkable change. They appear, by his account, to have
almost coincided with those, who exclude the necessity of
divine grace in the work of conversion and sanctification;
and think that Christ demands from men, rather virtue than
faith; and has confined that belief, which is essential for
salvation, to very few articles. Thus the modern Arminians,
according to Dr. Mosheim, admit into their communion,-1st.
All, with an exception of Catholics, who receive the holy
scriptures; and more especially the New Testament; allowing
at the same time to every individual, his own interpretation
of the sacred books:-2dly. All whose lives are regulated by
the law of God:-3dly. And all, who neither persecute nor
bear ill will towards those who differ from them in their
religious sentiments. Their Confession of Faith was
drawn up by Episcopius in 1622: four divines of the
established church of Holland published a Refutation
of it: the authors of the Confession replied to it in
the following year, by their Apology.
James I. of England directed his theological
representatives in the Synod of Dort, to join the members in
the condemnation of the doctrines of Arminius:-but, when the
English divines returned from that assembly, and gave a full
account of its proceedings, the King and the greatest part
of the English clergy expressed their dissatisfaction with
them, and declared that the sentiments of Arminius on the
divine decrees, was preferable to those of Calvin and
Gomarus. By the exertions of Archbishop Laud, and
afterwards, in consequence of the general tendency of the
public mind to doctrines of mildness and comprehension, an
Arminian construction of the English articles on
predestination and free-will was adopted:-it has since
prevailed,-and the Arminian creed, by the number of its
secret or open adherents, has insensibly found admittance
into every Protestant church.
If we believe the celebrated Jurieu[045],
Arminianism even in its Socinian form, abounded, in less
than a century, after the death of Arminius, in the United
Provinces, and among the Hugonots of the adjacent part of
France. By his account, the dispersion of the French
Hugonots, in consequence of the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes, revealed to the terrified reformers of the original
school, the alarming secret of the preponderance of
Socinianism in the reformed church. Its members, according
to Jurieu, being no longer under the controul of the civil
power, spread their Socinian principles every where, with
the utmost activity and success: even in England, Jurieu
professed to discover the effect of their exertions. He
mentions that in 1698, thirty-four French refugee ministers
residing in London addressed a letter to the synod, then
sitting at Amsterdam, in which they declared, that
Socinianism had spread so rapidly, that, if the
ecclesiastical assemblies supplied no means for checking
their growth, or used palliatives only, the mischief would
be incurable.
This charge, however, the Arminians have indignantly
rejected. A writer in the Bibliotheque Germanique[046]
relates, that
"the celebrated Anthony Collins called on M. Le Clerc of
Amsterdam: He was accompanied by some Frenchmen, of the
fraternity of those, who think freely. They expected to
find the religious opinions of Le Clerc in unison with
their own, but, they were surprised to find the strong
stand which he made in favour of revelation. He proved
to them, with great strength of argument, the truth of
the Christian religion. Jesus Christ, he told them, was
born among the Jews; still, it was not the Jewish
religion which he taught; neither was it the religion of
the Pagan neighbourhood; but, a religion infinitely
superior to both. One sees in it the most striking marks
of divinity. The Christians, who followed, were
incapable of imagining any thing so beautiful. Add to
this, that the Christian religion is so excellently
calculated for the good of society, that, if we did not
derive so great a present from heaven, the good and
safety of men would absolutely demand from them an
equivalent."
Throughout the conversation, M. Le Clerc reproached the
Deists strongly, for the hatred, which they shewed to
Christianity. He proved, that, by banishing it from the
world,
"they would overturn whatever was most holy and
respectable among men; break asunder the surest bonds of
humanity; teach men to shake off the yoke of law;
deprive them of their strongest incitement to virtue,
and bereave them of their best comfort. What," (he asked
them) "do you substitute in its place? Can you flatter
yourself, that you will discover something better? You
expect, no doubt, that men will erect statues to you,
for your exertions to deprive them of their religion!
Permit me to tell you, that the part you act makes you
odious and despicable in the eyes of all honest men."
He finished the conversation by requesting Mr. Collins to
bring him no more such visitors.
XII. 1. History of Arminians.
From the close of the 17th century, till the present
time, Arminianism has been continually on the increase. It
is a just observation of Mr. Gibbon, that "the disciples of
Arminius must not be computed by their separate
congregations."
Doctor Maclaine says, it is certain, that the most
eminent philosophers have been found among the Arminians.
"If both Arminians and Calvinists," says Mr. Evans, in the
excellent work we have cited,
"claim a King (James I.), it is certain
that the latter alone can boast of a Newton, a
Locke, a Clarke, or a Boyle.
Archbishop Usher is said to have lived a
Calvinist; and died an Arminian. The members
of the episcopal church in Scotland; the Moravians, the
general Baptists, the Wesleyan Methodists, the Quakers
or Friends, are Arminians; and it is supposed that a
great proportion of the Kirk of Scotland teach the
doctrines of Arminius, though they have a Calvinistic
confession of faith. What a pity it is that the opinions
either of Calvinists or Arminians,"
-(we beg leave to add: or any other Catholic or
Protestant opinions whatsoever)-
"cannot in the eyes of some persons be held without a
diminution of Christian charity!"
Grotius's Religious Sentiments.
To the milder form of Arminianism, Grotius always
inclined. During his embassy in France, he adopted it
without reserve. He was soon disgusted with the French
Calvinists. The ministers of Charenton accepted the
decisions of the Synod of Dort, and, in conformity with
them, refused, when Grotius repaired to Paris, after his
escape from Louvestein, to admit him into their communion.
On his arrival at Paris, in quality of ambassador, they
offered to receive him: Grotius expressed pleasure at the
proposal; and, intimated to them, that if he should go into
any country, in which the Lutherans, knowing his sentiments
on the sacrament of our Lord's Supper, should be willing to
receive him into their communion, he would make no
difficulty in joining them. Thus every thing appeared to be
settled; but the ministers then objected to receive Grotius
as ambassador from Sweden, because that kingdom was
Lutheran. Grotius, upon this, resolved to have the divine
service performed in his house. Lutherans publicly attended
it. "We have celebrated," he writes to his brother, "the
Feast of the Nativity in my house: the Duke of Wirtemberg,
the Count de Saxenburgh, and several Swedish and German
lords, attended at it." His first chaplain was imprudent,
his second gave him great satisfaction.
XII. 2. Grotius' Religious Sentiments.
Burigni has collected, in the last chapter of his Life of
Grotius, a multitude of passages, which shew his gradual
leaning to the Roman Catholic faith. He produces several
passages from his works, which prove,-
That he paid high regard to decisions of the
councils, and the discipline of the primitive church; and
thought the sentiments of the antient church should be
deferred to, in the explanation of the Scriptures:
[047]
That, the early reformers were held by him in no
great esteem:[048]
That, mentioning Casaubon's sentiments, Grotius
said that this learned man thought the Roman Catholics of
France better informed than those of other countries, and
came nearer to truth than the ministers of Charenton:-
"It cannot," says Grotius, "be denied, that there are
several Roman Catholic pastors here, who teach true
religion, without any mixture of superstition; it were
to be wished that all did the same:"[049]
That the Calvinists were schismatics, and had no
mission:[050]
That the Jesuits were learned men and good
subjects. "I know many of them," he says, in one of his
writings against Rivetus, "who are very desirous to see
abuses abolished, and the church restored to its primitive
unity."-We shall hereafter see that Father Petâu, an
illustrious member of the society, possessed the confidence
of Grotius:[051]
That, Grotius looked upon the abolition of
episcopacy and of a visible head of the church, as something
very monstrous:[052]
That, he acknowledged that some change was made in
the eucharistic bread; that, when Jesus Christ, being
sacramentally present, favours us with his substance,-as the
Council of Trent expresses its doctrine on the
Eucharist,-the appearances of bread and wine remain, and in
their place succeed the body and blood of Christ:
[053]
XII. 2. Grotius's Religious Sentiments.
That, Grotius did not approve of the sentiments of
the Calvinists concerning the Eucharist, and reproached them
with their contradiction.
"You will hear them state in their confessions," says
Grotius, "that they really, substantially and
essentially partake of Christ's body and his blood; but,
in their disputes, they maintain that Christ is received
only spiritually, by faith. The antients go much
further: they admit a real incorporation of Jesus Christ
with us, and the reality of Christ's body, as Saint
Hilarius speaks."
It must however be remarked that, although Grotius
thought that the term Transubstantiation adopted by
the council of Trent, was capable of a good interpretation,
it is not clear, what was his precise opinion respecting the
Eucharist. He proposed the following formulary:
"We believe that, in the use of the supper, we truly,
really, and substantially,-that is to say,-in its proper
substance,-receive the true body and the true blood of
Jesus Christ, in a spiritual and ineffable manner:
[054]"
That, Grotius justified the decision of the Council of Trent,
concerning the number of the sacraments:[055]
That, after the year 1640, he took no offence at
the use of images in churches, or at prayers for the dead:[056]
That, he thought the bishops of Rome may be in
error, but cannot long remain in it, if they adhere to the
universal church;-this seems to presuppose the church's
infallibility:[057]
That in the opinion of Grotius; fasting was early
used in the church; the observance of Lent was a very early
practice: the sign of the cross had something respectable in
it; the fathers held virginity a more perfect state than
marriage; and the celibacy of the priests conformable to the
antient discipline of the church:[058]
And
"that those, who shall read the decrees of the Council
of Trent, with a mind disposed to peace, will find that
every thing is wisely explained in them: and agreeable
to what is taught by the Scriptures and the antient
fathers."[059]
It is certain, that Grotius was intimate with Father
Petâu, a Jesuit, inferior to none of his society, in genius
and learning; that the good father used all his endeavours
to convert Grotius to the Roman Catholic religion; and was,
at length, so much persuaded of his friend's catholicity,
that, when he heard of his death, he said prayers for the
repose of his soul.[060]
XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.
As the religion of Grotius was a problem to many, Menâge
wrote the following Epigram upon it: the sense of it is,
that-
"As many sects claimed the religion of Grotius, as the
towns, which contended for the birth of Homer."
Smyrna, Rhodos, Colophon, Salamis, Chios, Argos,
Athenæ,
Siderei certant vatis de patriâ
Homeri:
Grotiadæ certant de religione, Socinus,
Arrius, Arminius, Calvinus, Roma,
Lutherus.
Grotius's Project of Religious Pacification.
A wish for religious peace among Christians grew with the growth and
strengthened with the strength of Grotius. It was known,
before his imprisonment at Louvestein, that he entertained
these sentiments: he avows them in the dedication to Lewis
XIII. of his treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis.
"I shall never cease," he says in a letter to his
brother,[061]
"to use my utmost endeavours for establishing peace
among Christians; And, if I should not succeed, it will
be honourable to die in such an enterprise." "I am not
the only one, who has conceived such projects," he
writes in another letter to his brother:[062]
"Erasmus, Cassander; Wicelius and Casaubon had the same
design. La Meletiere is employed at present in it.
Cardinal de Richelieu declares that he will protect the
coalition; and he is such a fortunate man, that he never
undertakes any thing, in which he does not succeed. If
there were no hopes of success at present, ought we not
to sow the seed, which may he useful to posterity?[063]
Even if we should only diminish the mutual hatred among
Christians, and render them more sociable, would not
this be worth purchasing at the price of some labour and
reproaches?"[064]
Grotius expressed himself in similar terms to Baron
Oxenstiern: Surely it is the true language of the Gospel.
In the first
appendix to this work,-we shall insert, an account
"of the Formularies, Confessions of Faith, and Symbolic
Books, of the Roman Catholic, Greek, and principal
Protestant churches:"-
In the second
appendix,-we shall insert an account of the principal
attempts made, since the Reformation, for the re-union of
Christians.-The former is abridged from the "Historical and
Literary Account of the Confessions of Faith," which was
formerly published by the present writer;-the second is an
essay appended to that work:-both have been before referred
to in the present publication.
XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.
Grotius[065]
thought that the most compendious way to produce universal
religious peace among Christians, would be to frame, with
the concurrence of all the orthodox Eastern and Western
churches, a formulary which should express, briefly and
explicitly, all the articles of faith, the belief of which
they agree in thinking essential to salvation. In a letter
addressed from Paris in 1625,[066]
he mentions that Gustavus Adolphus had entertained projects
of religious pacification, and had taken measures to effect
it; that he had procured a meeting of divines of the
Lutheran and Reformed churches and that they had separated
amicably: Grotius says that the differences between them
were as slight as those between the Greek and Coptic
churches.
For some time, Grotius flattered himself that he should
succeed in his project of pacification. In one of his
letters to his brother, he mentions distinguished
Protestants, who approved and encouraged them
"I perceive," he says, "that by conversing with men of
the most learning among the reformed, and explaining my
sentiments to them, they are of my opinion; and that
their number will increase, if my treatises are
dispersed. I can truly affirm, that I have said nothing
in them from party spirit, but followed truth as closely
as I could."[067]
He imagined that some Catholics entered into his views.
"The ablest men among the Catholics," he thus writes to
his brother, "think that what I have published is
written with great freedom and moderation, and approve
of it."[068]
These pacific projects of Grotius cemented the union
between him and Father Petâu.
"I had," says that most learned Jesuit, in his 12th
Letter, "a great desire to see and converse with
Grotius. We have been long together, and very intimate.
He is, as far as I can judge, a good man, and possesses
great candour. I do not think him far from becoming a
Catholic, after the example of Holstenius as you hoped.
I shall neglect nothing in my power to reconcile him to
Christ, and put him in the way of salvation."[069]
His Project of Religious Pacification.
XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.
As Grotius lays so much stress on the pacific labours of
Erasmus, Wicelius, Cassander and Casaubon, we shall briefly
mention, in the present chapter, the labours of the three
first: Casaubon's we shall notice, in the second appendix to
this work.
XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.
It appears that Erasmus had it in contemplation to
compose three dialogues, upon the important subject of
religious pacification: the speakers were to have been
Luther, under the name of Thrasimacus, and a Catholic
divine, under that of Eubolus. In the first dialogue, they
were to have discussed the proper methods of terminating the
religious controversies of the times; in the second, to have
investigated what were the points in controversy, the belief
of which was essential to a member of the church of Christ;
in the third, they were to have inquired what were the best
means to procure a good understanding between the contending
parties, and to effect their union. It is to be lamented
that Erasmus did not execute his design. His general
sentiments appear in his Paraphrase upon the 83d Psalm;
they are expressed with great wisdom and moderation.[071]
XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.
Wicelius,-who is next mentioned by Grotius, had
been professed in a religious order: had quitted it, and
embraced Lutheranism: he afterwards forsook that communion,
and returned to the Catholic: upon this, he was appointed to
a curacy; and, in the discharge of his functions, obtained
general esteem: he was much regarded by the Emperors
Ferdinand and Maximilian. In 1537, he published at Leipsic a
Latin work, "On the method of procuring Religious Concord,-Methodus
Concordiæ Ecclesiasticæ." He addressed it to the pope,
to all sovereigns, bishops, doctors, and generally to all
christians, exhorting them to peace, and to desist from
contention. He assumed in it, that the true religion had
been preserved in the Catholic church; but he allows that
modern doctors had involved it in numerous scholastic
subtleties, unknown to antiquity. He complains that on one
hand the reformers left nothing untouched; that, on the
other, the scholastics would retain every abuse, and every
superfluity: Wisdom, he thought, lay between them; the
reformers should have respected what antiquity consecrated;
the Catholics should have abandoned modern doctrines and
modern practices to the discretion of individuals.
The "Royal Road," or Via Regia of Wicelius, a
still more important work, was published by him at Helmstadt
in 1537. Both works were approved, and the perusal of them
warmly recommended, by the emperors: they have been often
reprinted; they are inserted, with a life of their author,
in the second volume of Brown's Fasciculus.
"If all the divines of those times," says Father Simôn
the oratorian,[073]
"had possessed the same spirit as Wicelius, the affairs
of religion might have taken a different turn."
XII.3. His Project of Religious Pacification
Cassander, another peacemaker, mentioned with
praise by Grotius, is the subject of a long and interesting
article in Dupin's Ecclesiastical History:[074]
"He was," says Dupin, "solidly learned; and thoroughly
versed in ecclesiastical antiquity and the controversies
of his own times. The flaming zeal, which he had for the
re-union and peace of the church, made him yield much to
the Protestants, and led him to advance some
propositions that were too bold. But he always kept in
the communion of the Catholic church. He declared that
he submitted to its judgments, and openly condemned the
authors of the schism and their principal errors. He was
a gentle, humble and moderate man; patient under
afflictions, and entirely disinterested. In his
disputes, he never returned injury for injury; and
neither in his manners nor in his writings were
presumption or arrogance ever discoverable. He avoided
glory, honor, or wealth; and lived private and retired,
having no other thought or wish, but to promote the
peace of the church; no employment, but study; no
business, but to compose books, which might be
profitable to the public; and no passion, but knowing
and teaching the truth."
His character procured him universal respect. The emperor
and several Catholic princes in Germany fixed upon him as a
mediator in the religious disputes, by which the empire was,
at that time, agitated. In conformity with their views he
published his celebrated, "Consultatio de Articulis
Religionis inter Catholicos et Protestantes Controversis."
"In this work," says Mr. Chalmers, "he discusses the
several articles of the Augsburgh Confession, stating
their difference from the doctrines of the Catholic
church, and the concessions that might safely be made in
respect to them. This work was written with great
liberality, was much applauded by those, who were
desirous of a coalition: they were too soon convinced
that every attempt of this kind was nugatory. Cassander
presented it to the Emperors Ferdinand I. and Maximilian
II. They received it favourably; the former invited
Cassander to Vienna, but his infirmities prevented his
accepting the offer."
In 1542, Grotius published his "Road to Religious
Peace,-Via ad Pacem Ecclesiasticam:" he inserted in it
Cassander's "Consultation," and accompanied it with
notes.
All pacific persons reverenced Grotius, and still
reverence his memory, for his attempts to restore the
religious peace of Christendom: all the violent condemned
him, and opposed his projects. The contradictions, which he
met with, chagrined him; so that he sometimes lost that
tranquillity of mind, which he had possessed in his deepest
adversity. But, to use his own words, he looked to the
blessed Peacemaker for his reward, and trusted that
posterity would do justice to its intentions.-
"Perhaps, by writing to reconcile such as entertain very
opposite sentiments, I shall," says Grotius, "offend
both parties: but, if that should so happen, I shall
comfort myself with the example of him, who said, If I
please men, I am not the servant of Christ."
XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.
"Grotius," says Burigni, "content with gratifying his
pacific desires, expected his reward from posterity.
This he clearly intimates in the following verses,
written by him on the subject:
"Accipe, sed placidé, quæ, si non optimo,certé
Espressit nobis non mala pacis amor.
Et tibi dic, nostro labor hic si displicet avo,
A gratia pretium posteritate feret."
The projects of religious pacification did not cease with Grotius:
several divines of distinction adopted it; and
attempted, some with more prudence and ability than
others, to carry it into effect. The principal of these
are noticed in the second appendix to the present work.
None succeeded: One description of persons, who engaged
in this design, was denominated Syncretists, or
Calixtines, from George Calixtus their
leader: the other, from their calling men from
controversy to holiness of life, received the
appellation of Pietists: A third party,-perhaps
we may style them, the Ultra-orthodox,-more
hostile to the former than to the latter-arose in
opposition to both, and accused them of sacrificing the
doctrines of faith to a mistaken zeal for union and
sanctity.[075]
It is certain[076]
that the friends of union too often erred in this,-that
they aimed rather at an uniformity of terms than
of sentiments; and thus seemed satisfied, when
they engaged the contending parties to use the same
words and phrases, though their real difference
in opinion remained the same. This could not be
justified: it tended evidently to extinguish truth and
honour, and to introduce equivocation.
THE DEATH OF GROTIUS.
1645
Every thing respecting the recall of Grotius being
settled, he embarked at Dieppe for Holland. He was
extremely well received at Amsterdam and Rotterdam: the
constituted authorities, of the former city fitted a
vessel, which was to take him to Hamburgh: there, after
along and harassing journey, he arrived on the 16th of
May. From Hamburgh he proceeded to Lübec: the
magistrates of that city gave him an honourable
reception. He proceeded to Wismar; where Count Wismar,
the admiral of the Swedish fleet, gave him a splendid
entertainment, and afterwards sent him in a man-of-war
to Colmar: thence, he went by land to Stockholm. When he
arrived there, Queen Christina was at Upsal; but,
hearing that Grotius was at Stockholm, she returned to
that city to meet him. On the day after her arrival, she
favoured him with a long audience: she expressed to him
great satisfaction at his conduct, and made him large
promises. These audiences were often repeated; and once
she permitted him to have the honour of dining with her.
She assured him, that if he would continue in her
service, as Councillor of State, and bring his family
into Sweden, he should have no reason to complain of
her. But Grotius was anxious to leave Sweden; and his
passport being delayed, he resolved to quit it without
one, and actually proceeded to a seaport about seven
leagues distant from Stockholm. The Queen, being
informed of his departure, sent a gentleman to inform
him, that she wished to see him once more. On this
invitation he returned to Stockholm, and was immediately
admitted into the Queen's presence; he then explained to
her his reasons for wishing to quit Sweden. The Queen
appeared to be satisfied with them: she made him a
present in money of twelve or thirteen thousand Swedish
imperials, of the value of about ten thousand French
crowns; she added to the present, some plate, the
finishing of which had, she told him, been the only
cause of the delay of his passport. She then put it into
his hands, and a vessel was appointed to carry him to
Lübec. On the 12th August he embarked for that city.
What were his real motives for refusing Christina's
offers, or in what place he ultimately intended to fix
himself, is not known.
The vessel in which he embarked had scarcely sailed
from Lübec, when it was overtaken by a violent storm,
and obliged, on the 17th August, to take shelter in a
port fourteen miles distant from Dantzic. Grotius went
from it in an open wagon to Lübec, and arrived very ill
at Rostock[077]
on the 26th August. No one, there, knew him: his great
weakness determined him to call in the aid of a
physician: one accordingly attended him: his name was
Stochman. On feeling Grotius's pulse, he said his
indisposition proceeded from weakness and fatigue, and
that, with rest and some restoratives, he might recover;
but, on the following day he changed his opinion.
Perceiving that the weakness of Grotius increased, and
that it was accompanied with a cold sweat and other
symptoms indicating an exhaustion of nature, the
physician announced that the end of his patient was
near. Grotius then asked for a clergyman. John
Quistorpius was brought to him. Quistorpius, in a
letter to Calovius, gives the following particulars of
Grotius's last moments:
"You are desirous of hearing from me, how that
Phoenix of Literature, Hugo Grotius, behaved in his
last moments, and I am going to tell you. He
embarked at Stockholm for Lübec, and after having
been tossed for the three days, by a violent
tempest, he was shipwrecked, and got to shore on the
coast of Pomerania, from whence he came to our town
of Rostock, distant above sixty miles, in an open
wagon through wind and rain. He lodged with
Balleman; and sent for M. Stochman, the physician,
who observing that he was extremely weakened by
years, by what he suffered at sea, and by the
inconveniences attending the journey, judged that he
could not live long. The second day after Grotius's
arrival in this town, that is, on the 18th of
August, O.S. he sent for me, about nine at night, I
went, and found him almost at the point of death: I
said, 'There was nothing I desired more, than to
have seen him in health, that I might have the
pleasure of his conversation.' He answered, 'God had
ordered it otherwise.' I desired him: to prepare
himself for a happier life, to acknowledge that he
was a sinner, and to repent of his faults: and,
happening to mention the publican, who acknowledged
that he was a sinner, and asked God's mercy; he
answered, 'I am that publican.' I went on,
and told him that he must have recourse to Jesus
Christ, without whom there is no salvation.'
"He replied, 'I place all my hope in Jesus
Christ.'
"I began to repeat aloud in German, the prayer which
begins Herr Jesu:[078]
he followed me in a very low voice; with his hands
clasped. When I had done, I asked him, 'if he
understood me.' He answered, 'I understand you
very well.' I continued to repeat to him those
passages of the word of God, which are commonly
offered to the remembrance of dying persons; and
asking him, 'if he understood me,' he answered, 'I
heard your voice, but I did not understand what you
said.'
"These were his last words; soon afterwards he
expired; just at midnight. His body was delivered to
the physicians, who took out his bowels. I easily
obtained leave to bury them in our principal church,
which is dedicated to the Virgin."
His corpse, was afterwards carried to Delft, and
deposited in the tomb of his ancestors. He wrote this
modest epitaph for himself,
"GROTIUS HIC HUGO EST, BATAVUM
CAPTIVUS ET EXSUL,
LEGATUS REGNI, SUECIA MAGNA, TUI."
Burigni informs us that Grotius had a very agreeable
person, a good complexion, an aquiline nose, sparkling
eyes, a serene and smiling countenance; that he was not
tall, but very strong, and well built. The engraving of
him prefixed to the Hugonis Grotii Manes answers
this description.
It is needless to give an account of his descendants,
or their prosperous or adverse fortunes: they are
noticed at length by Burigni. In Mr. Boswell's Life
of Johnson, mention is made of one who was then in a
state of want. Dr. Johnson, in a letter to Dr. Vyse,
"requests him to recommend, an old friend, to his
grace the Archbishop of Canterbury. His name," says
the Doctor, "is De Groot. He has all the common
claims to charity; he is poor and infirm in a great
degree. He has likewise another claim, to which no
scholar can refuse attention: he is, by several
descents, the nephew of Hugo Grotius; of him, of
whom every man of learning has perhaps learned
something. Let it not be said, that, in any lettered
country, the nephew of Grotius, ever asked a
charity, and was refused."
The reader must be pleased, to be informed, that the
application,-it was for some situation, in the
charter-house,-was successful. Dr. Vyse informed Dr.
Johnson of it, by letter. In his answer,
"Dr. Johnson," by Dr. Vyse's account, "rejoiced
much, and was lavish of the praise he bestowed upon
his favourite Hugo Grotius."[079]
Three points were united in Grotius, each of which
would strongly recommend him to Dr. Johnson: he was
learned, pious, and opposed to the doctrines of Calvin.
It is still more unnecessary to mention the various
encomiums, which the learned of all nations have made of
Grotius, in prose and verse. That he was one of the most
universal scholars, whom the world has produced, and
that he possessed sense, taste, and genius in a high
degree, is universally confessed. It is equally true,
that both his public and his private character, are
entitled to a high degree of praise.
When Queen Christina, heard of his death, she wrote
to his widow, a letter of condolence, and requested,
that the manuscripts which he had left, might be sent to
her:
"My ambassador," the Queen says in this letter, "has
made you acquainted, with my high esteem, for his
learning, and the good services he did me; but he
could not express, how dear I hold his memory, and
the effects of his great labours. If gold, or
silver, could do any thing towards redeeming such a
valuable life, I would gladly employ all, I am
mistress of, for that purpose."
She concludes by asking his widow, for all the
manuscripts "of that learned man, whose works had given
her such pleasure." The Queen assures her, that "they
could not fall into better hands," and that, "the
author, having been useful to her in his lifetime, it
was not just that she should be deprived, after his
death, of the fruits of his labours."
It remains to mention, that, after the death of Grotius, his wife
communicated with the Church of England: this, it is said,
she did in conformity to the dying injunctions of her
husband: it is certain, that Grotius respected the Church of
England. His wife died at the Hague, in the communion of the
Remonstrants. Through life, she was uniformly respected;
and, whenever the services of Grotius, to sacred and profane
literature, are recorded, her services to him, should be
mentioned with praise.
HISTORICAL MINUTES OF THE REVOLUTIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT
OF THE SEVEN UNITED PROVINCES, FROM THE DEATH OF WILLIAM II.
TILL THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS.
1680-1815.
In some of the preceding pages, the principal events in the history of
the Seven United Provinces, till the death of William II, in
1680, have been briefly mentioned: in the present chapter,
we shall insert a summary account of the revolutions of
their government, till the present time.
William III.
1650-1702.
William III. was born after the death of William II. his father.
Immediately after that event, his mother claimed for him the
stadtholderate, and all the other dignities, pre-eminences,
and rights, which his father and grandfather had enjoyed;
but, so great, at that time, was the public jealousy of the
ambitious views of the house of Orange, that the States
General would not even take her claims into deliberation. A
general assembly of the States was held in 1661. They
confirmed the Treaty of Union, of 1579; attributed to
themselves, the appointment of all civil and military
offices; placed the army under the authority of the
provinces and municipalities, and invested the council of
state with the general direction of the military concerns of
the nation. A war with England, which was then governed by
Cromwell, soon followed; it was the commencement of the
naval glory of the United States. But the government was
distracted by the contests and dissensions between the
republican and the Orange factions. The former were headed
by John de Witt. He possessed transcendent abilities, was a
true lover of his country, and, on every occasion, advised
the wisest measures. Some of the military operations of the
States proving unsuccessful, the Orange faction endeavoured
to persuade the people, that this reverse of fortune was
owing to the want of a Stadtholder; and exhorted them to
confer this dignity on the young prince, to be exercised,
during his minority, by one of the family. This proposition
was successfully resisted by De Witt. Peace between England
and the United Provinces being concluded, Cromwell
endeavoured to unite them to England by a federative
alliance; but they rejected the proposition. At the
suggestion of De Witt, the States of Holland passed an Act,
by which they bound themselves never to appoint the Prince
of Orange, or any of his descendants, to the office of
Stadtholder, or Captain General; and to prevent, to their
utmost power, the other States from making such an
appointment. This measure displeased the other States. In
1665, the office of Commander in Chief becoming vacant, the
opposite party endeavoured to procure it for one of the
Orange family; this attempt also proved abortive. In 1661 a
war broke out between England,-which was then governed by
Charles II., and the United States; these displayed in it,
chiefly under the command of De Ruyter, prodigies of valour
and naval skill; the year 1667 was famous in their annals,
by their fleet's sailing up the river Thames, and burning
the English fleet at Chatham. The peace of Breda immediately
followed.
Still, the civil discord continued. The States of Holland
renewed the Edict of Exclusion, with the addition of
a clause, that, whenever a person should be invested, with
the office of Captain, or Admiral General, he should swear
never to aspire to the office of Stadtholder, and to refuse
it, if it should be offered to him.
The year 1671 is remarkable for the league entered into
by Louis XIV. and Charles II. against the United States, and
by their vigourous resistance to it. The circumstances into
which it drove the United States, compelled them to appoint
the Prince of Orange Captain General and Admiral: he took
the oath prescribed by the Perpetual Edict, not to aspire to
the stadtholderate, and to reject it, if offered. He was at
this time in his twenty-second year: he owed his elevation
to the critical situation in which the United States were
then placed; but it was also owing to the great prudence
with which he had conducted himself when fortune was opposed
to him; and to the talents and application to business which
he then discovered.
At sea, the navy of the United States was generally
successful. At land, the arms of Lewis XIV. triumphed; he
conquered Gueldres, Overyssell, and the city and province of
Utretcht. This maddened the populace. They massacred John De
Witt, and Cornelius De Witt, his brother, after having
subjected them to the cruellest tortures and the most brutal
indignities. To the indelible reproach of William III. he
did not interfere to prevent or stop these horrors. His
measures for obtaining the stadtholderate succeeded.
On the 4th of July 1672, it was re-established in the
person of William III.; and all the dignities and rights
enjoyed by his predecessors were conferred upon him. These,
in 1674, were made hereditary in his family. His subsequent
conduct is entitled, on many accounts, to the warmest
praise. The success of the United States at sea compelled
Charles II. to make peace with them, so that Lewis XIV. was
their only enemy. The war with him was terminated by the
peace of Nimeguen in 1678. Ten years after it, the
Stadtholder, on the abdication of James II. became King of
England. In 1690, England, Spain, Austria, and the United
Provinces, entered into the Grand Alliance against France.
The Duke of Savoy and several Princes of Germany afterwards
joined it. In general, the proceedings of the confederacy
were unsuccessful; the war was terminated in 1697 by the
peace of Ryswick. In 1700, the disputes on the succession to
the Spanish monarchy, in consequence of the death of Charles
II. of Spain, without issue, called the world again to arms.
William III. died in 1702.
John William Count of Nassau Dietz, 1702-1711;
William IV. 1711-1751.
The government of William III. was generally displeasing to the United
States: they accused him of sacrificing them to the
interests of his English monarchy, and to the hatred which
he always bore to the French. He was also suspected, and not
without reason, of a design to acquire the independent
sovereignty of the provinces. At first, his influence within
them was so great, that he was said to be King in the United
States, and Stadtholder in England; but it declined
gradually; and an attempt by him to obtain the succession to
the stadtholderate for John Friso, Prince of Nassau and
Hereditary Stadtholder of Frizeland, absolutely failed. He
made, by his will, that prince his testamentary heir.
Upon the decease of William III. a general wish to
discontinue the stadtholderate was expressed in most of the
provinces; those of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gueldres, and
Overyssell, came to a formal resolution to this effect They
recognised the supreme power of the States General, and
conferred the direction of their political concerns on
Heinsius, the actual Grand Pensionary, a person of great
learning, uncommon talents for business, and acknowledged
integrity.
XIV. 2. John William Count of Nassau Diets, 1702-1711;
William IV. 1711-1749.
As testamentary heir of William III., John-William
assumed the title of Prince of Orange: he died in 1711,
without having exercised the power of the stadtholderate,
except in the province of Frizeland.
The war of the succession terminated in 1713, by the
peace of Utretcht: it was succeeded in 1715 by the Barrier
Treaty, and in 1719 by the Quadruple Alliance, ever
memorable for the triumphant campaigns of Marlborough, by
which it was followed. The pensionary Heinsius died in 1720.
In his life-time, several weak attempts had been made, in
different provinces, to restore in them the stadtholderate.
They succeeded only at Gueldres; and even there, it was
restored with great limitations.
Upon the decease of Prince William-John, his rights and
pretensions descended to Prince William, his son. In 1733,
he married Mary, the daughter of George II. of England. This
strengthened his cause; but the general spirit of the United
Provinces was so averse to the Stadtholderate, that it was
not till the invasion of Holland, by the French, in 1747,
that the prince's party judged it advisable to bring forward
his claim. At first they met with resistance, but finally
prevailed, and Prince William of Orange became the sole
Stadtholder of every province: until his time each of the
provinces of Frizeland and Groningen had its particular
Stadtholder. The dignities of Captain General and Admiral
were also conferred on him; and, in addition to these, some
rights and privileges which no former Stadtholder had
enjoyed.
The reverses of the United Provinces continued, and the
aggrandisement of the Stadtholderate increased
proportionally. As yet William IV. had no male issue. In
1748, the Orange faction proposed that the Stadtholderate
should be declared hereditary; and that, in default of
males, females should be admitted into the succession. After
some opposition the measure was carried in all the
provinces, except Frizeland and Groningen. From this time
the United Provinces ceased to be a republic, and became a
monarchy, limited by the antient usages and institutions.
William IV. died in 1749.
From the Death of William IV. till the Erection of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands.
1749-1815.
At the death of William IV. William, his son, and afterwards his
successor in the Stadtholderate, was an infant, in very
tender years. His mother was named by the states Governess
of the United Provinces. She appointed the Duke of Brunswick
to the command of their armies; thus, after all their
exertions and sacrifices for liberty, the United Provinces
became subject to the government of an English princess and
a German prince; and an English party became predominant in
their politics; William V. married a princess of Prussia,
and thus the Orange party was strengthened by Prussian
influence.
XIV. 3. From the death of William IV. till the erection
of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
These opposite, and conflicting interests, filled every
province, with dissension; and, on some occasions, armed one
body of citizens against another. The English party, sided
with the Orange faction; the French, with the republicans.
At first the latter prevailed; they led the states into
measures, which forced England to declare war against them.
In 1782, they acknowledged the independence of the United
States of America. Still, the dissensions continued. After a
long conflict, the republican party acquired the ascendant;
they suspended the Prince of Orange from his functions, and
filled all the principal places of trust with their own
adherents. But the Orange party soon rallied; the Duke of
Brunswick entered Holland at the head of a victorious army,
and, in 1787, re-established the Stadtholderate.
His victorious career, was soon terminated. In 1799, the
revolutionary army of France made themselves masters of the
whole territory of the United States; and established The
Batavian Republic. It was successively governed, but
always under the overpowering controul of France, by a
Convention, a Directory, and a Consul, with the appellation
of Grand Pensionary. In 1806, even these forms of her
antient government were abolished; Napoleon sending Louis,
one of his brothers, to reign over the United Provinces,
with the title and powers of royalty; but with an
intimation, that France was entitled to his first attentions
and a priority of duty. The demands of Napoleon for
attentions and duties were so exorbitant, that rather than
be instrumental in the infliction of the miseries which a
compliance with them must occasion, Louis resigned his
throne. Napoleon then incorporated the United Provinces into
his empire, "as an alluvion," for such he termed them, "to
the Rivers of France." Scenes of the most grinding
oppression followed: the Batavians were relieved from it by
the fall and abdication of Napoleon.
XIV. 3. Establishment of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
Before this event, William V. died, leaving a son, called
from his pretensions to the stadtholderate, William VI. We
have seen that, on the death of the Emperor Charles V. all
the seventeen provinces, composing the Netherlands, devolved
to Philip II. his son; the successful defection of the Seven
United Provinces has been mentioned; the ten remaining
provinces were afterwards transferred to the House of
Austria, and were inherited by the Emperor Joseph II. The
French made an easy conquest of them in an early stage of
the Revolution.
We now reach the ultimate fate of both the divisions of
the Netherlands. The congress of Vienna, by an act of the
9th June 1815, created and conferred upon this prince, THE
KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS, consisting of the seventeen
provinces, and a portion of Luxemburgh. It is confessedly
the first among the kingdoms of the second order.
It was our wish to present our readers with a sketch of the literary
history of the Netherlands, during the period treated of in
this chapter; but after most diligent and extensive
searches, both in the British and foreign markets, we have
not been able to discover materials for it; persons of
acknowledged learning, both in Germany and the Netherlands,
have assured us that no such history exists.
REFERRED TO IN PAGE 188.
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FORMULARIES, CONFESSIONS OF FAITH, OR
SYMBOLIC BOOKS, OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC, GREEK, AND PRINCIPAL
PROTESTANT CHURCHES.
The constitutions of the Roman Catholic, and Protestant Churches,
differ in nothing more, than in the following important
points: The Catholic Church, acknowledges the authority of
the Scriptures, and, in addition to them, a body of
traditionary law. She receives both under the authority, and
with the interpretation of the Church, and believes that the
authority of the Church in receiving and interpreting them
is infallible. The Protestant Churches generally profess to
acknowledge no law but the Scriptures, no interpreter of the
Scriptures, but the understanding and conscience of the
individual who peruses them.
That the Roman Catholic Church should propound a
formulary of her faith, enlarge this formulary from time to
time, as further interpretation is wanted, and enforce
acquiscence in it by spiritual censures, is consistent with
her principles. Whether such a pretension can be
avowed, without inconsistency, by any Protestant Church, has
been a subject of much discussion. In point of fact,
however, no Protestant Church is without her formulary, or
abstains from enforcing it by temporal provisions and
spiritual censures. To enforce their formularies by civil
penalties, is inconsistent with the principles, of every
christian church. All churches howsoever have so enforced,
and have blamed the others, for so enforcing them.
Such formularies, from the circumstance of their
collecting into one instrument, several articles, of
religious belief, are generally known on the Continent, by
the appellation of SYMBOLIC BOOKS.
I. The symbolic books, received by ALL TRINITARIAN CHRISTIAN
CHURCHES,-are,
1. The Symbol of the Apostles; and
2. The Nicene Symbol.
II. The symbolic books, received by the ROMAN CATHOLIC Church,-are,
1. The General Councils;
2. Among these,-the Council of Trent,-as
immediately applying to the controversies between the
Catholic and Protestant Churches, is particularly
regarded;
3. The Symbol of Pope Pius IV.;
4. The Catechism of the Council of Trent.
III. The symbolic books of the GREEK CHURCH,-are,
1. The Confession, of her true and sincere faith,
which, on the taking of Constantinople, by Mahomet II,
in 1453, Gennadius, its patriarch, presented to the
conqueror;
2. The Orthodox Confession, of the Catholic and
Apostolic Greek Church, published in 1642, by
Mogilow, the Metropolitan of Kiow.
IV. The symbolic books of the LUTHERAN CHURCHES, are
1. The Confession of Augsburgh;
2. The Apology of the Confession of Augsburgh;
3. The Articles of Smalcald;
4. And, (in the opinion of some Lutheran
Churches),-The Form of Concord;
5. The Saxon, Wirtenburgian, Suabian, Pomeranian,
Mansfeldian, Antwerpensian, and Copenhagen Confessions,
possess, in particular places, the authority of Symbolic
books:-the two first are particularly respected.
V. The symbolic books of the REFORMED CHURCHES. The reformed Church, in
the largest extent of that expression, comprises all the
religious communities, which have separated from the Church
of Rome. In this sense, it is often used by English writers:
but, having, soon after the Reformation, been used by the
French Protestants to describe their church, which was
Calvinistic, it became, insensibly, the appellation of all
Calvinistic churches on the Continent. The principal
symbolic books of these churches,-are,
1. The Confession of the Helvetian Churches;
2. The Tetrapolitan Confession,-signed by the
four cities of Strasburgh, Constance, Memmingen, and
Lindau;
3. The Catechism of Heidelbergh;
4. The Gallic Confession of Faith;
5. The Belgic Confession of Faith;
6. The Canons of the Council of Dort.
VI. The symbolic books of the WALDENSES,-are,
Their original and reformed Creeds.
VII. The symbolic books of the Bohemians,-are,
1. The Confession of faith of the Calixtines and
Taborites, signed at the Synod of Cuttenburgh in
1541;
2. The Confession of the faith of the Bohemians,-inserted
in the "Harmony of Confessions," published at Cambridge
in 1680.
3. The Consent of faith at Sendomer.
VIII. The symbolic book of the ARMINIANS,-is
The Declaration of the Remonstrants, drawn up by
Episcopius, and signed in 1622.
IX. The symbolic book of the SOCINIANS is The Catechism of Racow;-the
best edition of it was published in 1609, reprinted at
Frankfort, in 1739. An English translation of it has been
published by Mr. Rees.
X. The UNITARIANS have no symbolic book. To Doctor Lardner's Letter
on the Logos they shew universal respect.
XI. The symbolic books of THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND,-are,
1. The Theological Oaths,-containing a
Declaration of the belief of the Monarch's spiritual
supremacy;-and Declarations against
Transubstantiation,-the invocation of Saints,-and the
sacrifice of the Mass;
2. The Thirty-nine Articles.
XII. The symbolic book of the ENGLISH AND SCOTTISH PRESBYTERIANS,-is
"The Articles of Religion approved and passed by
both Houses of Parliament after advice had with an
assembly of divines, called together for that purpose."
These were sent into Scotland, and immediately
sanctioned by the General Assembly, and Parliament of
that kingdom; and thus became a law of the Church and
State.
XIII. The symbolic books of the Anabaptists may be said to be,-
THEIR SEVERAL CONFESSIONS OF FAITH:-Five were published
at Amsterdam, in 1675, in one volume 8vo.
XIV. The symbolic books of the Quakers,-are,
1. Barclay's Catechism and Confession of Faith,
published in 1675;
2. His Theses Theologicæ;
3. His Apology,-a logical demonstration of the
propositions in the Theses. It was translated into
almost every language and presented to all the ministers
assembled at Nimeguen;
4. But some persons assert that the real doctrines of
the Quakers are more easily discoverable from The
Christian Quaker and his divine testimony, vindicated by
Scripture reason and authorities against the injurious
attempts that have been lately made by several
adversaries.-This work appeared in 1674; the first
part of it was written by Penn, the second by Whithead,
one of his most distinguished disciples.
XV. It may be added, that the symbolic book of the Jews,-is
The Schelosch aikara ikkarim,-the Thirteen Articles
of Faith framed by Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon in the
12th century: it is frequently inserted in the Jewish
prayer books. Sebastian Munster published it with a
Latin translation and an abridgment of the History of
Josephus, in one vol. 8vo. at Worms in 1529.
Many Christian Catechisms have been translated into
Hebrew for the benefit of the Jews.
An historical and literary account of all these Confessions of Faith,
and of several works and circumstances connected with them,
is attempted to be given, by the Author of these pages, in
his "Historical and Literary Account of the Formularies,
Confessions of Faith, and Symbolic Books, of the Roman
Catholic, Greek, and principal Protestant Churches."
THE SYLLOGE CONFESSIONUM printed at the Clarendon Press
in 1804, contains the Professio Fidei Tridentinæ,
Confessio Helvetica, Augustana, Saxonica, Belgica."
"The Harmony of the Confessions of the Faith of the
Christian and Reformed Churches" published at Cambridge in
1586, 8vo. attempts to reconcile the Confession of
Augsburgh, the Confession of the Four Cities, the Confession
of Bâsle, the first Confession of Helvetia; the Confession
of Saxony, the Confession of Wirtemburgh, the French
Confession, the English Confession, the latter Confession of
Helvetia, the Belgic Confession, and that of Bohemia.
On the general subject, Walchius's Bibliotheca
Theologica Selecta, may be usefully consulted.
REFERRED TO IN PAGE 188.
ON THE REUNION OF CHRISTIANS.
The attempts, made at different times for the re-union of Christians,
are the subject of a learned and interesting work, published
at Paris, with the title of "Histoire critique des
projéts formés depuis trois cents ans pour la Reunion des
communions Chretiennes, par M. Tabaraud, ancien Prétre de
L'Oratoire, Paris, 1824." An excellent sketch of these
attempts had been previously given by Doctor Mosheim, in
his Ecclesiastical History, Cent. XVI. Ch. III. sect. 3.
part 2. c. 1. and Cent. XVII. Cha. I. sect. 2. p. 1. To
these publications the reader is referred:-the present Essay
may be found to contain,
I. A general view of the attempts made after the
Reformation, to unite the Lutheran and Calvinist
churches:
II. Some account of the Attempts made at different
times by the sovereigns of France for the conversion of
their protestant subjects:
III. The correspondence of Bossuet and Leibniz, under
the auspices of Lewis the Fourteenth, for the reunion of
the Lutheran Churches to the Church of Rome:
IV. Some account of an attempt made in the reign of
George the First, to reunite the Church of England to
the Church of Rome:
V. And some general remarks on the Reunion of
Christians.
Attempts made to unite the Lutheran, and
Calvinist Churches.
The great division of Protestant Churches is, into the Lutheran, and
Calvinist communions. The Abbé Tabaraud relates in the work,
which we have just cited, not fewer than fifteen different
attempts to effect a reunion of their churches. In reading
his account and that given by Mosheim of these attempts, the
writer thinks that, on each side, there was something to
commend and something to blame. It seems to him, that the
Lutherans deserve credit for the open and explicit manner,
in which, on these occasions, they propounded the tenets of
their creed to the Calvinists; that the conduct of the
Calvinists was more liberal and conciliating; but that, on
the other hand, the conduct of the Lutherans towards the
Calvinists, was generally repulsive, and sometimes deserving
a much harsher name; while the conduct of the Calvinists,
was sometimes chargeable, with ambiguity.
"It was deplorable," says Mosheim, (Cent. xvii. sect. 2.
part 2. art. 3.) "to see two churches, which had
discovered, an equal degree of pious zeal, and
fortitude, in throwing off the despotic yoke of Rome,
divided among themselves, and living in discords, that
were highly detrimental, to the interests of religion,
and the well-being of society. Hence, several eminent
divines, and leading men, both among the Lutherans, and
Calvinists, sought anxiously, after some method, of
uniting the two churches, though divided in their
opinions, in the bonds of Christian charity, and
ecclesiastical communion. A competent knowledge, of
human nature, and human passions, was sufficient, to
persuade these wise, and pacific mediators, that a
perfect uniformity in religious opinions, was not
practicable, and that it would be entirely extravagant,
to imagine that any of these communities, could ever be
brought, to embrace universally, and without limitation,
the doctrines of the other. They made it, therefore,
their principal business, to persuade those, whose
spirits were inflamed with the heat of controversy, that
the points in debate between the two churches, were not
essential, to true religion;-that the fundamental
doctrines, of Christianity, were received, and
professed, in both communions; and that the difference
of opinion, between the contending parties, turned,
either upon points of an abstruse, and incomprehensible
nature, or upon matters of indifference, which neither
tended, to make mankind wiser, or better, and in which
the interests of genuine piety, were in no wise
concerned. Those, who viewed things in this point of
light, were obliged to acknowledge, that the diversity
of opinions, between the two churches, was by no means,
a sufficient reason, for their separation; and that of
consequence, they were called, by the dictates of that
gospel, which they both professed, to live, not only in
the mutual exercise, of Christian charity, but also to
enter, into the fraternal bonds, of church communion.
The greatest part, of the reformed doctors, seemed
disposed, to acknowledge, that the errors of the
Lutherans, were not, of a momentous nature, nor of a
pernicious tendency; and that the fundamental doctrines
of Christianity, had not undergone, any remarkable
alteration, in that communion; and thus, on their side,
an important step, was made, towards peace, and union,
between the two churches. But the greatest part of the
Lutheran doctors declared, that they could not form, a
like judgment, with respect, to the doctrine, of the
Reformed churches; they maintained tenaciously, the
importance of the points, which divided the two
communions, and affirmed, that a considerable part of
the controversy turned upon the fundamental principles,
of all religion, and virtue. It is not at all
surprising, that this steadiness and constancy of the
Lutherans, was branded by the opposite party, with the
epithets, of morose obstinacy, supercilious arrogance,
and such like odious denominations. The Lutherans, were
not behind hand with their adversaries, in acrimony, of
style; they recriminated with vehemence, and charged
their accusers with instances of misconduct, different
in kind, but equally condemnable. They reproached them
with having dealt disingenuously, by disguising, under
ambiguous expressions, the real doctrine of the Reformed
churches; they observed further, that their adversaries,
notwithstanding their consummate prudence and
circumspection, gave plain proofs, on many occasions,
that their propensity to a reconciliation, between the
two churches, arose from views of private interest,
rather than from a zeal for the public good."
It is observable that Mosheim applies these observations
to a late stage of the reformation, when much of its first
violence had subsided.
The nearest approach[080]
to a reunion, between any Protestant churches, seems to be
that, which took place at Sendomer, in the year 1570.
Attempts for a Reunion of the Calvinist
Churches to the See of Rome.
Having thus summarily noticed, the unsuccessful attempts, to effect an
union, between the Lutheran, and Calvinist churches, we
proceed to a similar summary mention of the attempts,
equally unsuccessful, to effect the reunion of the
Calvinists, to the church of Rome, which were made,
1st, during the reign of Henry the Fourth:
2dly, during the reign of Lewis the Thirteenth: and
3dly, during the reign of Lewis the Fourteenth:
4thly, we shall afterwards notice, the Revocation of
the edict of Nantes, and the complete restoration of the
protestants of France, to their civil rights, in the
reign of Lewis the Eighteenth.
An attempt to reunite the Calvinists to the church of Rome was made at
the celebrated Conference held at Poissi in 1561. In the
work which we have cited, the Abbé Tabaraud gives a short
and clear account of this conference. It failed of success,
and a long civil war of religion ensued. It was closed by
the conversion of Henry the Fourth to the Roman
Catholic religion. He was no sooner quietly seated on the
throne, than he conceived the arduous, but certainly noble
project of pacifying the religious contests of the world. It
appears that he was induced to entertain hopes of the
success of this measure, by the assurances given him by the
Calvinist ministers, when his change of religion, was in
agitation, that salvation might be obtained in the church of
Rome; and from his expectation of finding a spirit of
conciliation, and concession, in the see of Rome.
"I have heard, from persons of distinction," says
Grotius[081],
"that Henry the Fourth declared that he had great hopes
of procuring for the King of England, and the other
protestant princes, who were his allies, conditions,
which they could not honorably refuse, if they had any
real wish of returning to the unity of the church; and
that he had once an intention of employing bishops of
his own kingdom on this project; but that this project
failed by his death."
It is said, that with these views he had sent for
Isaac Casaubon, a protestant divine of equal learning
and moderation, and appointed him his librarian; and that he
intended confidentially employing him in preparing means for
the success of the measure, and smoothing the obstacles
which might impede its progress. Grotius[082]
mentions, as a saying of Casaubon, that "the catholics of
France had a juster way of thinking than the ministers of
Charenton:" these were the most rigid of the French Hugonot
ministers. It is observable that the French government
always considered the Hugonots of a much more refractory
disposition than the Lutherans.
The pacific views of Henry the Fourth, were terminated by his decease.
The capture of la Rochelle by the arms of Lewis the
XIIIth, was a fatal blow to the political consequence of
the Protestant party in France. Cardinal Richelieu
immediately set on foot a project, for the general
conversion, of the body: two persons, of very different
characters, were employed by him, in this measure; Father
Joseph, a capuchin friar, the confident, of all the
cardinal's political and private schemes, and Father P.
Dulaurens, an oratorian, who lived in retirement, wholly
absorbed in the exercises of religion. They began the work
of reunion by holding frequent conferences, on an amicable
footing, with several of the protestant ministers; and it
was resolved, that, with the permission of the pope, and the
authority of the king, an assembly, should be convened, of
ecclesiastics of each communion. Father Dulaurens,
recommended that the intended communications with the
ministers, should not take place, till they reached, the
capital; but, the cardinal, thought it more advisable, that
the ministers, should be separately informed, of the
project, before they left the provinces. It was accordingly
communicated to them, and favourably received, by the
ministers, of Languedoc, and Normandy, but met with an
unfavourable reception, from the ministers of Sedan. It was
resolved, that the assembly, should meet, and begin their
deliberations, with the differences in the opinions, of the
two churches, respecting the Sacraments. Father Dulaurens
recommended, that for some time, at least, the Bible, even
in the Calvinist version, of Olivétan, should be the only
book appealed to, on either side, as authority: but the
Cardinal insisted, on a resort to tradition. Grotius
mentions that in several articles, (as communion under both
kinds, and the invocation of saints), the Cardinal was
willing, that concessions, should be made to the
Protestants; and suggested, that, as a medium, to reconcile
them to the Pope, a patriarchate should be established, in
France, and he himself, be the first patriarch[083].
Notwithstanding the general loftiness, and overbearing
nature, of his manners, it appears, particularly from M. de
Rullhiêres[084]
(6.) that the Cardinal, acted on this occasion, with great
moderation, and recommended to his royal master, a similar
line of moderation, in all his conduct, towards his
Protestant subjects.
The Cardinal's project, was suspended, by his decease; and resumed,
under Lewis the Fourteenth. In 1662, a plan, drawn up
by M. le Blanc de Beaulieu, a professor of Divinity, at
Sedan, singularly esteemed, both by the Roman Catholics, and
Protestants, by which the essential articles, in dispute,
were reduced to a small number, was adopted, by the Court,
to serve as the basis of discussion. It was resolved, that
different synods of Protestant ministers, should be
convened; that these, should be composed, of ministers of
known moderation, and pacific views, and the articles, drawn
up by M. le Blanc de Beaulieu, presented to them. Three
years were employed, in negotiations for effecting this
project: several ministers in the lower Languedoc, and the
Isle of France, expressed themselves, in terms favourable,
to the measure, but the synod of Charenton, took the alarm,
and the project, was abandoned.
The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, a measure equally
unwise, and unjust, too soon followed. It is more to be
attributed, to his ministers and advisers, than to Lewis the
Fourteenth himself. From the Eclaircissemens Historiques
of M. de Rullhiêres, and the life of Bossuet, by M. Baussét[085],
it seems evident, that Lewis the Fourteenth, had been
induced, to believe, that the number of Protestants was much
smaller; that the conversions of them, would be much more
rapid, general, and sincere; and that the measures, for
hastening their conversion, would be much less violent than
they really were. It is also due, to the monarch, to add,
that from the authors, whom we have cited, it is evident,
that when he began to perceive the true state, of the
transaction, though from false principles of honour, and
policy, he would not revoke the edict, he wished it not to
be put into great activity, and checked the forwardness, of
the Intendants general in its execution.
It is whimsical, (if on so serious a subject such a word
may be used), that the dragonâde, or employment of the
dragoon troops, in forcing the conversion, of the Hugonots,
was owing to the wish of Louvois, the minister, of Lewis the
Fourteenth, to become himself, a missionary. Observing how
much the apparent success, of the missionaries, recommended
them, to Lewis the Fourteenth, he began to consider them as
dangerous rivals for the favour of his royal master, and
determined, therefore, to become himself, a principal
performer. With this view, he instituted the dragoon
missions, and thus brought a material part, of the work of
conversion, into the war department.
The death of Lewis, and the known disposition of the Regent, appeared
to the Protestant party, in France, to afford a proper
opportunity of recovering their rights. Duclos, in his
Mémoires secréts sur les regnes de Louis XIV. et de Louis XV.,
says, that the Regent himself wished to restore the
Protestants, to their civil rights, but was dissuaded by his
council. Still, he seldom permitted the edicts against them
to be executed; and speaking generally, the Protestants seem
to have suffered no active persecution in any part of the
reign of Lewis, the XVth. One intolerable grievance,
however, they unquestionably suffered in every part of it.
Their religious principles did not permit them to be married
by a Roman Catholic priest, in the manner prescribed by the
law of the state, and that law did not recognize the legal
validity of a marriage, celebrated in any other form. The
consequence was, that in the eye of the law, the marriage of
Protestants was a mere concubinage, and the offspring of it
illegitimate. To his immortal honour, Lewis the XVIth,
by his edict of the 17th of November, 1787, accorded to all
his Non-catholic subjects the full and complete enjoyment of
all the rights of his Roman-catholic subjects. On a division
in the Parliament, this edict was registered by a majority
of 96 votes against 16.
The persecution of the Hugonots in consequence of the
revocation of the Edict of Nantes, was condemned by the
greatest men in France. M. d'Aguesseau, the father of the
celebrated chancellor, resigned his office of Intendant of
Languedoc rather than remain a witness of it: his son
repeatedly mentions it with abhorrence. Fénélon, Flechier,
and Bossuet,[086]
confessedly the ornaments of the Gallican church, lamented
it. To the utmost of their power, they prevented the
execution of the edict, and lessened its severities, when
they could not prevent them. Most sincerely lamenting and
condemning the outrages committed by the Roman Catholics
against the Protestants at Nismes, as violations of the law
of God and man, but doubting of the nature and extent, which
some have attributed to them, the writer of these pages begs
leave to refer to the sermon preached on them by the
Reverend James Archer, a Roman Catholic priest, and printed
for Booker, in Bond-street, by the desire of two Roman
Catholic congregations, as expressing the doctrine of the
Roman Catholic church, and of all real christians on
heretics and the persecution of heretics.
The Correspondence of Bossuet and Leibniz, under the
auspices of Lewis the XIVth, for the Reunion of the Lutheran
Protestants to the Roman Catholic Church.
This correspondence forms one of the most interesting
events in the life of Bossuet; the letters, of which it
consists, and the other written documents, which relate to
it, are highly interesting. We shall attempt to present our
readers with a short account-
1st. Of the circumstances which led to this
correspondence;
2ndly. Of the Project of Reunion, delivered by
Molanus, a Lutheran Divine, and Bossuet's sentiments on
that Project;
3dly. Of the intervention of Leibniz in the
negotiation; and
4thly. Of the Project suggested by Bossuet, and the
principal reasons, by which he contended for its
reception.
It appears that, towards the 17th century, the Emperor Leopold, and
several sovereign princes in Germany, conceived a project of
re-uniting the Roman Catholic and Lutheran churches. The
Duke of Brunswick, who had recently embraced the Roman
Catholic religion, and published his Fifty Reasons for
his conversion, (once a popular work of controversy),
and the Duke of Hanover, the father of the first prince of
the illustrious house, which now fills the throne of
England, were the original promoters of the attempt. It was
generally approved; and the mention of it at the Diet of the
Empire was favourably received. Some communications upon it
took place between the Emperor and the ducal Princes: and
with all their knowledge, several conferences were held upon
the subject, between certain distinguished Roman Catholic
and Protestant Divines. In these, the Bishop of Neustadt,
and Molanus, the Abbot of Lokkum, took the lead. The first
had been consecrated Bishop of Tina in Bosnia, then under
the dominion of the Turks, with Ordinary Jurisdiction over
some parts of the Turkish territories. His conduct had
recommended him to Innocent the XIth, and that pope had
directed him to visit the Protestant states in Germany, and
inform him of their actual dispositions in respect to the
Church of Rome. In consequence of this mission, he became
known to the Emperor, who appointed him to the See of
Neustadt, in the neighbourhood of Vienna. Molanus, was
Director of the Protestant Churches and Consistories of
Hanover. Both were admirably calculated for the office
intended them, on this occasion. Each possessed the
confidence of his own party, and was esteemed by the other;
each was profoundly versed in the matters in dispute; each
possessed good sense, moderation, and conciliating manners;
and each had the success of the business at heart, with a
fixed purpose, that nothing, but a real difference on some
essential article of doctrine, should frustrate the project.
The effect of the first conferences was so promising,
that the Emperor and the two Princes resolved, that they
should be conducted in a manner more regular, and more
likely to bring the object of them to a conclusion. With
this view, the business was formally entrusted by both the
princes to Molanus alone, and the Emperor published a
rescript, dated the 20th March, 1691, by which he gave the
Bishop of Neustadt full authority to treat, on all matters
of religion, with the states, communities, and individuals
of the empire, reserving to the ecclesiastical and imperial
powers, their right to confirm the acts of the Bishop, as
they should judge adviseable. Under these auspicious
circumstances, the conference between the Bishop of Neustadt
and Molanus began.
But, before the events which we have mentioned took
place, a correspondence on the subject of a general reunion
between Catholics and Protestants had been carried on for
some time, between Pelisson and Leibniz. The former held a
considerable rank among the French writers, who adorned the
reign of Lewis the Fourteenth; the latter was eminently
distinguished in the literary world. In the exact sciences,
he was inferior to Newton alone; in metaphysics, he had no
superior; in general learning, he had scarcely a rival. He
had recommended himself to the Brunswick family, by three
volumes, which he had recently published, on the Antiquities
of that illustrious House; and was then engaged in the
investigation of its Italian descent, and early German
shoots. The result of it, under the title of Origines
Guelphicæ, was published, after his decease, by
Scheidius, and is considered to be a perfect model of
genealogical history. He was also thoroughly conversant in
the theological disputes of the times; and in all the
questions of dogma, or history, which enter into them.
His correspondence with Pelisson, came to the knowledge
of Louisa, Princess Palatine, and Abbess of Maubrusson. She
was a daughter of Frederick, the Elector, and Count Palatine
of the Rhine, and a sister, of the Duchess of Hanover. In
early life, she had been converted to the Roman Catholic
religion, and had the conversion of her sister, very much at
heart. With this view, she sent to her, the correspondence
between Leibniz and Pelisson, and received from her an
account of what was passing, between the Bishop of Neustadt,
and Molanus. Both the ladies were anxious, to promote the
measure, and that Bossuet should take in it, the leading
part, on the side of the Catholics. This was mentioned to
Lewis the Fourteenth, and had his approbation. The Emperor
and both the Princes, by all of whom Bossuet, was personally
esteemed, equally approved of it, and it was finally settled
that Bossuet and Leibniz, should be joined, to the Bishops
of Neustadt, and Molanus, and that the correspondence with
Bossuet, should pass through the hands of Madame de Brinon,
who acted, as secretary to the Abbess of Maubrusson, and is
celebrated, by the writers of the times, for her wit and
dexterity in business. Thus the matter assumed, a still more
regular form, and much was expected from the acknowledged
talents, learning, and moderation of the actors in it, and
their patrons.
The conferences between the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus continued
for seven months, and ended in their agreeing on 12
articles, to serve for the basis of the discussion, on the
terms of the reunion.
The Bishop of Neustadt, communicated these articles to
Bossuet. He seems, to have approved of them generally, but
to have thought, that some alteration in them, was
adviseable. This being mentioned to Molanus, he published
his Cogitationes Privatæ, a profound and conciliating
dissertation. Without entering into any discussion, on the
points in dispute, between the churches, he suggested in it
a kind of truce, during which, there should be
ecclesiastical communion between them: the Lutherans, were
to acknowledge the Pope, as the first of Bishops, in order,
and dignity: the Church of Rome, was to receive the
Lutherans, as her children, without exacting from them, any
retractation of their alledged errors, or any renunciation,
of the articles in their creed, condemned by the Council of
Trent. The anathemas of that council, were to be suspended,
and a general council was to be convened, in which the
Protestants were to have a deliberative voice: the sentence
of that council, was to be definitive, and, in the mean
time, the members of each party, were to treat the members
of the other, as brethren, whose errors, however great they
might appear, were to be tolerated, from motives of peace,
and in consideration, of their engagements to abandon them,
if the council should pronounce against them. To show the
probability of a final accommodation, Molanus notices, in
his Dissertation, several points, in which one party imputed
to the other errors, not justly chargeable on them; several,
on which they disputed, merely for want of rightly
understanding each other; and several, in which the dispute
was of words only.
It appears that the Bishop of Neustadt, communicated this
dissertation, to Bossuet, and that Bossuet was delighted,
with the good sense, candour, and true spirit of
conciliation, which it displayed. In his letters he
frequently mentions the author, and always in terms, Of the
highest praise. His own language was equally moderate and
conciliating.
"The Council of Trent," he says in one of his letters,
"is our stay; but we shall not use it to prejudice the
cause. This would be, to take for granted, what is in
dispute between us. We shall deal more fairly with our
opponents. We shall make the council serve, for a
statement, and explanation, of our doctrines. Thus, we
shall come to an explanation, on those points, in which
either of us imputes to the other, what he does not
believe, and in which we dispute, only because we
misconceive each other. This may lead us far; for the
Abbot of Lokkum, has actually conciliated the points so
essential, of Justification, and the Eucharist: nothing
is wanting in him, on that side, but that he should be
avowed. Why should we not hope to conclude, in the same
manner, disputes, less difficult, and of less
importance? Cela se peut pousser si avant, que M. l'Abbé
de Lokkum, a concilié, actuellement les points si
essentiels, de la justification, et du sacrifice de
l'Eucharistie, et il ne lui manque de ce coté la, que de
se faire avouer. Pourquoi ne pas espérer de finir, par
les mêmes moyens, des disputes, moins difficiles, et
moins importantes?"
With these rational and conciliatory dispositions,
Bossuet, and Molanus, proceeded. But, after this stage of
the business, Molanus disappears, and Leibniz comes on the
scene.
A Letter, written by Bossuet to M^me de Brinon, having been
communicated by her to Leibniz, opened the correspondence
between him and Bossuet. In that letter, Bossuet declared
explicitly, that the Church of Rome, was ready, to make
concessions, on points of discipline, and to explain
doctrines, but would make no concession in respect to
defined articles of faith; and, in particular, would make no
such concession, in respect to any which had been defined by
the Council of Trent. Leibniz's Letter to M^me de Brinon, in
answer to this communication, is very important. He
expresses himself in these terms;
"The Bishop of Meaux says,
"1st. That the Project delivered to the Bishop of
Neustadt, does not appear to him quite sufficient;
"2dly. That it is, nevertheless, very useful, as
every thing must have its beginning:
"3dly. That Rome will never relax from any point of
doctrine, defined by the church, and cannot capitulate,
in respect to any such article;
"4thly. That the doctrine, defined in the Council of
Trent, is received in and out of France by all Roman
Catholics;
"5thly, That satisfaction may be given to
Protestants, in respect to certain points of discipline,
or in the way of explanation, and that this had been
already done in an useful manner, in some points,
mentioned in the Project of the Bishop of Neustadt.
"These are the material propositions, in the letter
of the Bishop of Meaux, and I believe all these
propositions true. Neither the Bishop of Neustadt, nor
those who negotiated with them, make any opposition to
them. There is nothing in them, which is not conformable
to the sentiments of those persons. The third of them in
particular, which might be thought, an obstacle, to
these Projects of Accommodation, could not be unknown to
them; one may even say, that they built on it."
It seems difficult to deny, that, in this stage of the
business, much had been gained to the cause of reunion. The
parties were come to a complete understanding on the
important articles of Justification, and the Eucharist; and
it was admitted, both by Leibniz, and Molanus, that, in
their view of the concern, an accommodation might be
effected, between the Roman Catholic, and Lutheran churches,
though the former, retained all her defined doctrines, and,
in particular, all her doctrines, defined by the Council of
Trent. The question then was, what should be done in respect
to the remaining articles in difference between the
churches? It is to be wished, that it had been left to
Bossuet, and Molanus, to settle them, in the way of amicable
explanation, in which they had settled, the two important
articles, which we have mentioned. It is evident, from the
passages, which we have cited, from Bossuet, that it was his
wish, that the business should proceed on that plan, and
that he had hopes of its success. Unfortunately, the
business took, another direction: Leibniz proclaimed, that
after every possible explanation should be given, the
Lutheran church would, still retain, some articles, contrary
to the defined doctrines, of the Church of Rome, and
anathematized, by the Council of Trent. To remove the final
effect of this objection, Leibniz held out Molanus's first
project, that the Lutherans should express a general
acquiescence, in the authority of the church, and promise
obedience, to the decisions of a General Council, to be
called, for the purpose of pronouncing, on these points; and
that, in consequence of these advances, on their part, the
anathemas of the Council of Trent, should be suspended, and
the Lutherans received, provisionally, within the pale, of
the Catholic church. To bring over Bossuet to this plan, he
exerted great eloquence, and displayed, no common learning.
But the eloquence, and learning, of Leibniz, were without effect. In
language, equally temperate and firm, Bossuet, adhered to
his text, that in matters of discipline, or any other
matter, distinct from faith, the Church of Rome, would show
the utmost indulgence to the Lutherans; but that, on
articles of faith, and specifically, on those propounded by
the Council of Trent, there could be no compromise. This,
however, he confined to articles of faith alone: and even on
articles of faith, he wished to consult the feelings of
Protestants, as much as possible. He offered them every fair
explanation of the tenets of the council; he required from
them no retractation, of their own tenets:
"Molanus," he says, "will not allow retractation to be
mentioned. It may be dispensed with; it will be
sufficient, that the parties acknowledge, the truth, by
way of declaration or explanation. To this, the
Symbolical Books, give a clear opening, as appears by
the passages, which have been produced from them, and
will appear, by other passages, which may be produced
from them."
If Bossuet was thus considerate, in what regarded faith,
it will easily be supposed, how indulgent his sentiments
were, in respect to all, that merely regarded discipline. A
complete confession of faith, being once obtained from the
Lutherans, he was willing, to allow them, if they required
it, communion under both kinds; that their Bishops, should
retain their Sees; and that, where there was no Bishop, and
the whole body of the people, was Protestant, under the
care, of a superintendant, that superintendant,
should be consecrated their Bishop; that, where there was a
Catholic Bishop, and a considerable part of the diocese, was
Lutheran, the superintendant, should be consecrated priest,
and invested with rank, and office, that the Lutheran
ministers, should be consecrated priests; that provision
should be made for their support; that such of their
bishops, and ministers, as were married, might retain their
wives, and that the consciences of those, who held
possessions of the church, should be quieted, except in
respect, to hospitals, whose possessions he thought, could
not conscientiously be withheld, from the poor objects of
their foundations; and that every other arrangement should
be made, by the church and state, which would be agreeable,
to the feelings, and prejudices, of their new brethren.
Such were the advances made by Bossuet; and much
discussion on them, took place, between him, and Leibniz. It
continued ten years. They are very learned, and a scholar
will read them with delight; but, unfortunately, they rather
retarded, than promoted, their object. The real business
ended, when Molanus quitted the scene. We shall close this
article, with the following extract from the last letter but
one, written by Bossuet, on the subject. It is addressed to
Leibniz, and bears date the 12th August, 1701, ten years,
after his first letter, on it was written:
"Among the divines of the Confession of Augsburg, I
always placed M. Molanus, in the first rank, as a man,
whose learning, candour and moderation made him one of
the persons, the most capable I have known, of advancing
the NOBLE PROJECT OF REUNION. In a letter, which I wrote
to him some years ago, by the Count Balati, I assured
him, that, if he could obtain, the general consent of
his party, to what he calls, his Private Thoughts,
Cogitationes Privatæ, I promised myself, that, by
joining to them, the remarks, which I sent to him, on
the Confession of Augsburg, and the other Symbolic
writings of the Protestants, the work of the Reunion
would be perfected, in all its most difficult and most
essential points; so that well disposed persons might,
in a short time, bring it to a conclusion."
The passage is so important, that it is proper to present
it to the reader in Bossuet's own words.
"Parmi les Théologiens de la Confession d'Ausbourg, j'ai
toujours mis, au premier rang, M. l'Abbé de Lokkum,
comme un homme, dont le sçavoir, la candeur, et la
modération le rendolent un des plus capables, que je
connusse, pour avancer CE BEAU DESSEIN. Cela est si
véritable, que j'ai cru devoir assurer ce docte Abbé,
dans la réponse que je luis fis, il y a dejà, plusieurs
années, par M. le Comte Balati, que s'il pouvoit faire
passer ce qu'il appelle ses Pensées Particulières
Cogitationes Privatæ, à un consentement suffisent,
je me promettois qu'en y joignant les remarques, que je
lui envoyois, sur la Confession d'Ausbourg, et les
autres écrits Symboliques des Protestans, l'ouvrage de
la Réunion seroit achevé dans ses parties les plus
difficiles et les plus essentielles; en sorte qu'il ne
faudroit à des personnes bien disposées, que très peu de
tems pour la conclure[087]."
Dom. de Foris, the Benedictine Editor of the new edition
of the works of Bossuet and the Abbé Racine, Abrégé de
l'Histoire Ecclésiastique[088]
are very severe in their censures of the conduct of Leibniz
in the negotiations for the Reunion, and attribute its
failure to his presumption and duplicity. To the writer of
these pages, it appears clear, that Leibniz was sincere in
his wishes for the reunion; and that, if he occasioned its
failure, it was unintentionally. While the business was in
the hands of Bossuet, and Molanus, it was a treaty, not for
the reunion of the Roman Catholic church, and all Protestant
churches, but for the reunion of the Roman Catholic church,
and the Lutheran church; and to this, Molanus's endeavours
to reconcile differences, were directed. Leibniz, whose
principles in religion, were much wider, than those of
Molanus, seems to have wished, that the negotiation should
be placed, on a broader basis, and extended to a reunion of
the church of Rome, with every denomination of Christians.
This gave the negotiation a different direction, and in a
great measure, undid what had been, so happily begun. We
have seen, that, to the very last, Bossuet, called out for
Molanus, and entertained great hopes, that, if the matter
were left to Molanus, and him, the noble Project of Reunion,
would be crowned with success. There is no part of Bossuet's
literary or active life, in which he appears to greater
advantage, or in a more amiable light, than on this
occasion.
Attempt in the reign of Lewis the XV. to
effect an union between the Church of Rome and the Church of
England.
Of all Protestant churches, the national church of England most nearly
resembles the church of Rome. It has retained much of the
dogma, and much of the discipline of Roman Catholics. Down
to the sub-deacon it has retained the whole of their
hierarchy; and, like them, has its deans, rural deans,
chapters, prebends, archdeacons, rectors, and vicars; a
liturgy, taken in a great measure, from the Roman Catholic
liturgy; and composed like that, of Psalms, Canticles, the
three creeds, litanies, epistles, gospels, prayers, and
responses. Both churches have the sacraments of baptism, and
the eucharist, the absolution of the sick, the burial
service, the sign of the cross in baptism, the reservation
of confirmation, and order to bishops, the difference of
episcopal, and sacerdotal dress, feasts, and fasts. Without
adopting all the general councils of the church of Rome, the
church of England has adopted the first four of them; and,
without acknowledging the authority of the other councils,
or the authority of the early fathers, the English divines
of the established church, allow them to be entitled, to a
high degree of respect.[089]
On the important article of the eucharist, the language, of
the Thirty-nine Articles, sounds very like, the doctrine of
the church of Rome.
At the time, of which we are speaking, the doctrines of
the high church, which are generally considered to incline
to those of the Roman Catholics, more than the doctrines of
the low church, were in their zenith; and in France, where
the ultramontane principles on the power of the Pope had
always been discountenanced, the disputes of Jansenism were
supposed to reduce it very low. On each side, therefore, the
time was thought favourable to the project of Reunion.
It was also favourable to it, that, a few years before
this time, an event had taken place, which naturally tended
to put both sides into good humour.
On the occasion of the marriage of the Princess Christina
of Wolfenbuttell, a Lutheran, with the archduke of Austria,
her court consulted the faculty of theology of the
University of Helmstadt, on the question,
"Whether a Protestant Princess, destined to marry a
catholic prince, could, without wounding her conscience,
embrace the Roman Catholic religion?" The faculty
replied, that, "it could not answer the proposed
question, in a solid manner, without having previously
decided, whether the catholics were, or were not engaged
in errors, that were fundamental, and opposed to
salvation; or, (which was the same thing), whether the
state of the catholic church was such, that persons
might practise in it, the true worship of God, and
arrive at salvation." This question the divines of
Helmstadt, discussed at length; and concluded in these
terms: "After having shown, that the foundation of
religion, subsists in the Roman Catholic religion, so
that a person may be orthodox in it, live well in it,
die well in it, and obtain salvation in it, the
discussion of the proposed question, is easy. We are,
therefore, of opinion, that the most Serene Princess of
Wolfenbuttell, may, in favour of her marriage, embrace
the catholic religion."
This opinion is dated the 28th of April 1707, and was
printed in the same year at Cologne. The Journalists of
Trevoux inserted both the original and a French translation
of it in their journal of May, 1708.
Under these circumstances, the correspondence in question
took place. It began, in 1718, through Doctor Beauvoir,
chaplain to Lord Stair, his Britannic majesty's ambassador
at Paris. Some conversation, on the reunion of the two
churches, having taken place, between Doctor Dupin, and him,
he acquainted the archbishop of Canterbury, with the subject
of them. This communication, produced some compliments from
the archbishop, to Dr. Dupin, and these, led the latter, to
address, to his grace, a letter, in which he mentioned
generally, that, on some points in dispute, the supposed
difference between the two communions was reconcileable. The
correspondence getting wind, Doctor Piers, pronounced a
discourse in the Sorbonne, in which he earnestly exhorted
his colleagues, to promote the reunion, by revising those
articles, of doctrine, and discipline, which protestants
branded with the name of papal tyranny; and contended, that,
by proscribing the ultramontane doctrines, the first step to
the reunion would be made. The discourse, was communicated
to Dr. Wake: in his answer, he pressed Dr. Dupin, for a more
explicit declaration, on the leading points, in controversy.
In compliance with this requisition, Doctor Dupin drew up
his Commonitorium, and communicated it, to several
persons of distinction, both in the state, and church of
France. He discussed in it, the Thirty-nine Articles, as
they regarded doctrine, morality, and discipline. He
insisted on the necessity of tradition, to interpret the
scriptures, and to establish the canonicity of the books, of
the Old and New Testament. He insisted on the infallibility,
of the church, in faith, and morals; he contended, that the
sacrifice of the mass, was not a simple sacrament, but a
continuation of the sacrifice of the cross.
The word Transubstantiation, he seemed willing to give
up, if the Roman Catholic doctrine, intended to be expressed
by it, were retained. He proposed, that communion under both
kinds, or under bread alone, should be left, to the
discretion of the different churches, and consented, that
persons in holy orders should retain their state, with such
provisions, as would place the validity of their ordination,
beyond exception. The marriage of priests, in the countries,
in which such marriages were allowed, and the recitation of
the divine service in the vulgar tongue, he allowed; and
intimated that no difficulty would be found in the ultimate
settlement of the doctrine, respecting purgatory,
indulgences, the veneration of saints, relics, or images. He
seems to have thought, that the Pope can exercise, no
immediate jurisdiction, within the dioceses of bishops, and
that his primacy invested him, with no more than a general
conservation, of the deposit of the faith, a right to
enforce, the observance of the sacred canons, and the
general maintenance of discipline. He allowed, in general
terms, that there was little substantially wrong, in the
discipline of the Church of England; he deprecated all
discussion, on the original merit of reformation, and he
professed to see no use in the Pope's intervention, till the
basis of the negotiation, should be settled.
The answer of the archbishop, was not very explicit. It
is evident from it, that he thought, the quarrels on
Jansenism, had alienated the Jansenists and their adherents,
from the Pope, much more, than they had done, in reality. He
was willing to concede, to the Pope, a primacy of rank and
honour, but would by no means allow him, a primacy of
jurisdiction, or any primacy, by divine right. On the other
points, he seemed to have thought, that they might come to
an agreement, on what they should declare, to be the
fundamental doctrine of the churches, and adopt, on every
other point of doctrine, a general system, of christian
toleration.
The correspondence, which is very interesting, may be
seen, in the last volume of the English translation, of
Doctor Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History. To facilitate, the
accomplishment of the object of it, Doctor Courayer,
published his celebrated treatise, on the Validity of
English Ordinations.
Both Dr. Wake, and Dr. Dupin. were censured, by the
members of their respective communions, for the parts, which
they had taken, in this business. Several rigid members of
the English Church, and even some foreign protestants,
blamed Dr. Wake, for what they termed, his too great
concessions. In France, the worst of motives, were imputed
to Dr. Dupin, and his associates; they were accused, of
making unjustifiable sacrifices, in order to form an union,
between the Jansenists, and the members of the English
Church. Even the regent, took the alarm: he ordered Dr.
Dupin, to discontinue the correspondence, and to leave all
the papers, respecting it, with the minister. This was done,
but the most important of them, have been printed, in the
interesting and extensively circulated publication, which
has been mentioned.
Miscellaneous Remarks on the Reunion of
Christians.
It does not appear, that subsequently to the communications, between
Archbishop Wake, and Dr. Dupin, any attempts for a general,
or partial reunion of christians, were made in the last
century: but, early in the present, Napoleon,
conceived the project, of effecting, such a reunion. He is
said, to have particularly had in view, the catholicizing,
as it was termed, the northern part, of Germany. To forward
his design, many works were published: one of them, the
Essai sur l'Unité des Cultes, of M. Bonald, is written,
with great ingenuity. That Essay, and several others by the
same author, were inserted in the Ambigu of Peltier,
and deserve the attention, of every reader. Though they
contain some things, to which a Roman Catholic writer, would
object, they are evidently written, by a Roman Catholic pen.
The first point to be considered, by those, who meditate
the project of reunion, is, its practicability-those, who
are disposed, to contend for the affirmative, will observe,
the number of important articles, of Christian Faith, in
which, all Christians, are agreed, and the proportionally
small number of those, in which, any Christians disagree.
All Christians believe,
1st. That there is one God;
2d. That he is a Being, of infinite perfection;
3d. That he directs all things, by his providence;
4th. That it is our duty to love him, with all our
hearts, and our neighbour, as ourselves;
5th. That it is our duty, to repent, of the sins we
commit;
6th. That God, pardons the truly penitent;
7th. That there is a future state, of rewards, and
punishments, when all mankind shall be judged, according
to their works;
8th. That God, sent his Son, into the world, to be
its saviour, the author of eternal salvation, to all,
that obey him;
9th. That he is the true Messiah;
10th. That he taught, worked miracles, suffered,
died, and rose again, as is related in the four gospels;
11th. That he will hereafter, make a second
appearance on the earth, raise all mankind from the
dead, judge the world in righteousness, bestow eternal
life on the virtuous, and punish the workers of
iniquity.
In the belief of these articles, all Christians, the
Roman Catholic, all the Oriental churches, all the members
of the Church of England, all Lutherans, Calvinists,
Socinians, and Unitarians, are agreed. In addition to these,
each division, and subdivision of Christians, has its own
tenets. Now, let each settle among its own members, what are
the articles of belief, peculiar to them, which, in their
cool deliberate judgment, they consider as absolutely
necessary that a person should believe, to be a member
of the church of Christ; let these articles be divested of
all foreign matter, and expressed in perspicuous, exact, and
unequivocal terms; and, above all, let each distinction of
Christians, earnestly wish, to find an agreement, between
themselves and their fellow Christians:-the result of a
discussion conducted on this plan, would most assuredly be,
to convince all Christians, that the essential articles of
religious credence, in which there is, a real difference
among Christians, are not so numerous, as the verbal
disputes, and extraneous matter, in which controversy is too
often involved, make them generally thought.
Still,-some articles will remain, the belief of which,
one denomination of Christians, will consider to be the
obligation of every Christian, and which other Christian
denominations, will condemn. On some of those, a speedy
reunion of Christians is not to be expected: but, to use the
language of Mr. Vansittart, in His excellent letter
to the reverend Dr. Marsh and John Coker, Esq.,
"There is an inferior degree of Reunion, more within our
prospect, and yet perhaps as perfect as human infirmity
allows us to hope for; wherein, though all differences
of opinion, should not be extinguished, yet they may be
refined, from all party prejudices, and interested
views, so softened by the spirit of charity, and mutual
concession, and so controuled by agreement, on the
leading principles, and zeal, for the general interests
of christianity, that no sect, or persuasion, should be
tempted to make religion, subservient to secular views,
or to employ political power, to the prejudice of
others.-The existence of Dissent, will, perhaps, be
inseparable from religious freedom, so long, as the mind
of man, is liable to error: but it is not unreasonable
to hope, that hostility, may cease, though perfect
agreement, cannot be established.
IF WE CANNOT RECONCILE ALL OPINIONS, LET US RECONCILE
ALL HEARTS."
These pages, cannot be closed better, than by these golden words!!!
FINIS.
[001]
[002]
De Institutiones Clericorum, L. iii. c. xviii. &c.
[003]
In his "Recueil des Ecrits pour servir d'eclaircissement
de l'histoire de France, 2 vol. Paris 1798."
[004]
"Roswede, or Aroswethe, a nun in the monastery of
Gardersheim, lived in the reigns of Otho II. and III.
towards the end of the tenth century. She composed many
works in prose and verse. In 1501, some of her poems, on
the Martyrdom of St. Denys, the Blessed Virgin, St. Ann,
&c. were printed at Nuremburgh. Her verses in praise of
Otto II. would be tolerable, if they were not Leonines:
there are in them some errors of prosody." Bib. Univers.
et Histor. Vol. ii. p. 46.
[005]
For a fuller account of Feudal and Civil Jurisprudence,
the writer of these pages begs leave to refer to his
work, entitled, "HORÆ JURIDICÆ SUBSECIVÆ, being a
connected series of Notes respecting the Geography,
Chronology, and Literary History of the principal Codes
and original Documents of the Grecian, Roman, Feudal,
and Canon Law." 1 vol. 8vo.
[006]
It is entitled, "Martiani Minei Felicis Capellæ
Carthaginiensis, Viri Procunsularis, Satyricon, in quo
de Nuptiis Philologiæ et Mecurii libri duo, & de septem
artibus liberalibus libri singulares. Omnes, et emendati
et Notis sive Februis Hug. Grotii illustrati. Ex
Officina Plantiniana, Apud Christophorum Raphelingium
Academiæ Lugduno-Bat. Typographum M. D. C."
[Transcriber's note: Apostrophic date 1600] The
Dedication to the Prince of Condé follows: then,
Encomiastic Verses by Scaliger, and Tiliabrogus. The two
works are then inserted, with an address to the reader,
Errata, and Various Readings. Afterwards, Hugeiani
Grotii Februa[007]
in Satyricon Martiani Capellæ: this contains his
notes. They are preceded by an Engraving of Grotius.
Round it, is written, "Anno M. D. C."
[Transcriber's note: Apostrophic date 1600] Hora Ruit.[008]
Æt.xv. Under the engraving the following verses are
printed,
"Quem sibi quindenis ASTRÆA sacravit ab
annis,
Talis, HUGEIANI GROTII ora fero."
[007]
"Corrections"-or more literarily, "Purifications".
[008]
These words were used by Grotius for his motto.
[009]
Fabricii Bibliotheca Latina, Lib iii. c. 15. In 1794,
John Adam Goez published the "Treatise on the Marriage
of Philology and Mercury" separately, in a duodecimo
volume: he mentions, in the preface, an edition of it by
Walthard. It is on the authority of Goez that we have
assigned the age of Capella to the third century: others
place him in a much later period.
[010]
Montucla. Histoire des Mathematiques, Vol.ii. p.657.
[011]
[012]
A similar exclusive claim in respect to the Indian seas,
under the grant of Pope Alexander VI., was set up by the
Portuguese; similar claims to the Ligustic and Adriatic
seas, have been and still continue to be made by the
Genoese and Venetians. Those, who seek for information
on the subject, should consult the Dissertation of
Bynkershook de Dominio Maris, and note 61 to the
recent edition of Sir Edward Coke's Commentary upon
Littleton.
[013]
"Mais, dites vous, dans ce tems même, le jeune Pison
pouvolt avoir dix ans: Grotius faisoit bien des vers a
cet âge. Je le sçais, mais les Grotius sont ils bien
commune! combien d'enfans trouveres vous de dix ans, qui
ayent nonseulement assez du feu pour faire des vers,
mais encore assez de jugement pour en juger sainement."
Gibbon's Posthumous Works, 8vo. vol. i. p.
520.-"Salmasius," says Mr. Gibbon in another part of the
same entertaining publication, (vol. v. p. 209), "had
read as much as Grotius; but their different modes of
reading had made the one an enlighten'd philosopher; and
the other, to speak plainly, a pedant puffed up with an
useless erudition."
[014]
Bentivoglio, Histoire des Guerres de Flandres, l,
xxviii.
[015]
Bella plusquam civilia. Lucan.
[016]
Those who wish to obtain a clear, concise, and exact
notion of Calvinism and Arminianism, will usefully
peruse the account of them in Mr. Evans's "Sketch of
the Denominations of the Christian World." The
thirteenth Edition is now before us, and we believe that
it has been often since reprinted.
[017]
Mosheim's Ecc. Hist. Cent. xvi, ch. 2. § 3. part 2.
[018]
Chalmer's Biographical Dictionary, Title "Arminius."
[019]
A short and clear account of Arminianism is given by Le
Clere, in his Bibliotheque ancienne et moderne, Vol. II.
Art. 3. p. 123.
[020]
The best discussion of this subject, which has fallen
into the hands of the writer, is Bourduloué's Sermon
sur la Predestination.
[021]
English Translation of Burigni's Life of Grotius, pp.
43, 44, 45.
[022]
[023]
Letters from and to Sir Dudley Carleton, during his
Embassy in Holland, from January 1615-16[**Modern
presentation.] to December 1620. London, 1757, p. 84,-Sir
Dudley Carleton's Letters abound with harsh expressions
respecting Grotius. The Editor of this correspondence
has inserted (p. 415) a letter from Grotius to Dr.
Lancelot Andrews, written from the Castle at Louvestein.
"This letter," says the Editor, "which was never printed
before, deserves a place here, not only for its elegance
and spirit, and its connection with the subject of the
work, but likewise in justice to the memory of the great
writer, as it contains his own justification of his
conduct, which may be compared with the less favourable
accounts of it in the preceding letters of Sir Dudley
Carleton. The original is extant among the manuscripts
in the library of the late Sir Hans Sloane, bart. now
part of the British Museum."-"Utinam," says Grotius in
this letter, "D. Carleton mihi esset plus æquior; cui
mitigando propinqui mei operam dant. Sed partium, studia
mire homines obcæcant."
[024]
The history of this Synod, and of the whole controversy
upon Arminianism, is contained in Brand's History of
the Reformation: the account of the synod in these
pages, is principally extracted from the French
abridgment of that work, in 3 volumes 8vo. The Calvinian
representation of the Arminian doctrines, and the
proceedings of the synod, may be seen in the late Mr.
Scott's Articles of the Synod of Dort, to which
he has prefixed the History of the Events which made
way for that Synod: it is severely censured by Mr.
James Nichols, in his Calvinism and Arminianism
compared. Introd. cxlii.
The Abridgment of Brand's History, was translated
into the English language and published in
1724-25[**Modern presentation.] by M. de la Roche.
He concludes his Preface to it by observing, that "No
good man can read the work without abhorring arbitrary
power, and all manner of persecution." The persecution
of the Scottish Non-conformists by the Episcopalians,
and the persecution of the Remonstrants by the
Contra-Remonstrants, were attended with this enormity,
that, in most other instances, when one denomination of
christians has persecuted another, it has been on the
ground that the errors of the sufferers were impious,
and led the maintainers of them to eternal perdition,
and therefore rendered these wholesome severities, as
the persecutors term them, a salutary infliction. But,
when the Protestant Episcopalian persecuted the Scottish
Non-conformist, or the Contra-Remonstrant persecuted the
Remonstrant, he persecuted a Christian who agreed with
him in all which he himself deemed to be substantial
articles of faith, and differed from him only about
rites and opinions, which he himself allowed to be
indifferent.-See Mr. Neale's just remark, Vol. II. ch.
vi.
[025]
In 1765, Lord Hailes published a beautiful edition of
"The Works of the Ever-memorable Mr. John Hales of
Eaton, then first collected together," in three volumes,
at Glasgow. It is to be lamented that he did not
accompany it with a full biographical account of Mr.
Hales.
"His biographers," says Mr. Chalmers, "all allow that
he may be classed among those divines who were
afterwards called Latitudinarians." May he not be termed
the founder of that splendid school? Perceiving that the
minds of men required to be more liberally enlightened,
and their affections to be more powerfully engaged on
the side of religion than was formerly thought
necessary, they set themselves, to use the language of
Bishop Burnet, "to raise those who conversed with them
to another sort of thoughts, and to consider the
Christian religion as a doctrine sent from God, both to
elevate and to sweeten human nature. With this view,
they laboured chiefly to take men from being in parties
from narrow notions, and from fierceness about opinions.
They also continued to keep a good correspondence with
those who differed from them in opinion and allowed a
great freedom both in philosophy and divinity."
(Burnet's History of his own Times. Vol. I. p. 261-268,
oct. edit.) Hales, Chillingworth, Taylor, Cudworth,
Wilkins, Tillotson, Stillingfleet, and Patrick, were
among their brightest ornaments. They were in some
respects hostile to the Roman Catholics: in hoc non
laudo.-See the Writer's History of the English,
Irish, and Scottish Catholics. Vol. III. c. lxviii.
sect. 1. 3d edition.
[026]
"King James," says Mr. James Nichols, in his Calvinism
and Arminianism compared, p. 242, "sent a deputation of
respectable British divines, for the double and
undisguised purpose of condemning the Remonstrants, but
especially Vórstius, (whom his Majesty had long before
exposed to the world as an arch-heretic), and of
assisting the Prince of Orange in his design of usurping
the liberties of the United Provinces, and assuming the
supreme authority. The Elector Palatine sent his
Heidelberg divines for the same family purpose; and the
Duke of Bouillon employed all his influence with the
chief pastors among the French reformed."
[027]
The words of the former are remarkable: "The errors of
public actions, if they be not very gross, are with less
inconvenience tolerated than amended. For the danger of
alteration, of disgracing and disabling authority, makes
that the fortune of such proceeding admits of no
redress; but being howsoever well or ill done, they must
ever after be upheld. The most partial spectator of our
synodal acts cannot but confess, that, in the late
discussion of the Remonstrants, with so much choler and
heat, there was a great oversight committed, and
that,-whether we respect our common profession of
Christianity, 'quæ nil nisi justum suadet et lene,' or
the quality of this people, apt to mutiny by reason of
long liberty, and not having learned to be imperiously
commanded,-in which argument the clergy should not have
read their first lesson. The synod, therefore, to whom
it is not now in integro to go back and rectify
what is amiss, without disparagement, must now go
forward and leave events to God, and for the countenance
of their actions do the best they may." Letter to Sir
Dudley Carleton, 11 January 1619.
[028]
Nichol's Calvinism and Arminianism compared, Vol.
II. p.592
[029]
Decline and Fall, Ch. LIV. towards the end.
[030]
The writers who have given an account of the Synod of
Dort are mentioned by Fabricius, Bib. Græca, Vol. XI. p.
723. Some useful observations upon the proceedings of
the Synod may be found in "Mr. Nichols's Calvinism
and Arminianism compared." It is much to be wished
that the promised continuation of this work should
speedily make its appearance.
But no work upon this famous Synod deserves more
attention than "Johannis Halesii, Historia Concilii
Dordraceni, J. Laur. Moshemius Theol. Doct. et P.P.C. ex
Anglico Sermone latine vertit, variis observationibus et
Vitâ Halesii ausit. Accessit ejusdem de auctoritate
Concilii Dordraceni Paci Sacræ noxii, Consultatio.
Hamburgi, 8vo." M. Le Clere's criticism on this work
(Bibliotheque ancienne et moderne Vol. 23, art.
4.) contains much valuable information upon the Synod,
and a summary of the life and writings of Mr. Hales.-Des
Maizeaux published a curious account of them in 1719.
[031]
Pfaffii Hist. Literaria, vol. ii. p. 303.
[032]
Burigni's Life of Grotius, lib. ii. sect. 12.
[033]
Cent XVII, sect. 2, Part 2 (Note Y.)
[034]
Mr. James Nicholls's Calvinism and Arminianism compared.
Vol. i. p. 597, 600, 634, 636.
[035]
See Mr. Dugald Stewart's first Dissertation, sect. III.
[036]
See Joannis Christopheri Locheri Dissertatio Epistolica
Historiam libelli Grotiani De Veritate Religionis
Christianæ complectens, 1725, in quarto; and the
Journal de Scavans for the year 1724.
[037]
See Nichols's Calvinism and Arminianism compared, vol.
i. p. 289.
[038]
On the respect, which the Church of England considers to
be due to the writings of the early Fathers, see the
excellent Appendix to the Sermons of Dr. Jebb, the Right
Reverend Bishop of Limerick.
[039]
Vol. iii. L. 38. This letter merits a serious perusal.
[040]
Dict. Historique, Preliminaire, p. xxix.
[041]
[042]
Those, who will read his life, published by the writer
of these pages, with other Tracts, in 1819, will not, it
is believed, think this too strong an assertion. Is it
not to be earnestly hoped, that in the distress by which
we are now visited, and the greater distress with which
we are threatened, many St. Vincents will appear?
[043]
Mosheim's Ecc. Hist. ch. ii. sect. ii. part. ii. and
Bynkershock's Quest. Juris publici, lib. ii. ch. 18.
[044]
Le Clerc, (Bib. Anc. et Mod. vol. xxiii. Art. iv.)
strenuously objects to this representation of Dr.
Mosheim. "The Arminians," he says, "have introduced no
dogma as necessary to salvation, which was unknown to
the framers of their Confession of Faith; neither have
they retrenched from it, any article essential to
faith." He however observes, "that there are many ways
of explaining dogmas." Now, the same dogma explained in
two ways, amounts to two dogmas.
[045]
See the third part of "the last of Bossuet's Six
Addresses to the Protestants," and the passages
which he cites in it from Jurieu.
For the actual state of Religious Doctrine, both in
the Lutheran and Reformed Churches of Germany, the
reader may usefully consult, "The State of the
Protestant Religion in Germany, in a series of
Discourses preached before the University of Cambridge,
by the Rev. Hugh James Rose, M.A. 8vo. 1825;" and "Entretiens
Philosophiques sur la Re-union des differens communions
chretiens, par feu M. le Baron Starck, Ministre
Protestant, et premier predicateur, de la Cour de Hesse
Darmstadt, &c. 8vo. 1818;" and "Tabaraud's
Histoire des Re-unions des Chrêtiens."
[046]
Tom. XLVI. Art. 12. p. 208.
[047]
[048]
[049]
[050]
[051]
[052]
[053]
[054]
[055]
[056]
[057]
[058]
[059]
[060]
Page 300. M. Le Clerc, (Sentimens de quelques
Theologiens de Hollande, dix-septieme Lettre)
defends Grotius with great ability against the charge of
Socinianism: he justly observes, that, his abstaining
from unpleasing propositions, his silence on offensive
doctrines, and his conciliating expressions, should not
too easily be accounted proofs, of belief of his precise
sentiments of any particular tenets. Grotius, says Le
Clerc, was like an arbitrator, who, to bring to amity
the parties in difference, recommends to each, that he
should give something of what he himself considers to be
his strict right.
[061]
[062]
[063]
[064]
[065]
Comparison of Calvinism and Arminianism. vol. ii.
p. 560.
[066]
[067]
Ep. 1538. p. 573, 690, 926.
[068]
[069]
"Those," says Mr. James Nichols,[070]
"who wish to behold the praises to which HUGO
GROTIUS or HUGH DE GROOT, is justly entitled, and
which he has received in ample measure from admiring
friends and reluctant foes, may consult SIR THOMAS
POPE BLOUNT's Censura celebriorum Authorum.
His well earned reputation is founded on too durable
a basis to be moved by such petty attacks as those
to which I have alluded in a previous part of this
introduction (p. xxi.), or those of Mr. Orme in page
641.
"That a man so accomplished, virtuous, fearless,
and unfortunate, should have had many enemies, among
his contemporaries, is not wonderful. But the number
of those who evinced their hatred to him, or to his
philanthropic labours, increased after his decease,
when they could display it with impunity. 'This very
pious, learned, and judicious man,' says Dr.
Hammond, 'hath of late, among many, fallen under a
very unhappy fate, being most unjustly calumniated,
sometimes as a SOCINIAN, sometimes as a PAPIST, and,
as if he had learnt to reconcile contradictions,
sometimes as both of them together.'
"One cause of the Charge of SOCINIANISM being
preferred against him, has been already mentioned,
(p. xxxiii.) and it is more fully explained in pages
637, 642. The reader will not require many
additional reasons to convince him of the untenable
ground for such an accusation, when he is told that
VOETIUS, one of the most violent of his enemies,
laid down this grand axiom-'To place the principal
part of religion in an observance of Christ's
commands is RANK SOCIANISM!' To such a
practical observance of the requisitions of the
Gospel, by what name soever it might be stigmatized,
Grotius pleaded guilty. He says (p. 637) 'I perceive
this was accounted the principal part of religion by
the Christians of the primitive ages; and their
various assemblies, divines, and martyrs taught,
'that the doctrines necessary to be known are
exceedingly few, but that God forms his estimate of
us from the purpose and intention of an obedient
spirit.' I am likewise of the same opinion, and
shall never repent of having maintained it.'
"But as the charge of POPERY is of the utmost
consequence, I have discussed this topic at great
length, (pp. 566, 746), and have proved (pp. 549,
561), that Grotius was as little attached to the
principles or the practice of the Romish church as
the most zealous of his accusers. Whatever tends to
vindicate the conduct of Grotius in this matter,
will operate still more powerfully in favour of
Archbishop Laud. The design of Grotius is well
described by Dr. Hammond, in a Digression
which he added to his Answer to the
Animadversions on his Dissertations; in which he
says,
"'For the charge of Popery that is fallen upon
him, it is evident from whence that
flows,-either from his profest opposition to
many doctrines of some Reformers, Zuinglius and
Calvin, &c. or from his Annotations on
Cassander, and the Debates with Rivet consequent
thereto, the Votum pro pace and Discussio.'
"For the former of these, it is sufficiently
known what contests there were, and at length
how profest the divisions betwixt the
Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants; and it is
confessed that he maintained (all his time) the
Remonstrants party, vindicating it from all
charge, whether of Pelagianism or
Semi-Pelagianism, which was by the opposers
objected to it, and pressing the favourers of
the doctrine of Irrespective Decrees with the
odious consequences of making God the author
and favourer of sin, and frequently
expressing his sense of the evil influences that
some of those doctrines were experimented to
have on men's lives. And by these means it is
not strange that he should fall under great
displeasure from those who, having espoused the
opinion of Irrespective Decrees, did not only
publish it as the THE TRUTH and TRUTH OF GOD,
but farther asserted the questioning of it to be
injurious to God's free grace and his Eternal
Election, and consequently retained no ordinary
patience for or charity to opposers. But, then,
still this is no medium to to infer that charge.
The doctrines which he thus maintained were
neither branches nor characters of Popery, but
asserted by some of the first and most learned
and pious Reformers. Witness the writings of
Hemingius in his Opuscula, most of which
are on these subjects. Whereas on the contrary
side, Zuinglius and others, who maintained the
rigid way of Irrespective Decrees, and infused
them into some of this nation of ours, are truly
said, by an excellent writer of ours, Dr.
Jackson, to have had it first from some
ancient Romish Schoolmen, and so to have had
as much or more of that guilt adherent to them,
as can be charged on their opposers. So that
from hence to found the jealousy, to affirm him
a papist because he was not a
contra-remonstrant, is but the old method of
speaking all that is ill of those who differ
from our opinions on any thing; as the Dutchman
in his rage calls his horse an ARMINIAN, because
he doth not not go as he would have him. And
this is all that can soberly be concluded from
such suggestions, that they are displeased and
passionate that thus speak.
"As for the Annotations on Cassander,
&c. and the consequent vindications of himself
against Rivet, those have with some
colour been deemed more favourable toward
Popery; but yet I suppose will be capable of
benign interpretations, if they be read with
these few cautions or remembrances:
"First. That they were designed to
shew a way to peace whensoever men's minds on
both sides should be piously affected to it.
"Secondly. That he did not hope for
this temper in his age, the humour on both sides
being so turgent, and extremely contrary to it,
and the controversy debated on both sides by
those 'who,' saith he, 'desire to eternize,
and not to compose contentions,' and
therefore makes his appeal to posterity, when
this paroxysm shall be over.
"Thirdly. That for the chief
usurpations of the papacy; he leaves it to
Christian princes to join together to vindicate
their own rights, and reduce the Pope ad
Canones, to that temper, which the ancient
canons allow and require of him; and if that
will not be done, to reform every one in their
own dominions.
"Fourthly. That what he saith in
favour of some Popish doctrines, above what some
other learned Protestants have said, is not so
much by way of assertion or
justification of them, as to shew what
reasons they may justly be thought to proceed
upon, and so not to be go irrational or impious
as they are ordinarily accounted; and this only
in order to the peace of the christian world,
that we may have as much charity to others and
not as high animosities, live with all men as
sweetly and amicably, and peaceably, and not as
bitterly as is possible, accounting the wars and
seditions, and divisions and rebellions, that
are raised and managed upon the account of
religion, far greater and more scandalous
unchristian evils, than are the errors of some
Romish doctrines, especially as they are
maintained by the more sober and moderate men
among them, Cassander, Picherel, &c.
"Fifthly. What he saith in his
Discussio, of a conjunction of Protestants
with those that adhere to the Bishop of Rome, is
no farther to be extended, than his words extend
it. That there is not any other visible way to
the end there mentioned by him, of acquiring or
preserving universal unity. That this is to be
done, not crudely, by returning to them as they
are, submitting our necks to our former yokes,
but by taking away at once the division, and the
causes of it, on which side soever; adding only
in the third place, that the bare primacy of the
Bishop of Rome, secundum Canones, such as
the ancient canons allow of, (which hath nothing
of supreme universal power, or authority
in it,) is none of those causes, nor
consequently necessary to be excluded in the
[Greek: diallaktikon (sic)], citing that as the
confession of that excellent person Philip
Melancthon. So that in effect, that whole speech
of his which is so solemnly vouched by Mr.
Knott, and looked on so jealously by many of us,
is no more than this, 'that such a Primacy of
the Bishop of Rome, as the ancient canons
allowed him, were, for so glorious an end as is
the regaining the peace of christendom, very
reasonably to be afforded him, nay absolutely
necessary to be yielded him, whensoever any such
catholic union shall be attempted, which as it
had been the express opinion of Melancthon, one
of the first and wisest Reformers, so it is far
from any design of establishing the usurpations
of the Papacy, or any of their false doctrines
attending them, but only designed as an
expedient for the restoring the peace of the
whole christian world, which every disciple of
Christ is so passionately required to contend
and pray for.'
"At the conclusion of the Doctor's
Continuation of the Defence of HUGO GROTIUS, he
thus expresses himself:
"'As this is an act of mere justice and charity
to the dead,-and no less to those who, by their
sin of uncharitable thoughts towards him, are
likely to deprive themselves of the benefit of
his labours,-so is it but a proportionable
return of debt and gratitude to the signal value
and kindness, which in his lifetime, he
constantly professed to pay to this church and
nation, expressing his opinion, "that of all
churches in the world, it was the most careful
observer and transcriber of primitive
antiquity," and more than intimating his desire
to end his days in the bosom and communion of
our mother. Of this I want not store of
witnesses, which from time to time have heard it
from his own mouth whilst he was ambassador in
France, and even in his return to Sweden,
immediately before his death; and for a real
evidence of this truth, it is no news to many,
that, at the taking his journey from Paris, he
appointed his wife, whom he left behind, to
resort to the English Assembly at the Agent's
house, which accordingly she is known to have
practised.'"
[070]
Calvinism and Arminianism compared, Introduction,
cxxxii.
[071]
A dialogue on the Reformation was also in the
contemplation of Mr. Gibbon: "I have," he says in
the Memoirs of his life and writings,[072]
"sometimes thought of writing a dialogue of the
dead, in which Luther, Erasmus and Voltaire should
mutually acknowledge the danger of exposing an old
superstition to the contempt of the blind and
fanatic multitude."
[072]
Vol. i. p. 269, of the 8vo. edition of his works.
[073]
A full account of the writings of Wicelius,
and of his projects of Pacification, is given by
Father Simon in the Biblioteque Critique, par
M. de Sainjore, Tom. ii. ch. 18. He concludes
it, by observing, that
"the great love which Wicelius had for the peace
of the church, might induce him to use
expressions, somewhat harsh, but which really
ought not to be censured with too much rigour.
It is evident that his only view was to be
useful to persons of his own time, to whom he
consecrated the latter part of his life.-I do
not recollect to have read that he was censured
at Rome, and the Spanish Inquisitors seem to
have observed the same moderation in his
regard."
[074]
XVI. Cent. Book V. p. 41, in the Englsh translation.
[075]
See Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, Cent. XVII.
ch. ii. sect. ii. Part II.
[076]
Eccles. Hist. Cent. XVI. ch. ii. sect. iii. Part.
II.
[077]
Observat. Hallen, 15 t. p. 341.
[078]
It is a prayer addressed to Jesus Christ, and suited
to the condition of a dying person who builds his
hope on the Mediator. M. Le Clerc has
inserted it at length in the Sentimens de
quelques Theologiens de Hollande, 17 Lettre, p.
397.
[079]
Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson, 2d Vol. p. 502. 2d
Edition.
[080]
The author's "Confessions of Faith," mention this
convention, its dissolution, and the subsequent
union of the Helvetian, and Bohemian protestant
congregations, in the Synods, held at Astrog, in the
years 1620, and 1627. The original settlement of
these churches, was in Bohemia, and Moravia.
Persecution scattered the members of them: a
considerable number of the fugitives, settled at
Herrenhut, a village in Lusatia. There, under the
protection and guidance of Count Zinzendorf, they
formed themselves into a new community, which was
designed to comprehend their actual and future
congregations, under the title of "The Protestant
Church of the Unitas Fratrum, or United Brethren of
the Confession of Augsburgh." That Confession is
their only symbolic book; but they profess great
esteem for the eighteen first chapters of the
Synodical Document of the church of Berne in 1532,
as a declaration of true Christian Doctrine. They
also respect, the writings of Count Zinzendorf, but
do not consider themselves, bound by any opinion,
sentiment, or expression, which these contain. It is
acknowledged, that, towards the middle of the last
century, they used in their devotional exercises,
particularly in their hymns, many expressions justly
censurable: but these have been corrected. They
consider Lutherans and Calvinists, to be their
brethren in faith, as according with them in the
essential articles of religion; and therefore, when
any of their members reside at a distance from a
congregation of the United Brethren, they not only
attend a Lutheran, or Calvinist church, but receive
the Sacrament, from its ministers, without scruple.
In this, they profess to act in conformity to the
Convention at Sendomer. The union, which prevails
both among the congregations, and the individuals
which compose them, their modest and humble
carriage, their moderation in lucrative pursuits,
the simplicity of their manners, their laborious
industry, their frugal habits, their ardent but mild
piety, and their regular discharge of all their
spiritual observances, are universally acknowledged
and admired. Their charities are boundless, their
kindness to their poor brethren is most edifying;
there is not among them a beggar. The care, which
they bestow, on the education of their children, in
forming their minds, chastening their hearts, and
curbing their imaginations,-particularly in those
years,
"When youth, elate and gay,
Steps into life and follows, unrestrained,
Where passion leads, or reason points the way."
Lowth.
are universally acknowledged, universally
admired, and deserve universal imitation.
But, it is principally, by the extent and success
of their missionary labours, that they now engage,
the attention of the public. These began, in 1732.
In 1812, they had thirty-three settlements, in
heathen nations. One hundred and thirty-seven
missionaries, were employed in them: they had
baptized, twenty-seven thousand, four hundred
converts: and such had been their care, in admitting
them to that sacred rite, and such their assiduity,
in cultivating a spirit of religion, among them,
that scarcely an individual, had been known, to
relapse into paganism. All travellers, who have
visited their settlements, speak with wonder, and
praise, of the humility, the patient endurance of
privation, and hardship, the affectionate zeal, the
mild, and persevering exertions of the missionaries;
and the innocence, industry and piety of the
converts:-the European, the American, the African,
and the Asiatic traveller speaks of them, in the
same terms: and, that they speak without
exaggeration, the conduct both of the pastor, and
the flock in the different settlements of the United
Brethren in England, incontestibly proves. Whatever
he may think of their religious tenets, Talis cum
sitis, utinam nostri essetis, must be the
exclamation of every christian, who considers their
lives. Those, who desire further knowledge of this
amiable, and worthy denomination of Christians, will
find it in David Cranz's ancient and modern
History of the Brethren, printed at Barby, 1771, and
the two continuations of it, Barby, 1791, and
1804. The History has been translated into English;
and is become exceedingly scarce; the Continuations
have not been translated. Mr. La Trobe, the Pastor
of the United Brethren in London, has published a
Concise Historical Account of the Protestant Church
of the United Brethren adhering to the Confession of
Augsburgh.
[081]
[082]
[083]
Epist. part. I. Epist. 432. part II. Epist. 53. The
French public strongly suspected the Cardinal of
this design. It gave rise to the celebrated libel,
entitled "Optatus Gallus," Grotius,
(Lit. 982.) notices a prophecy of Nostradamus, then
in circulation:
"Celui qui était bien avant dans le regne,
Ayant chat rouge, proche, hierarchie,
Apre et cruel, et se fera tant craindre,
Succedera, a sacrée Monarchie."
If the event in question had happened,
Nostradamus would have passed, with many for a
prophet.
[084]
Eclaircissemens de l'édit de Nantes, page 1. c. 6.
[085]
[086]
We are grieved to add, that he allowed the right
of a sovereign to persecute for religion.
[087]
This article is extracted from Oeuvres Posthumes de
Bossuet, vol. i. Nouvelle édition des Oeuvres de
Bossuet, vol. ii. Leibnizii Opera, studio Ludovici
Dutens, vol. i. and v. And the Pensées de Leibniz,
vol. ii. 8vo.
[088]
[089]
See the Appendix to the Sermons of Dr. Jebb, the
present excellent Bishop of Limerick.-Cadel, 1824.
Luke Hansard & Sons,
near Lincoln's-Inn Fields, London.
THE LIFE OF ERASMUS:
WITH
HISTORICAL REMARKS ON THE STATE OF LITERATURE
BETWEEN THE TENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.