The Language of Mineralogy: John Walker, Chemistry and the Edinburgh Medical School, 1750-1800 (2008)

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The Language of MineraLogy Pr oo fC op y Science, Technology and Culture, 1700–1945 Series Editors David M. Knight university of Durham and Trevor Levere university of Toronto Pr Science, Technology and Culture, 1700–1945 addresses issues of the interaction of science, technology and culture in the period from 1700 to 1945, at the same time as including new research within the field of the history of science. also in the series oo Science, Technology and Culture, 1700–1945 focuses on the social, cultural, industrial and economic contexts of science and technology from the ‘scientific revolution’ up to the Second World War. it explores the agricultural and industrial revolutions of the eighteenth century, the coffee-house culture of the enlightenment, the spread of museums, botanic gardens and expositions in the nineteenth century, to the franco-Prussian war of 1870, seen as a victory for german science. it also addresses the dependence of society on science and technology in the twentieth century. Writing the History of the Mind Philosophy and Science in France, 1900 to 1960s Cristina Chimisso Science and Spectacle in the European Enlightenment edited by Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent and Christine Blondel William Crookes (1832–1919) and the Commercialization of Science William h. Brock fC op y John Walker, Chemistry and the edinburgh Medical School, 1750-1800 The Language of Mineralogy Pr oo fC MaTTheW D. eDDy University of Durham, UK op y © Matthew D. eddy 2008 all rights reserved. no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Matthew D. eddy has asserted his moral right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work. Published by ashgate Publishing Limited Wey Court east union road farnham Surrey, gu9 7PT england www.ashgate.com ashgate Publishing Company Suite 420 101 Cherry Street Burlington, VT 05401-4405 uSa Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data eddy, Matthew, 1972– The language of mineralogy: John Walker, chemistry and the edinburgh Medical School, 1750–1800 / Matthew D. eddy. p. cm. – (Science, technology and culture, 1700-1945) includes bibliographical references. iSBn 978-0-7546-6332-4 (hard cover : alk. paper) 1. Walker, John, 1731-1803. 2. naturalists – Scotland–Biography. 3. Science – Scotland – history – 18th century. 4. Mineralogy – Scotland. 5. natural history – Scotland. 6. enlightenment – Scotland. i. Title. Qh31.W16e33 2008 508.092–dc22 [B] 2008023651 iSBn 978-0-7546-6332-4 Pr oo British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data eddy, Matthew D. The language of minerology: John Walker, chemistry and the edinburgh Medical School, 1750–1800. – (Science, technology and culture, 1700-1945) 1. Walker, John, 1731–1803 2. Church of Scotland – Clergy – Biography 3. naturalists – Scotland – Biography 4. Mineralogy – Scotland – history – 18th century 5. natural history – Study and teaching – Scotland – edinburgh – history – 18th century 6. Scotland – intellectual life – 18th century i. Title 508’.092 fC op y Pr oo fC op Mom, Dad, the Scotts, Luke & Mar y For Thani & Eirene, Contents List of Illustrations Series Editor’s Preface Acknowledgements Bibliographic Note Bibliographic Abbreviations Introduction The Meaning of natural history The Language of Systematics The Structure of the Book ix xiii xv xvii xix 1 2 9 15 21 21 22 27 34 39 43 47 49 53 53 56 68 74 79 83 83 84 95 102 117 119 119 121 Pr oo 1. Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist introduction Becoming a natural historian Scientific Interests a Sociable naturalist The natural history Course natural history Students Sources of natural history Conclusion 2. Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter introduction a history of Walker’s Chemical education a history of Chalybeat Spas an experimental history of hartfell Spa Conclusion 3. Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage introduction educating a ‘fossilist’ Chemistry and Classification Building a Collection Conclusion 4. Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe introduction Sources and Methods of arrangement fC op y viii The Language of Mineralogy Walker’s Mineralogical System Conclusion 5. Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology introduction The Method of geology geological Monuments of Time Conclusion Conclusion Summary ‘adepts in the art of nomenclature’ ‘Mass of the Matter of the globe’ Coda Appendices i: ii: iii: iV: V: Vi: Vii: Bibliography i: ii: Index 137 149 155 155 156 166 185 189 189 191 195 201 205 205 209 211 214 217 219 229 251 252 275 295 Pr oo Primary Sources Secondary Sources Modern equivalents for Walker’s Chemical Substances William Cullen’s 1753 ‘Doctrine of Salts’ Walker’s 1757 Spa experiments notable Mid-eighteenth Century Mineralogical Systems The Classes of Walker’s Mature Mineralogical System Compared to Bergman rev. Dr. John Walker’s Correspondence arranged Chronologically The university of edinburgh natural history Course attendance Lists 1782–1800 fC op y List of illustrations frontispiece royal Society of edinburgh Crest, Title Page, Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 2 (1790). huntington Library. 0.1 ‘rev Dr John Walker’, engraving, in William Jardine, The Natural History of Birds of Great Britain and Ireland, Part 3 (edinburgh: 1842). v op 0.2 ‘Map of Scotland’, in robert Jameson, Mineralogical Travels through the Hebrides, Orkney and Shetland Islands, and Mainland of Scotland, with Dissertations upon Peat and Kelp, (edinburgh: a. Constable & Co., 1813), opposite frontispiece. Wellcome Library, London. y 4 19 fC 1.1 ‘a Prospect View of the eastern Side of the Castle’, in William Maitland, The History of Edinburgh, from Its Foundation to the Present Time (edinburgh: 1753). William andrews Clark Memorial Library (university of California, Los angeles). ‘a Plan of the Town and Suburbs of edinburgh’, alexander Kincaid, The History of Edinburgh, from the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time (edinburgh: Cheyne, 1787). William andrews Clark Memorial Library (university of California, Los angeles). 28 Pr oo 1.3 2.1 2.2 1.2 29 D. Lizars, ‘on the Motion of Sap in Trees’ (engraving), in John Walker, ‘experiments on the Motion of Sap in Trees’, Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1 (1788), 3-40. Wellcome Library, London. ‘William Cullen, M.D.’, line engraving by W. C. edwards after D. Mar, published by W. Tegg & Co Cheapside, n.d. Wellcome Library, London. ‘Portrait of Joseph Black, M.D. f.r.S.e.’, engraved (stipple technique) by James heath from a picture by h. raeburn. Wellcome Library, London. 41 60 61 x The Language of Mineralogy 2.3 frontis (engraving), Johannis Kunkel, Philosophia Chemica, Experimentis Confirmata (amstelaedami: 1694). edgar fahs Smith Collection, university of Pennsylvania Library. William green, ‘Landscape View showing the Village of Moffat, circa 1800’, in Thomas garnett, observations on a Tour through the Highlands and Part of the Western Isles of Scotland (London: T. Stockdale, 1811). Wellcome Library, London. alexander Kincaid, ‘The environs of edinburgh’, The History of Edinburgh, from the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time (edinburgh: 1787). Wellcome Library, London. 67 2.4 81 3.2 op 3.1 ‘fingal’s Cave in Staffa’, (engraving), in Thomas Pennant, A Tour in Scotland and the Voyage to the Hebrides; 1772 (Chester: 1774). Durham university Library. i. Sillberg, ‘iohan gotschalk Wallerius’, (engraving), Systema Mineralogicum (Stockholm: 1772). royal institute of Technology, Stockholm. ‘Tobern Bergman Professor der Chemie zu upsal’, Joannem Wolters, Smith P/B455.1 S. edgar fahs Smith Collection, university of Pennsylvania Library. y 86 105 4.1 4.2 fC 128 129 4.3 oo ‘Chemical Signs explained: acids. alkalis. Metallic Calces’, (engraving) in Torbern Bergman, A Dissertation on Elective Attractions (London: 1785). edgar fahs Smith Collection, university of Pennsylvania Library. ‘Single elective attractions: in the Moist Way; in the Dry Way’ (engraving), in Torbern Bergman, A Dissertation on Elective Attractions (London: J. Murray, 1785). edgar fahs Smith Collection, university of Pennsylvania Library. ‘John Walker, D. D. M.D.’, etching by John Kay, 1789, Wellcome Library, London ‘Junction of the Primary and Secondary Strata near Loch ransa’, in robert Jameson, Description Mineralogical Travels Through the Hebrides, Orkney and Shetland Islands, and Mainland of Scotland, with Dissertations upon Peat 134 Pr 4.4 152 157 5.1 5.2 List of Illustrations xi and Kelp, (edinburgh: 1813), opposite page 78. Wellcome Library, London 5.3 ‘figure 16: geological Strata’, humphry Davy, Elements of Agricultural Chemistry, in a Course of Lectures for the Board of Agriculture (London: 1813). Durham university Library, SC+ 00291. Title Page, Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1 (1788). huntington Library. 173 186 202 6.1 Pr oo fC op y Pr oo fC op y Series editor’s Preface ‘The eighteenth century was newton’s’ – that seems a plausible thing to say with the enlightenment in mind. newton demonstrated the power of mathematical analysis in finding general laws that applied to planets and apples. God was to be found not in special providences and wonders, but in the astonishing order of nature, which ran like clockwork. The task of natural philosophers was to extend this work, as newton had done himself in optics, making deductions from theory and testing them by experiment. Science was difficult, but the universe was intelligible and law-abiding; and once understood, nature could be mastered and improved upon. our naked eyes could not see the very large or the very small, but microscopes and telescopes opened new worlds to us: nothing was hidden from our gaze or inference. genuine explanation would be analytical and reductive. This route to knowledge through mathematics and experimental physics was especially taken up in france, and was an important feature of the enlightenment there: where it went with rationalism and indeed atheism as god became no more than a remote first Cause. But people did not talk about the enlightenment until it was over: it is an historians’ category, and recent historians have distinguished between enlightenments in different countries. There, different sciences and visions of science were prominent: notably the classification of the huge numbers of animals, plants and minerals found upon the earth. We associate this particularly with the Swede, Carl Linné (Linnaeus), whose binomial system of naming prevailed in natural history from the mid-century. The century belongs to him as much as to newton; european settlement in the americas, trade with india and beyond, colonisation in South africa and indonesia, and voyages of discovery such as Captain Cook’s, meant that far more kinds of animals, plants and minerals were known. Botanic gardens and museums became features of important universities, like Leiden; whose medical school was the model for that in edinburgh. Swedes had mostly ignored their arctic backyard, but Linnaeus explored Lapland, and thus reminded men of science of the importance of carefully looking at the natural history of their own countries. Just as newton was not the only physicist of his time, so Linnaeus was one amongst a community of naturalists, who achieved pre-eminence through his nomenclature and his position in uppsala, whence he dispatched disciples to collect specimens. His animal and mineral classifications, based upon external characters, were much less successful than his botany, where counting the sexual parts of flowers turned out to be a good basis (for flowering plants). As with newtonian physics, there was much to be done; and Linnaean botany did not satisfy those who wanted a less-artificial system. Although there were historic Pr oo fC op y xiv The Language of Mineralogy oo links, the auld alliance, between Scotland and france, the Scottish enlightenment was different. We may think of David hume, and of James hutton the geologist who famously found ‘no vestige of a beginning, - no prospect of an end’; neither of these had any time for organised religion. But Matthew eddy has done great and fruitful work on revd John Walker, who served as Moderator of the (Presbyterian) Church of Scotland, and was also Professor of natural history in the university of Edinburgh, where his classes included men who became eminent in many fields, in Britain, north america and beyond. he found important patrons, and was fully involved in Scotland’s scientific and social circles. He, like most contemporaries, had a theology of nature in which everything made sense because a wise and benign Creator made it all: there was no need to try to ‘prove’ god’s existence logically. Like Linnaeus, he toured the remoter and little-studied regions of his own country, the Highlands, now pacified and being surveyed in the wake of ‘Bonny Prince Charlie’s’ invasion of 1745, looking for useful raw materials. he devised elaborate taxonomic schemes, which he used in his lectures, updating them as necessary. Seeing the Scottish enlightenment, with Matthew eddy, through Walker’s eyes gives us a splendid new perspective. for ernest rutherford, science was either physics or stamp-collecting: natural history was thus a childish phase in the development of sciences. Stamps can be categorised in various ways: by date, country of origin, colour, size or shape: and so can organisms. Different schemes are illuminating in various ways. But whereas there is no right or ‘natural’ way to classify stamps beyond convenience or whim, taxonomists sought the plan behind the vast variety of nature. in Matthew eddy’s pages, we see Walker and his contemporaries struggling (especially with mineralogy) to make sense of the world. humans always have and always will classify: it remains an important part of science (even physics), was an important feature of the enlightenment in Scotland (as in france), and has as we see here, a fascinating history. fC Pr op y David Knight august 2008 acknowledgements excerpts of the following chapters and appendices have been published as articles in Ambix, History of Science, Archives of Natural History and the British Journal for the History of Science. i would like to thank each of these journals for allowing me to draw from this material. other parts were given as papers at the history and Philosophy of Science Division at Leeds university, oxford university’s Modern history faculty, the Max Planck institute for the history of Science (Berlin), the Dibner institute (M.i.T.), the British Society for eighteenth Century Studies, Durham university’s Department of Philosophy and its Centre for the history of Medicine and Disease, the university of edinburgh’s Special Collections Department, the university of Manchester’s Centre for the history of Science, Medicine and Technology, California institute of Technology (2005 francis Bacon Workshop), the Chemical heritage foundation (Philadelphia) and the history of Science Society’s annual meetings. i offer my most sincere thanks to those who commented on my work, either as anonymous journal referees or as participants in the foregoing conferences and workshops. i would also like to thank a number of scholars who helped me at various stages of my work. first and foremost, over the past ten years David Knight has provided countless documents and read the many articles and thesis chapters that engendered this book. ursula Klein, Larry Principe, Jed Buchwald and Moti feingold provided encouragement, advice and, crucially, funding that made writing this book much easier. Both Klein and Roger Emerson kindly read the final manuscript. Robert fox and Sy Mauskopf also were outstanding sources of encouragement. others who helped me along the way were Paul Wood, richard Sher, Peter Morris, hugh Torrens, David r. oldroyd, Charles W. J. Withers, hjalmar fors, John Christie, John h. Brooke, robin hendry, Jonathan Lowe, holger Maehle and roy Porter. finally, my research assistant ian James Kidd made many helpful corrections to the final manuscript. I’m sure that I’ve left out several names and I apologise for any omissions. i worked on this book while i was on fellowships awarded by the Dibner institute (MiT), harvard university history of Science Department, the Max Planck institute for the history of Science, William andrews Clark Memorial Library (university of California, Los angeles), California institute of Technology and the British arts and humanities research Council (ah/f005849/1). i would like to thank all of these organisations and institutions for supporting my research. Durham university also provided assistance at the end of the project by granting me sabbatical leave and David Knight, Beth hannon, ian James Kidd and fern elsdon-Baker were kind enough to lecture in my place while i was away. Pr oo fC op y xvi The Language of Mineralogy The staff of several libraries provided helpful advice along the way, especially those working at the national Library of Scotland, national archives of Scotland, Durham university, the Chemical heritage Society (othmer Library), university of newcastle-upon-Tyne, university of edinburgh, university of glasgow, the Dibner institute (Burndy Library), harvard university (Widener Library), the Wellcome Trust Centre for the history of Medicine (uCL), the huntington Library, the Max Planck institute for the history of Science, the William andrews Clark Memorial Library (university of California, Los angeles) and the libraries of the natural history Museum of London. all archival material is cited by permission of these libraries. Pr oo fC op y Bibliographic note Bound manuscripts are a curious bibliographic category. on one hand, since they were bound like books and circulated like books, one might be tempted to cite them like a book. one might even say that they were ‘published’ by the copyists in enlightenment edinburgh who diligently transformed the scribbled notes taken by university students into clearly written prose. But on the other hand, there is the problem of exact dates and the names of printers and publishers that form the basis of twenty-first century forms of bibliographic citation. For reasons of editorial convenience, many authors simply treat bound manuscripts in the same fashion as loose leaf sheets, diligently citing the collection name and number in every instance. I have chosen another path. Whenever I first cite a bound manuscript in the footnotes, I give its author, name, date(s) of composition, the signification ‘Bound Manuscript’, the collection and its classification number. If the exact year of composition is not known, i provide a ‘c.’ prefix, for ‘circa’, before the date. any subsequent reference to the source thereafter in the chapter lists the author’s surname, the abbreviation ‘MS’, the date(s) and the folio number. Texts that bear the same date are differentiated by alphabetical letter. Thus, after being cited as ‘John Walker, Systema Fossilium (c. 1797k), Bound MS, guL gen 1061, f. 30’ in the first instance the reference would then become ‘Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 30’ for the rest of the chapter. all bound manuscripts are listed in the primary bibliography that occurs at the end of this book. Loose leaf manuscripts also present a variety of bibliographic adventures, especially since they come in so many shapes and sizes. The first time I cite such a document, i will give the author’s full name, assigned name of the text, the collection mark and the folio number. for example: ‘William Cullen, “a Chemical examination of Common Simple Stones & earths … by William Cullen”, guL MS Cullen 264, f. 1’. once this format is given in each chapter, all subsequent references will simply use the surname, collection mark and folio number, that is, like so: ‘Cullen, (guL MS Cullen 264), f. 1’. Many of the footnotes of this book refer to texts kept in John Walker’s own personal library. The first manuscript list of this collection was written in 1761. entitled Index Librorum, it was penned by Walker when he was a young man and it is now housed at the university of edinburgh. a copy of his mature library appeared as an auction catalogue a year after he died. Compiled by Cornelius elliot, it was published in 1804 under the title A Catalogue of the Books in Natural History with a Few Others, which Belonged to the Late Rev. Dr. Walker. as Walker was the primary lender of books to those who attended his natural history course, both of these lists are extremely helpful when attempting to determine what he and his students were reading. in the footnotes of the following chapters i will use the Pr oo fC op y xviii The Language of Mineralogy letters ‘iL’ (Index Librorum) and ‘eC’ (elliot’s Catalogue) when making reference to each of these sources. Thus, the appellation ‘eC 20’ means that the work is listed as number twenty in elliot’s Catalogue. These references will always follow the date of a given book or article. So, for instance, ‘r. Plot, The Natural History of Oxfordshire (oxford: 1705), iL 22’ means that the book is listed as number twenty-two in the Index Librorum; or, ‘J. g. Wallerius, Mineralogie (Paris: 1753), eC 117’ indicates that the book is number one hundred and seventeen in elliot’s catalogue. Pr oo fC op y Bibliographic abbreviations Manuscripts and Collections aPS auL BL euL eC iL guL LSL naS nLS ouM rCPe yuL american Philosophical Society aberdeen university Library British Library edinburgh university Library Cornelius elliot’s 1804 Catalogue of Walker’s Library Index Librorum, the 1761 MS Catalogue of Walker’s Library glasgow university Library The Linnaean Society of London national archives of Scotland national Library of Scotland oxford university Museum royal College of Physicians of edinburgh yale university Library Journals and Dictionaries AHR AIHS Ambix ANH AS BBM BJHS DNB DSB ECL EOPL EPS ESH HM HPLS HS HW HWJ JCE Agricultural History Review Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences Ambix: Journal for the Society of Alchemy and Chemistry Archives of Natural History Annals of Science Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) British Journal for the History of Science Dictionary of National Biography Dictionary of Scientific Biography Eighteenth-Century Life Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary Edinburgh Philosophical Journal Earth Sciences History History of Medicine History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences History of Science History Workshop History Workshop Journal Journal of Chemical Education Pr oo fC op y xx The Language of Mineralogy TIBG TRSE Pr Note on Chemical Nomenclature eighteenth-century chemical nomenclature is employed throughout this book. for those interested to know how these names map onto the nomenclature employed by modern chemists, i have included a modest table of equivalents in appendix I. Although eighteenth-century affinity tables used longstanding symbols to represent substances, many chemists, including John Walker, simply wrote out the long version of the names in their notes and publications. i follow this practice in this book. Chapter 4, however, provides the chemical symbols used by the chemist Torbern Bergman because of his influence on Walker and the Edinburgh medical school. oo fC SHPS SVEC TBSE TEGS TDNHAS op JHB JHC JHG JHI JOUGS JSBNH Lychnos MH MR NRRSL ODNB OED PETHSS PRSE PT RSCHG SC SECC SHPBBS Journal for the History of Biology Journal of the History of Collections Journal of Historical Geography Journal for the History of Ideas Journal of the Open University Geological Society Journal of the Society for the Bibliography of Natural History Lychnos: Annual of the Swedish History of Science Society Medical History Mineralogical Record Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Oxford English Dictionary (unabridged edition) Prize Essays and Transactions of the Highland Society of Scotland Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London Royal Society of Chemistry Historical Group Occasional Papers The Seventeenth Century Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture Studies in the History and Philosophy of the Biological and Biomedical Sciences Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century Transactions of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh Transactions of the Edinburgh Geological Society Transactions of Dumfries and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh y John Walker, Systema Fossilium, c.1797 Pr oo fC op y To ascertain the proper Language in Mineralogy, appeared the first step towards its improvement. nothing had ever been done in this article, excepting a short Sketch offered by Linnaeus, which, although excellent, so far as it went, certainly required to be much enlarged. The Language used in the Description of fossils still remained vague, inaccurate, and frequently absurd. The Science [of Mineralogy] was loaded with superfluous and indefinite Terms, used even by the best Writers. To remedy this, it was endeavoured, to arrange & fix the Terms of the Science, with proper Definitions, wherever they were necessary. Pr oo fC op y introduction in 1784 Sir James hall of Dunglass stood on top of Mount Vesuvius and surveyed its creviced contents. he was only twenty-three, but his early years had been shaped by private teachers at home, boarding schools in London, the tutorials of Christ’s College, Cambridge and, finally, the lectures of the University of Edinburgh. His time in naples was merely one stop on a european tour in which he met notable french intellectuals like Antoine Lavoisier and military officers like Napoleon Bonaparte. There was no doubt that he was impressed with what he saw, so much so that he hiked to the top of the volcano no less than five times. Indeed, the raw impact of its heat, sulphurous vapour and igneous hues affected him profoundly when he returned to his native Scotland. over the next two decades he became one of the champions not only of Lavoisier’s oxygen theory of combustion, but also of a newly reformed geological school – Vulcanism – that held that the earth, like Vesuvius, had been shaped by heat and other chemical processes like crystallisation and congelation. To support his view on this matter, he built upon the geological theories of his friend and mentor, James hutton, whose Theory of the Earth would go on to be a classic text mentioned in nineteenth-century histories of the earth sciences.1 over the past two hundred years eighteenth-century personalities like hall have attracted the attention of scholars seeking to understand the history of the theories that shaped the way that nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first century scientists viewed the world. even though he was born in 1761, much of the literature available about hall seeks to identify how his understanding of chemistry harmonised with the Chemical revolution and how his thoughts on the alignment of strata (stratigraphy) contributed to the long stretches of time necessitated by the Darwinian revolution. although this approach is useful and informative, it does little to explain the pedagogical, experimental or methodological context that produced hutton, hall and their contemporaries. Moreover, since the ‘revolutions’ historiographic model often concentrates on grand movements of scientific ideas, the day-to-day practices of naturalists and experimentally-minded physicians have not received adequate attention. This state of affairs might not seem that problematic until one considers that a chemist like hall fused his knowledge of Lavoisier’s publications with the information that he had learned at the university of edinburgh during the early 1780s. When he accepted Lavoisier’s oxygen theory and hutton’s theory of the earth, hall built on the experimental techniques and classification methods that had been taught to him as a student. But what, exactly, were these practices? how did they compare to those used by other european chemists, or even other natural historians? Such questions, though important, are 1 Pr oo James hutton, Theory of the Earth with Proofs and Illustrations (edinburgh: 1795). fC op y 2 The Language of Mineralogy Pr seldom asked of late eighteenth-century thinkers, especially those who have been deemed irrelevant to the various revolution models that still influence the history of science, philosophy and even culture. Perhaps the biggest casualty of the revolutions historiography is the absence of studies that focus upon the numerous eighteenth-century aristocrats and middling class professionals who practiced systematic natural history, especially those who sought to name and classify rocks and stones. Like those who collected and arranged plant and animal specimens, these people called themselves ‘naturalists’; and the distinction was extended to both men and women alike. it sometimes overlapped with the title of ‘philosopher’ and it was frequently accompanied by the epithet of ‘ingenious’. Some naturalists like hall, hutton, the earl of Bute and the Duchess of Portland had a penchant for ‘fossils’, that is, objects dug out of the ground or hoisted out of the sea. others like Linnaeus, Sir James edward Smith and anna Blackburne favoured plants. Some of these classifiers were autodidacts. Some were taught by tutors at home. others, such as hutton, hall and Smith, studied the subject at university. in Scotland, Scandinavia and the Low Countries, for instance, systematic classification was taught in the chemistry, materia medica and botany courses of medical degrees and also as a complement to natural philosophy or civil history. at the university of edinburgh, the students educated in these settings came not only from Scotland and the neighbouring countries of england and ireland, but also from the americas, india and continental europe. When seeking to create their own classification systems, they were instructed to draw examples from the Scottish landscape and from a canon of texts published in Britain, its colonies and across europe. Many of these students, like hall, would go on to participate in early nineteenth-century debates over the age and composition of the earth, others would sail to the ends of the British empire to collect specimens that eventually laid the foundation for the scientific collections now overseen by the National Museum of Scotland and the British Museum. Some would even become key personalities in the revolutions narrative so often used to understand the period. as such an intellectual training centre, it stands to reason to ask what these students were being taught when it came to systematic natural history. By focusing on edinburgh’s medical school, this monograph, which is more of an extended essay, offers a preliminary answer to this question and suggests further avenues of enquiry. The Meaning of Natural History Medicine and Classification The specific methods used to construct Enlightenment systems of natural history are often the bête noire of studies that address eighteenth-century culture. for social historians, the institutional placement of systematics was privileged and its utilitarian definition of nature was simplistic. For historians of science, its long classification lists were intellectually static and impeded proto-evolutionary oo fC op y Introduction 3 ideas. For historians of philosophy, it failed to conform to reified notions of ‘natural kinds’ and causation that modern thinkers have attributed to early modern philosophers like rene Descartes, John Locke and David hume. Moreover, even for intrepid scholars willing to set aside these assumptions, there is the insipid matter of primary sources, that is, the fact that the manuscripts of many eighteenthcentury naturalists are condemned to archival collections located outside the convenient transportation networks offered by europe’s modern metropolitan settings. Bearing these liabilities in mind, why would anyone want to write about the history of systematic natural history? The answer, as this book shows, is that the above stereotypes are misguided and that the classification of natural objects was a central concern for professors who taught in enlightenment universities. One of the reasons that systematic classification has received such little attention can be attributed to the fact that natural history was an extremely diverse subject that appealed to a wide range of practitioners. at the top of the social scale, there were wealthy patrons whose collections and perceptions of nature were based upon notions of the natural order that reinforced their perception of the social order. yet, there were also professionals, merchants, industrialists and educators whose occupational well-being necessitated the use of pragmatically orientated classification practices.2 one such group was medical professionals, especially physicians, and throughout Europe medical schools taught students how to fit natural history specimens into classification categories that harmonised with the methods and practices being developed by indigenous experimental communities. nowhere was this more apparent than in edinburgh’s medical school, one of europe’s leading medical programmes. Throughout this book, i use edinburgh’s medical community to sketch an alternative account of how the classification practices of a defined institutional setting enabled naturalists to create systems of natural history. There are many personalities that could be used to investigate edinburgh’s cultures of natural history. i have chosen to focus my book on one of Scotland’s most influential Enlightenment naturalists, Dr John Walker, the professor of natural history in the university of edinburgh’s medical school from 1779 to 1803. in particular, i concentrate upon the ‘material’ side of his natural history (chemistry, mineralogy and geology) as it was practiced from circa 1750 until 1800. using Walker as a case study, i re-evaluate the relevance of late eighteenth-century systematics by excavating the factors that guided his classifications of inanimate objects. More specifically, my treatment of this topic is guided by two overarching objectives. first, i wish to show how a naturalist actually became a naturalist during the enlightenment. in pursuing this topic, i will take care to emphasise the different types of language and nomenclature that were used to describe and categorise natural objects in a fashion that was conducive and relevant to a local This point is not a new one. it has, however, been recently emphasised by several authors. Londa Schiebinger Plants and Empire (Cambridge, Mass: 2004). Kapil raj, Relocating Modern Science (Dehli: 2006). alix Cooper, Inventing the Indigenous (Cambridge: 2007). harold J. Cook, Matters of Exchange (new haven: 2007). 2 Pr oo fC op y 4 The Language of Mineralogy population. in addition to showing how naturalists were taught systematics, i will also highlight the institutional and social context that fostered their careers. Second, I challenge the priority that historians have given to the canon of scientific texts traditionally associated with the Scottish enlightenment and with the history of British natural history in general. in particular, i draw attention to the central role played by the methods and cultural placement of chemistry and the canon of authors associated with it. in pursuing these subjects, i argue that the principles and experimental methods of chemistry provided the nomenclatural basis for systematic mineralogy, which in turn provided the empirical and conceptual foundation for the geological ideas that were taught to the students who studied in edinburgh during the late eighteenth century. Pr figure 0.1 ‘rev Dr John Walker’ (engraving), William Jardine, The Natural History of Birds of Great Britain and Ireland, Part 3 (edinburgh: Lizars 1842). appropriately pictured on a rock against the backdrop of edinburgh. oo f C op y Introduction 5 Matter and System recent studies on the history of natural history have given informative accounts of the institutional, colonial, literary and gendered contexts that fostered interest in the natural world. however, most of them have tended to bracket the methods used by naturalists to order personal and textual observations into coherently organised systems of thought; thereby sidelining the myriad of naturalists who were keen to create extremely detailed systems of arrangement from the barrage of specimens that they encountered whilst reading books, travelling and conversing with fellow natural philosophers. Based on new evidence, they expanded and clipped their natural history systems by adding and removing species, genera, orders and, sometimes, entire classes. By the middle of the century, one of the central goals of institutional natural history, especially as it was taught in northern european universities, was to create large ‘systems’ of knowledge that were pedagogically useful to the students when they became physicians, clerics, lawyers or even government administrators. Within Edinburgh, many of these classification practices were guided by chemistry’s nomenclature and methods. in excavating Walker’s thought and context, therefore, this book draws principally from methods employed in recent decades by historians of analytic chemistry as well as cultural historians of the Scottish enlightenment. i will treat the historiographical gaze of these traditions in turn. until quite recently, the history of chemistry was guided by an implicit fascination with the ‘Chemical revolution’, that is, the events that preceded and Pr oo fC op in pursuing the above objectives, i show that the nascent earth sciences in Edinburgh were founded upon the texts and contingent classification practices that were taught in the university’s medical school. The conceptual focal point for these thinkers, i aver, was chemistry, especially in its commitment to descriptive vocabularies, mnemonic tables, measurements and ordering methods. Throughout the work, i explain how naturalists imported longstanding chemical terms and practices into natural history and why they viewed classification as an active, stimulating and rewarding pursuit – a thesis that challenges the negative stereotypes that have discouraged historians from researching the intellectual history of systematic mineralogy. In addressing the classificatory and material foundations of natural history as evinced in Scotland, i treat an issue that has been repeatedly identified by Enlightenment historians as a key topic, but which has remained relatively unaddressed. Moreover, since many of Walker’s students would go on to become influential industrialists, scientists, physicians and politicians, this book sheds light on how many of Britain’s leading regency and Victorian intellectuals were taught to think about the composition and structure of the material world. By excavating Professor John Walker’s dynamic understanding of the fabric of the globe, i provide a unique view of the intellectual milieu that led his contemporaries and students to refashion geology into its own discipline during the early nineteenth century. y 6 The Language of Mineralogy Louis Bernard guyton de Morveau, antoine Lavoisier, Claude-Louis Bertholet, and antoine de fourcroy, Méthode de Nomenclature Chimique (Paris: 1787). 4 frederic L. holmes, ‘analysis by fire and Solvent extractions: The Metamorphosis of a Tradition’, Isis, 62 (1971), 129–148; Eighteenth-Century Chemistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley: 1989). David r. oldroyd, Sciences of the Earth (aldershot: 1998). David M. Knight, Ideas in Chemistry (London: 1995) and Science in the Romantic Era (aldershot: 1998). norma e. emerton, The Scientific Interpretation of Form (London: 1984). Maurice P. Crosland, Historical Studies in the Language of Chemistry (London: 1962) and ‘Changes in Chemical Concepts and Language in the Seventeenth Century’, Science in Context, 9 (1996) 225–240. arthur L. Donovan, Philosophical Chemistry in the Scottish Enlightenment (edinburgh: 1975) and Antoine Lavoisier (Cambridge: 1996). ursula Klein, Verbindung und Affinität (Basel: 1994) and (with Wolfgang Lefèvre) Materials in Eighteenth-Century Science (Cambridge, Mass.: 2007). Bernadette BensaudeVincent, ‘Une Mythologie Révolutionnaire dans la Chimie Française’, AS, 40 (1983), 189– 196, and ‘a View of the Chemical revolution through Contemporary Textbooks: Lavoisier, fourcroy and Chaptal’, BJHS, 23 (1990), 435–460. Marco Beretta, The Enlightenment of Matter (Canton: 1993). Lawrence M. Principe, The Aspiring Adept (Princeton: 1998) and, with William r. newman, Alchemy Tried in the Fire (Chicago: 2002). 5 for overviews of the philosophical and historiographical changes that have taken place in the history of chemistry over the past three decades, see John Mcevoy, ‘Postpositivist interpretations of the Chemical revolution’, Canadian Journal of History, 36 (2001), 453–469. 3 Pr oo fC then followed the introduction of the new chemical nomenclature proposed in the late eighteenth century by Louis Bernard guyton de Morveau, antoine Lavoisier, Claude-Louis Bertholet, and antoine de fourcroy.3 Particularly important to this story was a select group of experiments that both discredited the phlogiston concept and introduced the oxygen theory of combustion. This picture, however, has been transformed in recent decades by the work of holmes, oldroyd, Knight, emerton, Crosland, Donovan, Klein, Bensaude-Vincent, Beretta, Principe and newman.4 By reconstructing the reading habits, analytic methods and material manipulations of early modern ‘chymistry’, these and other authors have created a more nuanced picture of how alchemy was slowly transformed into modern chemistry over three centuries.5 instead of being one big paradigmatic bang, they have shown that it was more of a constellation of incremental sparks. ‘Chymistry’, therefore, was an accumulative discipline that was shaped collectively by the ideas of numerous physicians, apothecaries, metallurgists, miners, merchants and savants. Throughout this book i approach Walker’s chemistry from this perspective. although i build on the work of all the above mentioned authors, the nomenclatural and methodological questions that i ask of chemistry, mineralogy and geology are drawn principally from the approaches used by oldroyd, holmes, Principe and newman to investigate the cultural placement of mineralogical language (especially nomenclatural categories), the practices of the laboratory and the general cast of mind used by early modern chemists to understand the material composition of natural objects. op y Introduction 7 all of these authors have published widely on the Scottish enlightenment, so i will only list representative examples of their work. roger L. emerson, ‘The Philosophical Society of edinburgh 1737–1747’, BJHS, 12 (1979), 154–191; ‘The Philosophical Society of edinburgh 1748–1768’, BJHS, 14 (1981), 133–176; ‘The Philosophical Society of edinburgh 1768–1783’, BJHS, 18 (1985), 255–303. Paul Wood, The Aberdeen Enlightenment (aberdeen: 1993). John r. r. Christie, ‘William Cullen and the Practice of Chemistry’, in a. Doig, J. P. S. ferguson, i. a. Milne and r. Passmore (eds.), William Cullen and the Eighteenth Century Medical World (edinburgh: 1993). Stephen Brown, ‘William Smellie and the Culture of the edinburgh Book Trade’, in Paul Wood (ed.), The Culture of the Book in the Scottish Enlightenment (Toronto: 2000), 64–66. Warren MacDougal, ‘Charles elliot’s Medical Publications and the international Book Trade’, Charles W. J. Withers and Paul Wood (eds.), Science and Medicine in the Scottish Enlightenment (east Linton: 2002), 237–254. David allan, Virtue, Learning, and the Scottish Enlightenment (edinburgh: 1993) and ‘The Scottish enlightenment and the Politics of Provincial Culture: The Perth Literary and antiquarian Society, ca. 1784–1790’, ECL, 27 (2003a), 1–30. richard Sher, Church and University in the Scottish Enlightenment (edinburgh: 1985) and The Enlightenment and the Book (Chicago: 2006). 7 This position could perhaps be seen as a response to works by roy Porter and others who have emphasised the ‘Britishness’ of Scotland’s intellectual milieu during the late eighteenth century. See roy Porter, The Enlightenment (Basingstoke: 1990a), and Enlightenment: Britain and the Creation of the Modern World (London: 2000). 6 Pr oo f C yet Walker did not live in chemical vacuum and there was more to his life than the analytic processes of chemistry. he was a traveller, cleric, author and advisor to extremely powerful aristocratic and governmental patrons. Most importantly, he was member of Edinburgh’s influential moderate literati. up until the late twentieth century, intellectually inclined men and women like Walker were marginalised by a historiographical gaze that wrapped the Scottish enlightenment around an overtly philosophical agenda, especially as defined by the works of David hume, Thomas reid, James ferguson and adam Smith. This approach, however, has slowly been transformed by the work of cultural historians like emerson, Wood, Christie, Brown, McDougall, Withers, allan and Sher.6 using publication figures, notions of readership and other methods associated with the ‘history of book’, these and other authors have called for a reconfiguration of the canon of texts traditionally associated with the ‘Scottish enlightenment’. These authors have pointed to the central role played by natural history in the intellectual milieu cultivated by Scotland’s literati; that is, those who were educated in the country’s universities or who participated in specialist or academic societies both in urban and provincial settings. They have emphasised that the Scottish enlightenment was both a British and a european affair that also had notable american connections.7 My view of Walker’s place within eighteenth-century Scottish culture is informed by the methods used by these historians, especially their recent work on Scottish authors and the circulation of their books. Most notably, i accept Sher’s argument that that the term ‘enlightenment’ adequately represents a common core of interests that revolved around improvement, op y 8 The Language of Mineralogy Pr oo 8 sociability, humanity, toleration and intellectual cultivation. in this sense, the ‘Scottish enlightenment’ was a multifaceted movement that affected a large proportion of Scotland’s literate population and did not necessarily reside ‘in a fixed body of doctrines or a universal reform program or an institutional structure or a particular field or school’.8 one of the central ideas that guided most naturalists who lived during the Scottish enlightenment was the notion of a ‘system’. at that most basic level, a system was an organised arrangement of knowledge that aided the memory. yet, although the word ‘system’ was used in the titles of many books, pamphlets and articles, it carried slightly different definitions in different contexts. For some thinkers, especially those that were armchair newtonians or philosophes, the notion of ‘un système’ often extended beyond acts of categorisation into the possible physical or metaphysical causes that originally engendered the objects under discussion. These thinkers often spoke of laws and theories and they frequently wrote their arguments in the language of sidereal astronomy, mathematics and certainty. While this approach has received notable attention from historians, there was another notion of a system that was equally, if not more, influential.9 as Christie, Barfoot and others have shown, the systems of the Scottish enlightenment were fundamentally pedagogical and a posteriori. Leading literati like William Cullen, David Skene, John Walker and Joseph Black used ‘facts’ and ‘principles’ to create comprehensive catalogues of nature, medicine and thought that served to arrange knowledge in a useful manner.10 in this climate, ‘theorising’ was not a very popular pursuit, especially if it proposed causal explanations that could not be immediately witnessed. Such an empirically calibrated approach was linked to longstanding observational practices championed not only by medical schools and academies in Scotland, but those in Scandinavia, holland and germany as well. it was also linked to a larger Baconian renaissance that blossomed in late eighteenth-century Britain. although i will treat these practices and methods throughout the rest of Sher (2006), 16. for a fuller treatment of the concept of enlightenment, see pages 11 to 24. See also the introduction to Withers and Wood (2002). 9 The differing definitions of ‘system’ mentioned above map onto several institutional and cultural issues that led eighteenth-century thinkers to favour a posteriori or a priori methods. historiographically, ‘naturalists’, especially those who crafted mineralogical, botanical and zoological systems, have been approached via questions and assumptions more characteristic of early modern natural philosophy, not natural history. See M. feingold, ‘Mathematicians and naturalists: isaac newton and the nature of the early royal Society’, in Jed Buchwald and i. Bernard Cohen (eds.), Isaac Newton’s Natural Philosophy (Cambridge, Mass.: 2000), 77–102. 10 Michael Barfoot, ‘Philosophy and Method in Cullen’s Medical Teaching’ in Doig et al (1993). John R. R. Christie, ‘The Origins and Development of the Scottish Scientific Community, 1680–1760’, HS, 12 (1974), 122–141. roger L. emerson, ‘natural Philosophy and the Problem of the Scottish enlightenment’, SVEC, 242 (1986), 241–291. fC op y Introduction 9 this book, it will suffice to say here that Walker and his fellow naturalists fit within this influential empiricist tradition. The Language of Systematics Words and Minerals far from being a stagnant enterprise, mineralogical systematics was a diverse practice that was adapted to the needs and interests of individual naturalists. it allowed physicians, for example, to arrange their mineralogical simples so that they could use pharmacopoeia recipes to make ‘cures’ for stomach-aches, diarrhoea and the stone. Similarly, professors of materia medica used chemicallybased mineralogical systems to order the data acquired from experiments which used or produced ‘fossil-like’ simples. The arrangement of minerals also touched upon economic issues. Land owners who had large mines sometimes used the composition of local stones and strata to prognosticate the location of metallic veins and to improve the fertility of their land. industrialists used minerals to create chemical mixtures that were used in mining and bleaching processes. There were also gentlemanly naturalists who scoured the countryside looking for the perfect specimen of a species or genus to supplement their own collections. This list could go on, but the point is that all these people needed a way – a scientific way – to name and organise the vast array of minerals that existed in their own local area and which they acquired from abroad. To create such arrangements, a commonly agreed vocabulary was needed. The language of enlightenment natural history drew from a multifaceted canon of texts that supplied both words and descriptions that were used to fashion organised systems. Studies that address this time period, however, have often sought to cut through this textual complexity by harmonising the thoughts of local observers with the system presented in Linnaeus’ Systema Naturae (1735–70) or the theoretical content of Buffon’s Histoire Naturelle (1749–88). Because so many Linnaean terms form the basis for the nomenclature for modern natural historians, it is often assumed that enlightenment naturalists employed the same definitions that were laid out in Systema Naturae. yet even the simplest inquiry into the Latin vocabulary employed by pre- and post-Linnaean mineralogical systems reveals that his terms, and a wealth of others that he did not use, were by no means settled. indeed, many of Walker’s contemporaries openly challenged the Linnaean system.11 Even if there was a consensus on Latin definitions (which there was not), Pr oo 11 i will address this point in relation to mineralogy throughout Chapters 4 and 5; but it should perhaps be pointed out here that Linnaeus’s botanical system was criticised widely in edinburgh. See Charles alston, Tirocinium Botanicum Edinburgense (edinburgi: 1753), eC 57, and Lectures on the Materia Medica (edinburgh: 1770), eC 64 and eC 220 (the latter fC op y 10 The Language of Mineralogy eC version had ‘MS additions, apparently by the author’). John hill, The Vegetable System (London: 1775–1786), eC 84. John Stuart [earl of Bute], Botanical Tables (London: 1784). 12 P. n. W. Jackson, ‘geological Museums and their Collections: rich Sources for historians of geology’, AS, 56 (1999), 426. 13 John Walker, Lectures in Geology, harold Scott (ed.), (Chicago: 1966), ‘Mineralogy Lecture’, 229. for the importance of Pliny’s Historia naturalis in history, see e. W. gudger, ‘Pliny’s Historia Naturalis. The Most Popular natural history ever Published’, Isis, 6 (1924.), 269–281. although classical texts were usually the starting point for naturalists seeking Latin nomenclatural terms for minerals, the relationship between classical texts and early modern mineralogy has yet to be studied in detail. Some work has been done in this area by annibale Mottana, ‘il Libro Sulle Pietre di Teofrasto: Prima Traduzione italiana con un Vocabolario di Termini Mineralogici; Memoria di annibale Mottana e Michele napolitano’, Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 8 (1997), 151–234. for botanical terms, see W. T. Stearn’s Botanical Latin (newton abbot: 1973). 14 Pliny the elder, Pliny. Natural History, (London: 1912). for these names, see the following sections: calcareous (36.174–176); gypseous (36.182); siliceous (36.168); steatitical (37.186). ‘Apyrite’ was derived by adding Greek negation prefix, ‘a’, to ‘pyrite’. Pliny (1912), (36.137). for more on Pliny’s mineralogical names, see J. f. healy, Pliny the Elder on Science and Technology (oxford: 1999), 115–141; 173–346. See also the ‘index of Minerals’ in h. rackham’s introduction to Pliny (1912), 419–421. Pliny’s vocabulary also serves as a guide for names given to fossils that were anthropomorphic, zoomorphic or astramorphic. for glossopetra (tonguestone), see any Latin edition of Naturalis Historia (37.164). for asteria (star stone), see (37.131). These names also had been quite common since the middle-ages. Pr oo fC op the transfer of classificatory terms into the vernacular often came down to the preference of the individual author. a few years ago Patrick n. Wyse Jackson noted that a ‘[c]orrect understanding of early geological printed works and manuscripts can be difficult to achieve when lithological and mineralogical terminology unfamiliar to the reader is used. This is a prevalent problem in early texts when mineralogical and lithological names had not become standardized.’12 While this is true from the modern perspective of standardisation, especially via international committees, it is also true that the eighteenth century had a canon of texts that helped to ensure that naturalists were drawing from the same pool of terms. on the whole, the Latin words that were used to systematically classify stones were drawn from classical sources, particularly from Theophrastus’ De lapidibus or Pliny’s Historia naturalis. for example, at the start of his mineralogy lectures, Walker told his students that, ‘The number of genera is exceedingly extensive and it is proper that each should have a name, for this purpose many of the Classical names of Pliny are adopted.’13 Drawing from books XXXiii to XXXVii of Historia naturalis, it was quite common for mineralogists to adopt Latin-based names like ‘calcareous’, ‘gypseous’, ‘siliceous’, ‘steatite’ and ‘apyrite’.14 The vocabulary used by Theophrastus, Pliny and other classical naturalists also provided a common reference point for an y Introduction 11 Pr international community of naturalists who could usually read and write Latin.15 However, since early modern mineralogists experienced difficulties when they attempted to match their specimens to Plinian terms (as is the case even today), the same Latin names were often applied to completely different stones.16 a good example of this occurred with the term stannum. Throughout the early modern period, many european mining communities used this term to describe tin. Pliny, however, had used the term to describe lead-silver alloys. Thus, when the humanist Georg Agricola wrote his influential De Re Metallica (1556), he followed Pliny’s usage of the word, thereby creating a significant definitional difference that would confuse mineralogists and miners alike for the next two centuries.17 This type of situation happened with many Latin words and their cognates. even so, despite such hermeneutic problems, the words of classical authors were used over and over again by eighteenth-century naturalists. in many ways, their works served as de facto sourcebooks, or perhaps even codebooks, from which words or definitions were extracted by naturalists. although most naturalists drew their words from classical authors like Pliny and humanists like agricola, there were effectively two different schools of systematic mineralogy during the eighteenth century; each of which generated different commitments that not only affected how stones were classified, but also how words taken from Latin sources were defined. The first school gave priority to descriptions of morphological properties like shape, colour and texture. These were often called ‘natural’ features by eighteenth-century thinkers, while modern scholars have sometimes referred to them as ‘external’ features. one of the clearest applications of this approach occurred in the mineralogical sections of Linnaeus’ Systema Naturae. There he imported the morphologically-based Latin terms that he had used to classify plants.18 accordingly, a term like rhombus could not only be applied to the shape of a leaf, but also to the crystalline appearance of a mineral. Likewise, the term albus (white) could be used to describe a flower or a type of marble.19 This approach had several advantages. from a pragmatic perspective, it did not require any complicated equipment, save for those who made the extra effort to employ a magnifying glass or a microscope. Terminologically, it facilitated the transfer of helpful terms from botany into mineralogy. epistemologically, it harmonised with eighteenth-century notions of order, especially the idea that it was in principle possible to use the same method and vocabulary to classify all three kingdoms of nature. 15 indeed, at the university of edinburgh, students were required to write their medical dissertations in Latin all the way to the end of the eighteenth century. For the influence of medical Latin in england and in continental europe, see W. Bracke and h. Deumen (eds.), Medical Latin from the Late Middle Ages to the Eighteenth Century (Brussels: 2000). 16 D. E. Eichholz briefly treats this problem in the introduction to the Loeb edition of Pliny’s Naturalis Historia, Vol. X, Libri XXXVI–XXXVII (Cambridge, Mass.: 1962), ix–xv. 17 See george agricola, De Re Metallica (new york: 1950), 473 and f. 33. 18 Stearn (1973). 19 Stearn (1973), 311–357. oo f C op y 12 The Language of Mineralogy for more on the interaction of mineralogy and ‘chemistry’ in classical times, see K. C. Bailey (translator), The Elder Pliny’s Chapters on Chemical Subjects (London: 1932). f. greenaway, ‘Chemical Tests in Pliny’, in r. french and f. greenaway (eds.), Science in the Early Roman Empire (London: 1986), 147–161. The plethora of Pliny’s mineralogically based pharmaceutical formulas also attracted the attention of Walker’s colleagues in the medical school. even though Pliny gives numerous pharmacological recipes, he is critical about the state of pharmacology in rome. See §34.108. 21 Stearn (1973) addresses these chemical terms on pages 358–363. for the meaning and historical background of pharmaceutical terms, see W. e. flood, The Origins of Chemical Names (London: 1963); J. W. Cooper and a. C. McLaren, Latin for Pharmaceutical Students (London: 1950). 22 Pliny’s mineralogy is also briefly discussed in Roger French, Ancient Natural History (London: 1994), 233–240. 23 a. f. Cronstedt, Versuch einer Neuen Mineralogie aus dem Schwedischen Übersetzt (Kopenhagen: 1760). J. g. Wallerius, Minéralogie (Paris: 1753). 24 Tobern Bergman, Outlines of Mineralogy, (Birmingham: 1783). 20 Pr oo fC a second group of mineralogists, however, gave priority to the chemical properties associated with a mineral’s composition. Such an approach necessitated a working knowledge of chemistry and it was therefore more popular amongst those who were associated with medical schools and mining academies. This group held that morphologically orientated arrangements, including the one offered by Linnaeus, did not provide a vocabulary robust enough to create names for a mineralogical system based primarily on chemical properties. another source, therefore, was needed. in the end, that source turned out to be the vocabulary of chemistry. in this task they were once again aided by classical authors. Pliny, for example, used names associated with the compositional properties of stones in his Historia naturalis. Like his morphological terms, the words that he had used to describe the effects of heat and saline mixtures were taken up by chemists and interpreted within the realm of early modern chemistry.20 Pliny’s vocabulary also gave mineralogists words that could not only be used to describe individual minerals, but also as nomenclatural categories.21 it is for this reason that many of the names of species, genera, orders and classes in chemically based systems were drawn from corollaries in Pliny’s work.22 as will be shown in later chapters, the mid-century leaders of this type of chemical mineralogy were Johann Pott (1692–1777), axel fredrik Cronstedt (1722–65) and Johan gottschalk Wallerius (1709–85).23 in edinburgh, their mineralogical terms were promoted in the medical school and were further canonised in Britain after the english translation of Tobern Bergman’s Outlines of Mineralogy was published in 1783.24 although all three of these Swedes disagreed on several points, their vocabulary and methods of classification were based on chemistry and their works became a standard source for most of the chemists trained in edinburgh’s medical school. op y Introduction 13 Characters and Chemistry a ‘character’ was the name given to a property of a natural object that was in turn used for classificatory purposes. Notably, this category distinction was not only the domain of naturalists. it was also used throughout literate culture in the early modern period to refer to a distinguishing feature of a civilisation, doctrine or even a person – indeed the ‘Man of Character’ was frequently employed by moralists and politicians alike. for systematic mineralogy, however, there were two types of characters that were used to arrange stones: natural and artificial. Natural characters were names used to represent properties that were obtained by observing an object as it was found in nature. When addressing the morphological features of animals, plants and stones, the distinction ‘natural’ was also used interchangeably with the adjectives ‘physical’ and ‘external’, depending on the nomenclatural proclivity of a given classifier. Ascertaining natural characters employed all five of the senses. Sight, for example, generated colours and shapes. Touch indicated textures like friability and hardness, while smell was used to identify aromas produced by inflammable substances like coal, bitumen and sulphur. Different sounds were produced by striking different metals against each other and taste was an indicator of acidity or alkalinity. Such impressions upon the senses were generally interpreted within the larger philosophical school of idealism that dominated early modern conceptions of the mind. This tradition held that properties of objects were experienced through one of the five senses and conducted through the nerves to the mind where they then became ideas. once in the mind, simple primary ideas like colour and sourness could be combined with other ideas to produce more complex secondary ideas that had more properties.25 Artificial characters were names used to represent properties obtained by subjecting a natural object to a type of observation that changed its form or composition, with the end product being given the same epistemological weight as any other type of sensation impressed upon the mind. although such characters were sometimes discussed in botany and zoology, they were used frequently by mineralogists to describe the properties generated by chemical analysis; thereby creating a situation in which chemical properties were treated as artificial characters when they were used for classificatory purposes. As intimated above, the mineralogical systems created by professors in edinburgh were based on chemical properties, that is, artificial characters. As I show in chapter 4, each of these properties was called a character chemicus and they were listed in long tables in the medical school’s courses on chemistry, materia medica and natural history. Pr 25 The philosophy of mind taught in the university of edinburgh during the late eighteenth century is addressed in M. D. eddy, ‘The Medium of Signs: nominalism, Language and Classification in the Early Thought of Dugald Stewart’, SHPBBS, 37 (2006), 373–393. for a helpful treatment of the Lockean epistemology that permeated eighteenthcentury Britain at this time, see e. J. Lowe, Locke on Human Understanding (London: 1995) and John W. yolton, John Locke and the Way of Ideas (oxford: 1956). oo f C op y 14 The Language of Mineralogy Pr 26 Even though such characters were ubiquitous in mineralogical classifications used in medical schools and mining academies across europe, little attention has been given to how they were used to construct coherent and utile systems of drugs and stones. The reason for this oversight stems from the fact that early modern chemistry often has been treated as incoherent, irrational, and even mystical, by the Chemical revolution historiography. But, as the works of Principe, newman, holmes and others have shown in recent decades, such judgements do not consider the contexts and practices that guided the analysis of substances. Throughout the rest of this book i will build on this position, explaining salient practices and methods as needed. at this stage, however, it is necessary to give a succinct description of the type of ‘chymistry’ that was used to classify minerals during the enlightenment. Most mid eighteenth-century chemists held that all matter could be reduced to one of five basic categories: Water, Earth, Salt, Fire or Metal. Based on the work of Joseph Black, a sixth category of ‘air’ was tentatively added in the 1760s.26 as inferred above, the properties associated with each of these categories or their various combinations were often used by chemists as classification characters in mineralogical systems. By and large, the six categories were usually called ‘principles’, leading historians to call this form of matter theory ‘principle-based chemistry’.27 over the past few decades, scholars have differentiated the above principles from their colloquial usage via the capitalisation of their first letter.28 for example, the word ‘salt’ refers to the substance used to flavour food, whereas ‘Salt’ refers to a chemical principle. for reasons of clarity that will become more apparent in later chapters, i will use this practice throughout the rest of the book. from a twenty-first century perspective, the basic properties of the substances associated with the principles Water, Metal and air are probably the easiest to understand. Water engendered the fluid, aqueous properties of the kind that occur in rain, rivers, lakes and the ocean. Substances that contained Metal were distinguished by the metalline (or metallic) properties of hardness, shininess and malleability of the kind that occurs in gold, silver or copper. The aerial properties of Air were fluidity, transparency, tastelessness and aeriformity that, after the 1760s, were recognised to exist in gases like Vital air (oxygen) and fixed air (carbon dioxide). The addition of air occurs in manuscript students’ notes housed in the collections of the university of edinburgh, the Wellcome Trust and elsewhere. The most accessible printed version of these notes is Joseph Black, Notes from Doctor Black’s Lectures on Chemistry 1767/8 (Wilmslow: 1966). 27 Most chemists used these principles as a matter of course, but they were most clearly summarised in the popular textbooks of Pierre Joseph Macquer, Élémens de Chymie Théorique (Paris: 1749) and Elémens de Chymie-Pratique (Paris: 1751). 28 a good example of this practice occurs in David r. oldroyd ‘Some Phlogistic Mineralogical Schemes, illustrative of the evolution of the Concept of “earth” in the 17th and 18th Centuries’, AS, 31 (1974b), 269–306. oo fC op y Introduction 15 The Structure of the Book Chapter Outlines This book is not meant to be a definitive biography of Walker. My goals are much more modest. Since his work on mineralogy occurs at the nexus of chemistry and the nascent earth sciences, i focus on the aspects of his life and work that are relevant directly to these subjects. eighteenth-century chemistry and mineralogy are both extremely complex topics and i have devoted the better part of ten years to understanding how they interacted and to developing a narrative that clearly communicates such interactions to a twenty-first century reader. The result is a study that connects the classification practices of chemistry to much larger issues like the age of the earth, medical theories and pedagogical settings. Like so many of his contemporaries, Walker was extremely active throughout his entire life. in order to help locate him within Scotland’s culture of natural history, Chapter 1 presents a brief overview of his career. Special emphasis given over to his role as a traveller, teacher and clubbable naturalist, in other words, topics that would later affect his views on the material composition of the earth. i point out that, as a traveller, he not only visited key mineralogical sites in the Lowlands, highlands and hebrides, but he also toured england in search of ‘fossils’ and other naturalia. as he was keen to share his knowledge with others, he joined many of edinburgh’s academic societies and advised Scotland’s most powerful patrons. This created a network that he eventually This definition was offered countless times in William Cullen’s lectures and was even used by William Withering in his translation of Bergman (1783), §20. See Cullen’s discussion of Salts in L. Dobbin, ‘a Cullen Manuscript of 1753’, AS, 1 (1936), 138–156. 29 Pr oo f C op The final three principles, that is, Salt, Earth and Fire, do not map as well onto modern notions associated with material properties. at the most basic level, the principle of Fire, or Inflammability, was thought to exist in all substances that burned or generated heat. Determining whether fire was the cause or medium of flammability engendered fruitful debates up into the early nineteenth century, when the oxygen theory of combustion finally gained hegemonic status. Although much attention has been given over to the role played by the principle of fire from the 1770s to 1790s (especially in regard to its connection with phlogiston), the principle of Salt was equally as important. its saline properties of were sapidity (taste-ness), non-flammability and miscibility with water.29 notably, the property of sapidity was used to distinguish between acids and alkalis, the two basic types of Salt. finally, the terrene (or terrestrial) properties of Earth were opaqueness, insipidity and insolubility in water. as the eighteenth-century progressed, the notion of one overarching base (or primeval) earth dissipated and several different types of subgroupings were proposed. These were often called ‘Primary earths’ and i address them in Chapter 3 and then again in the first half of Chapter 4. y 16 The Language of Mineralogy used to make a successful bid for edinburgh’s chair of natural history. he held this post from 1779 to 1803 and during his tenure he taught hundreds of students and proceeded to build one of the largest natural history museums in europe. having reviewed Walker’s career, Chapter 2 moves on to examine how he was taught to view material structures with a chemical gaze. Since he would go on to use chemical characters to construct the mineralogical system that shaped his views of geology, this chapter summarises his chemical education and the techniques that he used to analyse the composition of stones and mineral water. Walker entered the university of edinburgh in 1744 with the intent of becoming a Church of Scotland minister. however, after taking several medical classes, he turned his eyes to natural history upon the encouragement of the chemist William Cullen and the savant lawyer Lord Kames.30 Walker was ordained after Cullen taught him chemistry, but he continued to nurture his scientific interests by becoming a parson naturalist who wrote papers for edinburgh’s societies. one of these papers was eventually published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London in 1757 and the last part of the chapter uses this article, along with his manuscript notes, to reconstruct his knowledge of chemical experimentation. here i underscore the fact that chemistry engendered the characters, namely those associated with composition, that were then used by Walker and other Scottish naturalists to classify stones and minerals. Chapter 3 explores the making of an eighteenth-century naturalist by explaining how Walker used his knowledge of chemistry and patronage networks to foster an early career that would later justify his appointment to edinburgh’s chair of natural history. In particular, I focus upon the travels, collections, patrons and classification systems that made this possible. using the commonplace-book that he kept from the 1760s to 1770s, i begin by reconstructing the tours that he took in the Lowlands, Highlands and Hebrides. As these tours were financed by the Board of Annexed estates, the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge and the Church of Scotland, i then turn my attention to how Walker used his connections with the Scottish aristocracy (especially the earl of Bute), landed gentry and edinburgh’s literati (namely Lord Kames) to secure his appointments and to further his career as a naturalist. I also outline the rudimentary chemical classification system that he used to arrange the ‘fossils’ (rocks) that he collected and which formed the basis for his future research into the structure of the earth. using student notes taken in Walker’s lectures from the 1780s and 1790s, Chapter 4 offers a clear summary of his mineralogy course by first explaining his chemical classification methods and then by giving an account of the system (of nineteen classes) that he taught to his students. The final chapter focuses on 30 henry home was appointed ordinary lord of the session in 1752 and this was when he took the title of ‘Lord Kames’. See Kames’ ODNB entry. for more on Kames’ life and his circle, see i. S. ross, Lord Kames and the Scotland of His Day (oxford: 1972). a. f. Tytler [Lord Woodhouselee]. Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Honourable Henry Home of Kames, Vols. 1 & 2 (edinburgh: 1807). Sher (1985). Pr oo fC op y Introduction 17 Appendices Pr 31 Since Walker lived in the apogee of principle-based chemistry, and because he taught in one of the leading centres of its distribution, I will employ the definitions and nomenclature that he and his colleagues used to frame my discussion of the inanimate world. although Walker and contemporary chemists like Black and Bergman lived at the time that the new ‘french’ nomenclature was published, they were extremely sceptical of it.31 even had they accepted it in its entirety, it took around three decades for it to become a coherent and standardised system. This being the case, some of the chapter sections on Walker’s chemistry are rather for Sweden, see a. Lundgren, ‘The new nomenclature in Sweden: The Debate that Wasn’t’, Osirus, (1988), 4, 146–168. for Scotland, see a. Donovan, ‘Scottish responses to the new Chemistry of Lavoisier’, SVEC, (1979), 9, 237–249. oo f Walker’s geology. i use his personal notes and lectures to argue that eighteenthcentury Scottish geology was founded firmly upon the methods, nomenclature and texts of systematic chemistry and mineralogy. i show that he ordered the earth’s outermost layers in to three types of strata: primary, secondary and tertiary. Though the existence of this classification scheme has been mentioned by several historians, its link to chemistry generally has been overlooked. i underscore that the key to this tripartite nomenclature was what Walker called the character chemicus, that is, the material composition of the strata and the strength of the affinity bonds believed to exist between the particles contained in the stones. using this as a starting point, he then employed other physical properties to establish the earth’s age and to link the ‘extraneous’ content of the strata (that is, fossilised organic remains) with a canon of texts that addressed both the history of civilisation and natural history. Such a hierarchy of data challenges the picture presented by most studies of this time period that have given historiographic priority to the physical alignment of strata, thereby bracketing the dynamic classification practices that linked nascent geology to the laboratory, in situ experimentation and the early modern canon of works that addressed the composition of minerals. i conclude by reemphasising that the language of natural history used by Walker and his contemporaries was based on a rich vocabulary that helped them to order the natural world into meaningful categories. Such a situation ensured that systematics was an exciting enterprise full of disagreement and debate. in principle, cultural commitments to natural order motivated them to classify objects, but, in practice, classification categories were not necessarily fixed. Since the historiography of eighteenth-century systematics, both for animate and inanimate objects, has shied away from the practices that affected the language of natural history, my study suggests that much more work needs to be done on the subject; not only in relation to well known names like Linnaeus, James hutton and Buffon, but also for those like Walker who have been unduly ignored. C op y 18 The Language of Mineralogy detailed. readers more interested in his role as a traveller and teacher may wish to skip over them, since knowledge of their content, though relevant, is not needed to follow the broad social contours of Walker’s career as a naturalist. even so, historians of the physical sciences may occasionally wish to know how the language of eighteenth-century substances connects with our modern understanding of seemingly exotic terms like ‘Salt of iron’ and ‘Calcareous earth’. although space has prevented me from discussing this point in the following chapters, appendix i is a table of rough equivalents that link eighteenth-century chemical terms to those used by modern chemists. it is based upon my own work and that of Jon eklund and a. M. Duncan.32 This list is followed by two more appendices that address the chemical terms of this book. Appendix II is the classification of Salts that William Cullen gave his students during the 1750s and appendix iii is a list of the experiments that Walker conducted on hartfell Spa early in his career. The relevance of these three appendices will become clearer as the book progresses, but it will suffice to say here that they will most likely be of use to those interested in the history of chemical vocabulary and the logic of experimental practices. The next two appendices are mineralogical in nature. appendix iV is a table of the basic classification categories used by chemically based mineralogies from the 1730s to 1760s. Although special focus is given to the authors that influenced Walker’s career, it also serves as a helpful guide to the sources that influenced his Scottish, Swedish, german, french and Dutch contemporaries. Moving forward in time, appendix V is a table of the different classes that Walker used to make his own mineralogical systems from the 1770s to the 1790s. Torbern Bergman’s classes are also included so that Walker’s system can be compared to that of a contemporary, and influential, chemist. Since Walker’s knowledge of chemistry, mineralogy and geology benefited greatly from personal contacts with mentors, patrons and students, the last two appendices address the social context of his career. appendix Vi is a chronological list of Walker’s extant correspondence. It lists letters to and from well-known figures characteristically associated with the Scottish enlightenment, as well as letters from notable naturalists like Carl Linnaeus, Thomas Pennant, Sir Joseph Banks and Sir richard Pultney. Just as important, the list also includes the names of former students who went on to be colonial administrators, ambassadors and professors. The final appendix is an alphabetical list of Walker’s students. It contains the names of over eight hundred students for whom there is a written record of attendance, many of whom would go on to be leading european and north american scientists in the early nineteenth century. Pr 32 Jon eklund, The Incompleat Chymist (Washington DC: 1975). See a. M. Duncan’s appendices i and ii in Torbern Bergman, A Dissertation on Elective Attractions, Second Edition [original 1785] (London: 1970). oo fC op y Introduction 19 Pr figure 0.2 oo f ‘Map of Scotland’, in robert Jameson, Mineralogical Travels through the Hebrides, Orkney and Shetland Islands, and Mainland of Scotland, with Dissertations upon Peat and Kelp, (edinburgh: a. Constable & Co., 1813), opposite frontispiece. C op y Pr oo fC op y Chapter 1 Who Was John Walker? The Life of a notable naturalist Introduction Pr oo 1 rev. Dr. John Walker was the university of edinburgh’s regius Professor of natural history from 1779 until his death in 1803. During his tenure he taught hundreds of students, many of whom went on become notable scientists, both in Britain and its colonies.2 over the past two hundred years the importance of his career has been emphasised by historians, sociologists, economists, geographers and scientists, but, to date, a book-length study has not been devoted to his life and work. although i will draw upon many of these authors, it is the goal of this study to address Walker as an eighteenth-century thinker and as a member of edinburgh’s culture of natural history. it should perhaps be noted, therefore, that Walker considered himself to be a ‘naturalist’, that is, a person who was knowledgeable of the texts, methods and spaces of natural history. as he once stated, ‘But neither here, nor in the closet, nor in the best furnished Museum, can any one ever expect to become a thorough naturalist. The objects of nature themselves must be sedulously examined in their native state. The fields of the Mountains must be harvested, the woods and waters must be explored.’3 J. Johnson, A Guide for Gentlemen Studying Medicine at the University of Edinburgh (London: 1792), 72–73. 2 here i use the word ‘scientist’ only to refer to its later Victorian meaning, especially since the word was not coined until the 1840s by William Whewell: ‘We need very much a name to describe a cultivator of science in general. i should incline to call him a Scientist.’ The Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences, Founded upon Their History, Vol. I. (London: 1840), 113. 3 John Walker, ‘a general View of its Literary history’, Notes and Lectures on Natural History (1789a) euL gen 50 ff. 40–41. fC op y Dr. Walker gives a valuable and interesting course of natural history, calculated for the attention of gentlemen in general, and of the students of medicine in particular. His observations on meteorology and mineralogy, are particularly valuable … The exalted views of nature, which Dr. Walker’s course affords, ought to recommend to every student.1 22 The Language of Mineralogy As I will show throughout this book, Walker was an extremely motivated figure who maintained contacts with some of the most influential naturalists and patrons of late eighteenth-century Scotland. in this chapter, however, i wish only to set the stage by sketching the intellectual and institutional context that allowed him to become both a notable naturalist and, later, edinburgh’s professor of natural history. i begin with a concise outline of his career and then move on to summarise his overarching research interests. Throughout his life Walker built an extremely supportive network of patrons, correspondents, and students, and the last two sections explore this aspect of his career in more detail, with special focus being given to the role that he played as a sociable naturalist, the content of his natural history course and the relationships that he fostered with his students. Becoming a Natural Historian 4 John Walker Senior was a schoolmaster and a Session Clerk of Canongate. He first taught at Leith grammar School and then moved to the Canongate grammar School just outside of edinburgh. it should perhaps be mentioned here that the most comprehensive biography of Walker was published by the nineteenth-century naturalist William Jardine as ‘Memoir of John Walker, D.D.’, in William Jardine, The Natural History of Birds of Great Britain and Ireland, Part 3 (edinburgh: Lizars 1842), 17–50. 5 i am grateful to roger emerson (private communication) for providing these dates to me. 6 Walker’s time in southern Scotland is treated in george Thomson, ‘John Walker, an th 18 Century naturalist – his Life and Times in the rural Parish of Moffat’, TDGNHD, 72 (1997), 97–107. 7 Walker’s PSe membership is recorded in John Murray (ed.), The Medical Register for the Year 1779 (London: Murray, 1779), 161. emerson states that Walker joined the PSe circa 1755. roger L. emerson, ‘The Philosophical Society of edinburgh 1748–1768’, BJHS, 14 (1981), 133–176, see especially page 175. Since the two would later go on to be friends, it is perhaps worth noting that Walker joined the PSe around the same time that Joseph Black, another student of Cullen, became a member. Pr oo John Walker received his secondary education at Canongate high School, edinburgh.4 There he was taught to read Latin and greek and in 1744 he entered the university of edinburgh where he probably took arts courses and then moved on to study in the divinity faculty from 1748 to 1752.5 During his studies he also attended the lectures of andrew Plummer on chemistry, John Steuart (Stewart) on natural philosophy and, most probably, Charles alston on materia medica. After he finished his formal university education, he was licensed to preach by the Presbytery of Kirkudbright in 1754 and was then appointed minister of glencorse in 1758 (the latter being located in the Pentland hills, just seven miles south of edinburgh).6 Even though he had to fulfil pastoral duties in these two posts, he spent a great deal of time in edinburgh. in the mid-1750s he joined the city’s internationally acclaimed Philosophical Society (PSe) and studied chemistry with William Cullen, edinburgh’s new Professor of Chemistry.7 fC op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 23 Pr oo The spa was on a plot of land owned by the earl of hopetoun and Walker seized the opportunity to perform a series of chemical experiments on its waters.10 he wrote up his results in an article that was published in the 1757 volume of the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London.11 Since he identified several commodifiable materials in the water, it made the well more attractive to 8 Throughout the rest of the book, i use the term ‘literati’ loosely to signify the members of edinburgh’s various academic clubs and societies who usually had attended university at some point or who had the financial means to travel and hire tutors. See Richard Sher, Church and University in the Scottish Enlightenment (edinburgh: 1985). 9 alexander Brown, ‘Parish of Moffat’, in John Sinclair (ed.), A Statistical Account of Scotland Vol. 2, (edinburgh: 1799), 285–298. Quotation taken from page 289. Brown also mentions that Walker was generally credited for accurately measuring the height of hartfell Mountain. 10 John, second earl of hopetoun (1704–81) and his son James (1741–1816), who was styled the Lord hope in 1766. M. D. eddy, ‘James hope Johnstone, Third earl of hopetoun (1741–1816)’, ODNB (oxford, 2004). 11 John Walker, ‘an account of a new Medicinal Well, Lately Discovered in Moffat’, PT, 50 (1758), 117–47. fC There is a large and beautiful plain, upon the top of hartfell [Mountain], of extent enough for a horse race. The prospect on a clear day is immense: Westmoreland, Cumberland, and northumberland, are seen on the south; the ocean, both on the east and west, and, to the north, the view is terminated by the highland hills. There is a spring well near the top of the mountain. The spring, called hartfell Spaw, issues from the foot of it.9 op under Cullen’s guidance, Walker improved his knowledge of chemical analysis, travelled around the Lowlands and began to conduct his own experiments on marls and mineral wells. in particular, Cullen taught Walker how to gravimetrically track the chemical decomposition of substances – especially those which were contained in minerals that were relevant to agriculture, mining, and materia medica. in addition to teaching Walker chemistry, Cullen encouraged him to meet influential members of Edinburgh’s literati.8 Walker took this advice seriously and soon managed to cultivate a relationship with henry home, Lord Kames. Like Cullen, Kames was impressed by Walker’s erudition. During the late 1750s Walker’s intellectual circle widened and in 1759 he met Benjamin franklin when he visited the city. Yet, even though Walker was rubbing shoulders with Edinburgh’s influential professors and savants, he still did not have a clerical post that paid very much money. This led him to search for a larger church that was close to edinburgh. he settled his hopes on the moderately sized town of Moffat, Dumfrieshire, and he began to visit it on a frequent basis. for a naturalist, the town offered many amenities, including hartfell Mountain, which was described in the following manner by rev. alexander Brown during the 1790s: y 24 The Language of Mineralogy 12 glencorse paid him around £40 per annum. Brown states that the stipend was 100 guineas per annum during the 1790s. Brown (1799), 297. 13 emerson (1981), 175. Walker read a paper at the glasgow Literary Society in 1765 on barometric measurements taken at high altitudes and another in 1770 on the island of inchcolm (located in the firth of forth). 14 alexander Small thought that the post was worth £160 per annum and that it would give Walker time ‘to pursue his favourite study’ of natural history. alexander Small to george Clerk, 1767, naS 18/4103. 15 29 october 1765, John ellis to Linnaeus, in J. e. Smith, A Selection of Correspondence of Linnaeus (new york: 1978), 180. originally published in 1821. William Walison to richard Pultney, 29 october 1765, nLS acc. 9533 no. 314. 16 The observations of these travels were published late in his life or even posthumously. See John Walker, ‘an essay on Peat, Containing an account of its origin, of its Chymical Principles and general Properties’, PETHSS, 2 (1803), 1–137; ‘on the Cattle and Corn of the highlands’, PETHSS, 2 (1803), 164–203; ‘extracts on the natural, Commercial, and economical history of the herring’, PETHSS, 2 (1803), 270–304; ‘on the natural history of the Salmon’, PETHSS, 2 (1803), 346–376. These essays were re-edited and added to other works that he had written during the entire course of his career in John Walker, Essays on Natural History and Rural Economy (edinburgh, 1808) and An Economical History of the Hebrides and Highlands of Scotland (edinburgh: 1808). 17 John Walker, ‘an account of the irruption of Solway Moss’, PT, 62 (1772), 123– 127. Pr oo f C tourists. hopetoun was no doubt pleased with Walker’s conclusions and in 1762 he appointed Walker to be the minister of Moffat.12 During the 1760s Walker continued to participate in PSe meetings as well as those held by the glasgow Literary Society and the Select Society.13 Based on his rising reputation, he was asked to make an official report on the economic and educational resources of the highlands and hebrides in 1764. his journey was supported by Scotland’s Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge, the Board of annexed estates and the general assembly of the Church of Scotland. Chapter 4 will address this tour in detail, but for now it will suffice to say that the endeavour involved over 3,000 miles of travel and resulted in him being appointed to make several more journeys over the next fifteen years, including another substantial northern trip in 1771. Despite the success of his first trip, it did not lead immediately to a secure academic appointment. after returning from his 1764 travels, Walker made an unsuccessful bid for the Professorship of Civil history at the university of St andrews.14 This left him demoralized and he considered emigrating to the north american colonies. Through the encouragement of Cullen, as well as Lord Kames and his wife Mrs agatha home Drummond, however, he stayed. he spent the rest of the 1760s actively courting academic and political patrons. in particular, he went to London in 1765 to visit the earl of Bute’s library, to meet fellow Scottish naturalists and to see specimens housed in the British Museum.15 he also took several more trips around Lowland Scotland16 and published a second article in the Philosophical Transactions.17 op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 25 Smellie’s role as a scientific author and publisher is addressed in Stephen Brown, ‘William Smellie and the Culture of the edinburgh Book Trade’, in Paul Wood (ed.), The Culture of the Book in the Scottish Enlightenment (Toronto: university of Toronto Press, 2000), 61–88; and in Stephen Brown, ‘William Smellie and natural history: Dissent and Dissemination’, in Charles W. J. Withers and Paul Wood (eds.), Science and Medicine in the Scottish Enlightenment (east Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2002), 191–215. 19 Since i have encountered several contradictory statements as to the location of Walker’s chair, i must emphasise here that it was attached to the medical school. This is clearly stated on several university publications, including Catalogus librorum (edinburghi: 1798). See the ‘faCuLTaS MeDiCa in academia edinburgena, ut nunc se habet, a. D. 1798’ entry on page 64 of the book’s back matter. The context of Walker’s appointment is treated in two articles by Steven Shapin: ‘Property, Patronage, and the Politics of Science: The founding of the royal Society of edinburgh’, BJHS, 7 (1974b), 1–41 and ‘The audience for Science in eighteenth Century edinburgh’, HS, 12 (1974a), 95–121. The political wrangling for the chair is also treated in Jardine (1842), 42–47. for the political context of patronage in Scotland, see edward g. andrew, Patrons of Enlightenment (Toronto: 2006). 20 ‘Presentation of the earl of Lauderdale in favour of Doctor John Walker’, 8 July 1782, euL La.iii.352/1 f. 54. This top-down appointment angered the parishioners of Colinton and half of them left the church. Such appointments handed down by patrons remained a point of frustration in Scotland and eventually became one of the catalysts that led the church to split during the nineteenth century. 21 The couple eventually took a residence in the city. Thomas aitchison’s A Directory of Edinburgh, Leith, Musslebrugh and Dalkeith (edinburgh: 1795), 181, lists the following under the edinburgh ‘W’ entries: ‘Walker rev. Dr. John prof. of nat. history, St John’s street’. They were without issue when Walker died. Pr oo fC 18 op over a decade after his unsuccessful bid for the St. andrews post, Walker’s luck changed. During mid 1770s Robert Ramsay, Edinburgh’s first Professor of Natural history, became terminally ill and Walker mounted a full-scale political battle for the post. his main opponent was William Smellie, the well-established edinburgh publisher and naturalist.18 in the end, Walker was appointed to the regius Chair of natural history in 1779. Keeping with subject’s long ties to materia medica, the post was attached to the medical school.19 Since the city of Edinburgh had several unofficial natural history lecturers at the time, most notably Smellie, Walker needed time to build his reputation so that his course could compete in the educational marketplace. This ambition was initially delayed, as his base salary was low and he did not have enough money to move to edinburgh. from 1779 to 1782 he was forced to remain in Moffat, thereby making it impossible for him to lecture. This situation persisted until other acts of political manoeuvring motivated the earl of Lauderdale in 1782 to appoint him to be the minister of Colinton, a location that was only a few miles southwest of the city.20 Colinton’s close proximity to edinburgh allowed Walker to inaugurate his teaching duties and to seriously court Jane Wauchope of niddrie. They then married in 1789.21 y 26 The Language of Mineralogy Drawing on his past thirty years of research and travel, Walker crafted a wideranging natural history course that proved to be very popular with edinburgh’s students and literati. for all of his lectures, he did a great deal of reading, as was noted by Lord Woodhouselee in his posthumous biography of Lord Kames: it was [Walker’s] custom, for a great part of his life to indulge himself in nocturnal study; seldom feeling the resolution to quit his books and papers till four or five o’clock in the morning, and of course passing the best part of the day in bed; a practice which destroyed a good constitution, and the end was attended with the total loss of eyesight, for the last six or seven years of his life.22 Pr although his lectures were wide-ranging, mineralogy was his favourite subject. During the 1780s he published several pamphlet-style syllabi for his students that addressed mineralogical classification and by the 1790s he had devoted the largest part of his lectures to the subject. in time, his knowledge on subterranean matters became widely recognised, so much so that he was asked to give advice on coal prospecting to Colonel Dirom, the Quarter Master general of Scotland.25 near the end of his career, he created more room for his mineralogy lectures by eliminating the subject of botany altogether. additionally, in the early 1790s he expanded 22 Thomas Murray, The Parish of Colinton (edinburgh: 1863), 67. This quotation is taken from alexander fraser Tytler, (Lord Woodhouselee] Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Honourable Henry Home of Kames (edinburgh: 1809). 23 hugo arnot, The History of Edinburgh (edinburgh: 1816). 24 alexander Bower, The History of the University of Edinburgh from 1756 to 1829, Vol. II (edinburgh: 1830), 221. 25 John Walker, Letter to Colonel Dirom, Quarter Master General of Scotland, on the discovery of Coal (edinburgh: 1800). oo i readily confess, that when i knew him he was advanced in years. his manner and conversation was then considerably formal, and i am strongly inclined to think it had always pretty much partaken of that cast. There was, however, at the same time an ingenious simplicity and candour in the whole of his deportment which much interested every spectator, or those who transacted business with him.24 fC op The breadth of his course made him popular among students from all the faculties. as can be seen in his entry in hugo arnot’s widely read A History of Edinburgh (1816), Walker was an influential Edinburgh figure during his professorial tenure.23 indeed, of all the academic biographies given for each member of the medical school, John Walker’s was the largest. in addition to giving students personal and professional advice, he was endowed with a forthright personality – a quality much admired in Scotland at the time. When writing about Walker in his multi-volumed history of the university of edinburgh, for example, alexander Bower observed: y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 27 the lectures to include the marls and ‘soils’ that were of interest to farmers and landowners. By the time robert Jameson succeeded him as professor in 1803, the Chair of natural history had become synonymous with mineralogy and geology.26 Scientific Interests Throughout his entire career, Walker remained keenly interested in botany and agriculture.27 His adolescent thoughts on plants were influenced by the work of John ray and Charles alston and as early as 1750 he collected and cultivated specimens from Canon Mill Bog near edinburgh. over the next three decades he planted gardens, assembled a herbarium, and amassed a sizable collection of field notes.28 in addition to identifying new species, he was especially interested in botanical hydrostatics and made one of the earliest known attempts to identify the different genera of aquatic algae.29 To arrange his specimens, he turned to Linnaeus’ binomial nomenclature. During the 1760s, Walker exchanged letters with Linnaeus and then successfully nominated the Swede to membership in the PSe. This nomination, combined with Walker’s superior knowledge of Scottish peat moss, grasses, grains, lichens, willows and various materia medica simples, established him as a notable British botanist. for the rest of the century his advice was sought by leading naturalists, including Thomas Pennant, Sir richard Pultney, the earl of Bute and Sir Joseph Banks. indeed, the gardens that he created on the Sometime during the late 1790s, Jameson had started to do much of the teaching on account of Walker’s increasing blindness. Three years before Walker died, Jameson dedicated his Mineralogy of the Scottish Isles (edinburgh: 1800) to his former teacher. on page iv, he gushed the following: ‘This volume of the outline of the mineralogy of the Scottish isles, is dedicated, as a testimony of the great regard and esteem of his much obliged pupil’. although Jameson published many high quality mineralogy articles and books, his life has been overshadowed by his efforts to restrict the use of the university of edinburgh’s natural history museum. See The house of Commons, Report Made to His Majesty by a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the State of the Universities of Scotland (London: 1831), 78–82. 27 Charles W. J. Withers, ‘a neglected Scottish agriculturalist: the ‘georgical Lectures’ and the agricultural Writings of rev. Dr. John Walker (1731–1803)’, AHR, 33 (1985), 132–143. 28 Many of his loose-leaf field notes are housed in the University of Edinburgh’s Walkerian Collection. 29 r. K. greville, Algæ Britanicae (edinburgh: 1830). g. Taylor, ‘John Walker, D.D., f.r.S.e. 1731–1803. notable Scottish naturalist’, TBSE, 28 (1959), 180–203. it is possible that algae formed a common point of interest for Walker and other Scottish naturalists during the 1760s and 1770s. The aberdeen physician and naturalist David Skene (1731– 70), for example, assembled a volume of pressed specimens entitled ‘Cryptogamia and algae’. although Skene’s specimen list is not dated, he had settled in aberdeen in 1753 and so it was probably written between the mid 1750s and 1770. See auL S.473. 26 Pr oo f C op y figure 1.1 ‘a Prospect View of the eastern Side of the Castle’, in William Maitland, The History of Edinburgh, from Its Foundation to the Present Time (edinburgh: 1753). figure 1.2 ‘a Plan of the Town and Suburbs of edinburgh’, alexander Kincaid, The History of Edinburgh, from the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time (Edinburgh: 1787). Walker’s classroom was not confined to the University buildings featured in the middle the map above. The minerals of Castle hill and Salisbury ‘rocks’ were only a short walk away. 30 The Language of Mineralogy 30 george Johnston, My Journal of a Ten Days’ Journey [into Scotland] (with Flower Specimens) [September 1844], Berwick-on-Tweed Borough Museum, BnC BrW/MSS, f. 43. i thank Jay Bosanquet for these references. Walker’s legacy continued well into the nineteenth century. for example, he was given an entry in S. austin allibone’s A Critical Dictionary of English Literature and British and American Authors, Vol. III (Philadelphia: 1871). 31 Paul White, ‘The Purchase of Knowledge: James edward Smith and the Linnaean Collections’, Endeavour, 23 (1999), 126–129. William T. Stearn, ‘James edward Smith (1759–1828): first President of the Linnean Society and his herbarium’, Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society, 96 (1988), 199–216. Smith went on to publish numerous works on botany, some of which include Flora Britannica, 3 Vols. (Londini: 1800-1804) and The English Flora (London: 1826–1830). 32 T. g. Vallance, ‘Jupiter Botanicus in the Bush: robert Brown’s australian fieldwork, 1801–1805’, Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales, 112 (1990), 49–86. D. J. Mabberley, ‘robert Brown on Pterocymbium’, ANH, 13 (1986), 307–12. Pr oo property of his Moffat manse were still being visited by naturalists up to the middle of the nineteenth century. a case in point occurs in the diary of george Johnston, the founder of the ray Society. When he visited the site during the 1840s, he lamented that the garden had not been maintained by the local inhabitants. in particular, he noted that ‘it was painful to think that my favourite naturalist [Walker] should leave no trace of reputation behind him. Sic transit – but the successor of this naturalist had made the existence of the trees, which he planted and reared with a lover’s care, even as short as his own memory: they were nowhere to be seen. – i left the garden displeased.’30 By the time Walker started lecturing in the university, he had created a unique classification of Scottish plants from which his botanical lectures drew freely. Thus, though he did not publish a systematic botanical text, his ideas were bequeathed orally to his students. in particular, he developed a close relationship with James edward Smith, future founder of the Linnean Society of London.31 They shared an interest in willows (salix) and they took fieldtrips around the Lowlands, including an excursion to the garden that Walker had planted in Moffat. Likewise, Walker encouraged robert Brown’s early research, which eventually led Brown to write a highly influential work on the movement of particles through botanical fluids (Brownian motion).32 after Walker died, Charles Stewart (another former student) gathered together several of his botanical manuscripts and edited them into two books entitled An Economical History of the Hebrides (1808) and Essays on Natural History and Rural Economy (1812). These essays were recommended as important botanical reference books in Scotland in the early nineteenth century. Like the work of so many eighteenth-century Scottish naturalists, however, Walker’s books soon had to compete against the dizzying number of botanical texts that exploded from the new steam presses in the 1820s. in 1829, this situation motivated george Johnson to write, ‘Essays on Natural History by John Walker fC op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 31 Pr 33 george Johnston, Flora of Berwickshire, Vol II, Cryptogamous Plants (edinburgh: 1831), 322. See also pages 323–324. 34 See Scott’s ‘introduction’, in John Walker, Lectures on Geology (London: 1966). J. ritchie, ‘natural history and the emergence of geology in the Scottish universities’, TEGS, 15 (1952), 297–316. 35 although much attention has been given to hutton’s geological theory, he was also a keen mineralogist. This point is made by Jean Jones in the following articles: ‘James hutton and the forth and Clyde Canal’, AS, 39 (1982), 255–63; ‘James hutton: exploration and oceanography’, AS, 40 (1983), 81–94; ‘The geological Collection of James hutton’, AS, 41 (1984), 223–44; ‘James hutton’s agricultural research and his Life as a farmer’, AS, 42 (1985), 573–601. oo f D.D. edinburgh 1808, 8vo [octavo] – an excellent work, much neglected by those who have subsequently written on the flora of Scotland.’33 although Walker was a keen botanist, he was an even more enthusiastic mineralogist.34 as a child and later as a university student he had collected minerals in the Pentland hills and on the firth of forth. When he became a young cleric he continued to collect and later began to assay soil samples. unlike his botanical system, he forsook Linnaeus’ use of natural characters (based primarily on colour and shape) and turned to chemical characters. in following this path, he aligned himself with the work of Cullen, Joseph Black and other medical school chemists, and with the mineralogical research tradition led by Johann gottschalk Wallerius, axel Cronstedt and Torbern olaf Bergman in Sweden. from the 1760s to the 1780s, Cullen, Lord Kames and the earl of Bute helped him acquire specimens for his collection and mineralogy books for his library. During this period he also served as a scientific advisor in the mines of the Hopetoun and Cathcart families. By the time that he started lecturing, he had created his own mineralogical system which consisted of eighteen classes that were based on chemical characters. as will be shown in subsequent chapters, over the next twenty years he added, removed and renamed mineralogical species, genera, orders and classes based upon his own experiments, those conducted by colleagues in the medical school, or those presented in recent books, articles or museum catalogues. although he was constantly tinkering with his system, his views on the classification of minerals can be traced via the nomenclatural headings listed in the syllabi that he had printed for his lectures; the titles of which were Schediasma Fossilium (1781), Delineatio Fossilium (1782) and Classes Fossilium (1787). By 1795 his system contained nineteen classes and references to hundreds of sources printed in europe and america. Based on his collection and his system, his mineralogical expertise was readily acknowledged in Scotland and abroad. Joseph Black, for example, regularly recommended Walker’s course to his own chemistry students and James hutton and John Playfair, two of edinburgh’s geological theorists, also attended his lectures.35 Like his work on botany, the specifics of Walker’s mineralogical system were given to his students orally in lectures. C op y 32 The Language of Mineralogy Walker’s chemical approach to minerals strongly influenced how he viewed the form and structure of the globe. in his geological lectures, he taught that the surface of the earth consisted of three different types of strata: primary, secondary and tertiary. The minerals of primary strata were indurated and exhibited strong bonds of chemical affinity similar to those formed by the cement used by Edinburgh’s farmers and masons. Secondary strata contained softer minerals with weaker bonds of affinity. Tertiary strata consisted of organic remains (like peat moss) and sedimentary formations, either from river silt or mountain debris. as such, they exhibited little to no affinity. Interacting with the strata of the globe were aerial and aqueous fluids and Walker addressed these substances in his hydrology and meteorology lectures. in particular, like many medically trained naturalists of his time (including Hutton), he held that water both percolated through and flowed over the earth in a fashion analogous to circulation. Since much of the chemistry in edinburgh’s medical school utilised humid analysis, (that is, aqueous or saline fluids which were often called ‘menstrua’), this created a direct link between material transformations that took place on the earth’s surface and those within the human body. Thus, as i have shown elsewhere, many of the mineralogical terms that Walker introduced into geology were imported from the medically orientated chemistry of Cullen and Black.36 This connection was by no means unique and it was practiced by many of the authors listed in Walker’s reading lists, including Wallerius, Cronstedt and Bergman. as i will show in Chapter 5, such an overriding commitment to humid analysis also led Walker (as well as Black) to conclude that primary strata had originally formed from some sort of prehistoric aqueous solution that had subsequently hardened. This solution was not equated with the biblical flood and, as it occurred before written history, it was hard to determine its temporal framework. as a general rule, most Scottish naturalists of Walker’s generation treated any theory which sought to postulate the pre-primary strata composition of the globe as conjecture, as no empirical evidence existed to support it. Walker advanced this cosmological agnosticism in his lectures. in his private papers, however, he entertained the possibility that causal irregularities may have affected the earth’s form and composition before recorded history. again, i will discuss this in more detail in Chapter 5. Walker also maintained a strong interest in what today would be called anthropology.37 for the Lowland Scots at this time, the gaelic language and rustic customs of the highland and hebrides clans were sometimes just as foreign as those of native americans or east asians. When Walker travelled through these areas in 1764 and 1771 he took detailed notes not only on the flora and fauna, 36 M. D. eddy, ‘Set in Stone: Medicine and the Vocabulary of Mineralogy in eighteenth-Century Scotland’ in D. M. Knight and M. D. eddy (eds.), Science and Beliefs (aldershot: 2005), 77–94. 37 henare treats Walker’s interests on this topic as being ‘proto-anthropological’. See amiria J. M. henare, Museums, Anthropology and Imperial Exchange (Cambridge: 2005), 78. Pr oo fC op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 33 but also on local rituals, culinary traditions, farming practices and variations in dialect. he submitted reports on these subjects to the general assembly and the Board of annexed estates.38 in recognition of his medically relevant observations, the university of glasgow awarded him a medical doctorate (MD) in february 1765. Since Walker’s reports also addressed religious literacy and history, the university of edinburgh gave him a doctorate of divinity (DD) the next month.39 The following year he published some of his travel observations as articles in the gentlemanly Scots Magazine; a practice he repeated after his 1771 tours.40 Walker’s newfound expertise on language and customs led Lord Kames to seek his opinion on the classification of human beings and ‘orang-outangs’ during the 1770s. at the time, many naturalists held that the ability to speak categorically separated humans from other animals. Walker accepted this view but his connections with the medical school also meant that he was able to corroborate his thoughts with evidence taken from anatomy and physiology. as a result, he rejected Linnaeus’ use of external (morphological) classification characters in favour of internal anatomical characters. Lord Monboddo, one of edinburgh’s polymath lawyers, had, however, recently written a book that argued that it was civilized society, not language or morphology, that separated humans from simians; the difference being of degree and not of kind.41 Kames did not accept this view and he asked Walker to identify the weaknesses in Monboddo’s thesis. Walker advised Kames via consultations and correspondence.42 he provided counterexamples taken from natural history, medicine and philosophy that undermined the claim that humans and simians should be classified under the same genus. This nomenclatural separation, however, had its limits. although he acknowledged different races, Church of Scotland, Regular General Assembly of the Church of Scotland 1762– 1765, ‘Walker on Catholicism’, naS Ch1/1/55, ff. 589–628. Church of Scotland, Regular General Assembly of the Church of Scotland 1772–1775, ‘1772 Tour report’, naS Ch1/1/63, ff. 126–135. 39 university of edinburgh, A Catalogue of the Graduates in the Faculties of Arts, Divinity, and Law of the University of Edinburgh (edinburgh: 1858), 243. By this point Walker was a member of the church’s general assembly and the connections that he made with moderate ministers may have also helped him to obtain his degrees. 40 John Walker, ‘Dr. John Walker’s report to the assembly 1–65, Concerning the State of the highlands and islands’, Scots Magazine, 28 (1766), 680–689. John Walker, ‘Dr. John Walker’s report Concerning the State of the highlands and islands, to the general assembly 1772’, Scots Magazine, 34 (1772), 288–293. 41 James Burnet [Lord Monboddo], Of the Origin and Progress of Language (edinburgh: a. Kincaid & W. Creech, 1773). henry home [Lord Kames], Sketches of the History of Man (edinburgh: 1774). These debates were later anthologised in John adams (ed.), Curious Thoughts on the History of Man (London: 1789). See also Paul B. Wood, ‘The natural history of Man in the Scottish enlightenment’, HS, 27 (1989), 89–123. Burnet took the title of ‘Lord Monboddo’ when he was raised to the bench in 1767 as an ordinary lord of the session. 42 See especially Walker’s letters to Kames printed in Tytler (1807), appendix no. ii. 38 Pr oo f C op y 34 The Language of Mineralogy Walker firmly believed that there was only one human species – an assumption that was no doubt linked to the monogenism promoted in the Bible and other texts from antiquity.43 This commitment is significant, as Walker did in fact accept that variations could occur in other plant and animal species. The name that he gave to this type of change was ‘evolution’. A Sociable Naturalist Throughout his career as a parson naturalist and as a professor, Walker used his knowledge of natural history to cultivate relationships with students, patrons, correspondents, and academic societies. he maintained these contacts both for reasons of necessity and intellectual curiosity. This was especially the case in his relationships with the aristocracy and the landed gentry. from the 1760s forward, his advice was sought by the Duke of northumberland, the earl of hopetoun, the earl of Bute, the earl of Buchan, Lord Daer and Baron Cathcart, as well as by Sir John Pringle and Sir george Clerk-Maxwell.44 for example, after hopetoun had appointed Walker to be minister of Moffat, he allowed Walker to visit his Leadhills mines on numerous occasions. In the end, both men benefited from this exchange; hopetoun received advice on the economic potential of various types of minerals and Walker gathered subterranean observations that he would one day use in his natural history lectures. The exchange of sociable advice for access to collections or natural spaces was not only a central feature of Walker’s relationship with aristocrats, but it also made him equally popular with several of Edinburgh’s influential literati. i have already mentioned Lord Kames, but his knowledge of chemical mineralogy was also sought by Lords gardenstone, hailes, and Woodhouselee.45 in addition to for more on monogenism and polygenism, see David n. Livingstone’s ‘Preadamites: The history of an idea from heresy to orthodoxy’, Scottish Journal of Theology, 40 (1987), 41–66, and his The Preadamite Theory and the Marriage of Science and Religion (Philadelphia: american Philosophical Society, 1992). 44 Many these names, and those listed later in the paragraph, occur on the chronological compilation of Walker’s correspondents listed in appendix Vi of this book. in his correspondence list, Walker uses the title ‘Baron Cathcart’ for Charles Shaw Cathcart, the ninth Lord Cathcart. i will follow this practice throughout this book. Bower (1830), 221, states that Sir James Clerk of Pennycuik (or ‘Pennycook’) was also Walker’s patron; however, it is more likely that it was Sir John Clerk, baronet, the friend and geological collaborator of James hutton and James Playfair. for more on Walker and Scotland’s utilitarian agricultural improvement efforts in the eighteenth century, see Charles W. J. Withers, ‘on georgics and geology: James hutton’s ‘elements of agriculture’ and agricultural Science in eighteenthCentury Scotland’, AHR, 42, (1994), 38–48, and ‘William Cullen’s agricultural Lectures and Writings and the Development of agricultural Science in eighteenth Century Scotland’, AHR., 37, (1989), 144–156. 45 Bower (1830), 220, states that Walker also had two other supportive patrons: James Philip of greenlaw and William Tytler (1711–1792), the latter being the father of alexander 43 Pr oo fC op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 35 fraser Tytler, Lord Woodhouslee (1747–1813). 46 henry home [Lord Kames], The Gentleman Farmer (edinburgh: 1776). 47 Jardine (1842), 49. 48 ‘i take the liberty of recommending to Mr. Walker a thorough attention to the Zoology of the Western isles …’. Thomas Pennant to William Cullen, 21 april 1764, euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 9-10. John ellis to Linnaeus, 29 october 1765, in Smith (1978), 180. 49 See the list of Walker’s correspondence in appendix Vi. all of these naturalists were vigorous correspondents and collectors. garthshore (1732–1812) and Blackburne (c.1726–93) and Wright (1735–1819) have entries in the ODNB. Trained by Linnaeus, Thunberg (1743–1828) travelled across africa and asia during the 1760s and 1770s and then became Linnaeus’s successor at the university of uppsala. he published numerous works on natural history and classification and was arguably one of the most well-known european naturalists of his generation. 50 Walker to robert Liston, 24 January 1784, nLS MS 5540 f.34 and euL SC MS La.iii.352/3. Walker was also in contact with Dr John rogerson, physician to the russian court in St. Petersburg, and Baron Cathcart while he was British ambassador to russia. 51 Charles W. J. Withers has treated aspects of this network in ‘“Both useful and ornamental”: John Walker’s Keepership of edinburgh university’s natural history Pr oo f anthropological advice, Walker gave Kames guidance on how to manage agricultural matters on his estates, and Kames also sought Walker’s expertise when he composed his highly popular The Gentleman Farmer in 1776.46 Walker’s early career was also distinguished by an active participation in the wider republic of Letters, both inside and outside of Scotland. at home, for example, during his Moffat incumbency he met with friends and patrons whenever he went to the city for ecclesiastical meetings. as Jardine put it, ‘Lord Kames had his morning levees; Lord Monboddo, in imitation of the antients, had his learned suppers; these he held once a fortnight during the sitting of the Session, and at them Dr. Walker was a frequent guest, along with Drs. Black, hutton, and hope.’47 he also began to establish a large correspondence network in the early 1760s, especially in 1762 when he wrote his first letter to Linnaeus. By 1764, his reputation was known by the english naturalist and author Thomas Pennant who refers to him in a letter to William Cullen; and by the botanist John ellis who mentions his name as a matter of course in a letter to Linnaeus in 1763.48 over the course of his career, he corresponded with a plethora of naturalists, some of whom included Sir Joseph Banks, anna Blackburne, f. W. P. fabricius, Maxwell garthshore, richard Pultney, Carl Peter Thunberg, and William Wright.49 he also was in contact with friends and former students who had been sent to posts in india, europe, the West indies and north america. in his letters, he discussed classification, offered advice on the cultivation and preservation of samples, and sometimes requested specific types of specimens. For instance in 1784, he sent robert Liston, the British ambassador to Madrid, a ‘list of natural productions’ that he wanted the diplomat to find in Spain.50 in addition to such contacts, his scientific correspondence broadened when he was appointed Keeper of Edinburgh’s natural history Museum in 1779.51 This type of networking allowed him to meet C op y 36 The Language of Mineralogy Museum, 1770–1803’, JHC, 5 (1993), 65–77. 52 Barthélemy faujas-de-St.-fond, Travels in England, Scotland, and the Hebrides, Vol. II (London: 1799), 228. for more on the natural history museum’s eighteenth- and nineteenth-century keepers and benefactors, see the ‘Museum of natural history’ entry in the appendix of Bower (1830), 362–364, and the text and footnotes that occurs on pages 156 to 158 of David Murray, Museums: Their History and Their Use, Vol. I (glasgow: 1904). 53 Walker’s connection with the general assembly also placed in him in contact with influential university professors like William Robertson and Hugh Blair (Edinburgh) and William Leechman (glasgow). 54 The central role played by the university in practical matters that affected the city is addressed in nicholas Phillipson, ‘Commerce and Culture: edinburgh, edinburgh university, and the Scottish enlightenment’, in Thomas Bender (ed.), The University and the City (oxford: 1988), 100–118. 55 William Cullen to Walker, 18 october 1782, euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 7–8. 56 Walker to Joseph Black, 1798, euL gen.874/iV/51–52 Pr oo some of the most well-known naturalists of the day, since many of them travelled through edinburgh on their way to tour the highlands and hebrides. one such traveller was the eminent french naturalist Barthélemy faujas-de-St.-fond. When he saw the museum in 1784, he wrote the following account: ‘The examination of this collection gave me great pleasure, and interested me much more than the British Museum, in London, though it was far less considerable; but, the objects which compose it, are in a more methodical order, particularly the stones and minerals.’52 Such a glowing review from the professor of geology at the natural history Museum of Paris no doubt served as an advertisement that motivated other naturalists to contact Walker. after Walker was appointed professor of natural history, his expertise and his personality allowed him to maintain fruitful relationships with professors in all of the university of edinburgh’s faculties.53 He fitted in well to the professorial community since he shared its view that higher education provided useful information to students who wished to improve Scotland’s health, wealth and culture.54 This notion of knowledge was expressed time and again in the lectures of medical school professors, many of whom acted as consultants on industrial and pharmaceutical business ventures. Within this community, Walker maintained several close relationships. By the 1780s, Cullen, Walker’s former patron and mentor, had turned into a close friend. When Walker became busy with preparing his first set of natural history lectures in 1782, Cullen was the first one to chastise him for failing to keep in contact.55 Walker also shared constructive professional relationships with other professors in the university, including Joseph Black, hugh Blair, James gregory, John hope, Thomas Charles hope, and John robison. he seems to have been closer to Black because they both had strong relationships with Cullen and because they had known each other since the 1750s. additionally, it was Black to whom Walker turned when he became frustrated with several aspects of the new french chemical nomenclature.56 outside of the university, fC op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 37 57 Though anderson was professor of natural philosophy, he included large sections on systematic natural history in his lectures and in his Institutes of Physics (glasgow: 1786), 106–204. 58 Walker was elected a member of the aPS on Jan. 15, 1790. See american Philosophical Society, Yearbook 2002–2003, (Philadelphia: 2003), 200. The aPS houses one volume of Walker’s notes; see Natural History [Lectures], Vol. I, anonymous (transcriber), (1790d), Bound MS, aPS, accessioned 1968, 504 W15. i have also run into various membership references to the edinburgh agricultural Society, the Bath and West england agricultural Society, the Linnean Society (LS) of London and the royal Society (rS) of London. i have been unable to corroborate the last two. The LS was founded by James Edward Smith in 1788, that is, around five years after he studied with Walker in Edinburgh. Walker is not, however, listed on the membership roster housed in the LS’s library and special collections in Burlington house, London. for the rS, the society membership roster in the library at Carlton house Terrace lists a John Walker of upper gower Street, London who was elected in 1794 and who died in 1824. But the address and death date indicates that he was not the Walker under consideration in the present study. i would like to offer special thanks to roy goodman (aPS), gina Douglas (LS) and Keith Moore (rS) for helping me with these membership details. Pr oo f Walker kept in contact with a number of Scottish naturalists, including John anderson, Professor of natural Philosophy in the university of glasgow.57 These connections, combined with the fact that he was a popular lecturer, contributed to the spread of his ideas amongst the future British physicians, politicians, farmers, ministers and lawyers that he taught. as mentioned above, Walker joined the PSe early in his career. in the decades preceding his professorship, he spent much of his free time reading and travelling. in these years, his desire for interaction with other intellectuals was sustained by the relationships that he made within the Society and with other parson naturalists that he met at the yearly meetings of the general assembly of the Church of Scotland. even so, when living outside of edinburgh he often felt a strong sense of isolation and when he became professor, he took care to help students found clubs and to familiarise them with local and international societies that addressed natural history and other related subjects. he often included this information in the ‘improvements and Discoveries of natural history’ sections that were part of the introductory lectures of his course. in addition to the established societies in London, edinburgh and Paris, he also mentioned those that had formed recently not only in european locations like Dublin, Lisbon, Trondheim, Dalmatia and iceland, but also beyond in Philadelphia, Bengal, Cape françois and Mexico. he continued to join societies throughout his career, including the student edinburgh natural history Society (1782) and the american Philosophical Society (1790). he was also elected honorary member of the highland Society of Scotland (1789).58 in 1783 Walker’s commitment to the value of academic societies motivated him to play an instrumental role when the PSe transformed itself into the royal Society of edinburgh. after the restructuring, he served as the secretary of the physical C op y 38 The Language of Mineralogy 59 for more on the academic societies of edinburgh, see emerson (1981) and his ‘The Philosophical Society of edinburgh 1737–1747’, BJHS, 12 (1979), 154–191; ‘The Philosophical Society of edinburgh 1768–1783’, BJHS, 18 (1985), 255–303. 60 here the word ‘elections’ is used loosely since leading government ministers, Henry Dundas in Walker’s case, influenced the outcome of the vote. 61 John Walker, ‘experiments on the Motion of Sap in Trees’, TRSE, Part 2, 1 (1788), 3–40. C. P. Finlayson, ‘Records of Medical and Scientific Societies Preserved in the university Library, edinburgh’, The Bibliotheck, 1 (1958), 14–19. 62 John anderson to Walker, 3 May 1792, euL La.iii.352/1, ff. 132–134; alexander gerard to Walker, 12 May 1792, euL La.iii.352/1, ff. 135–136; archibald Davidson to Walker, 12 May 1792, euL La.iii.352/1, ff. 137–138. 63 John Walker, ‘number XXVii. Parish of Colington, County of edinburgh, Synod of Lothian and Tweeddale, Presbytery of edinburgh’, in John Sinclair (ed.), A Statistical Account of Scotland, Vol. 19 (edinburgh: 1799), 579–91. John Walker (with William Torrence), ‘number XX1. Parish of glenncross, Presbytery of Dalkeith, Synod of Lothian and Tweeddale, and County of Mid-Lothian’, in John Sinclair, A Statistical Account of Scotland, Vol. 15 (edinburgh: 1799), 435–46. Pr oo fC section from 1784 to 1803.59 in this capacity he was responsible for keeping track of the resolutions and orders, as well as setting the agenda for meetings, assisting with correspondence, overseeing elections and editing the Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh.60 in addition to his administrational duties, he found time to publish a paper in the first volume of its Transactions and to help found the agricultural Society of edinburgh (1790).61 his involvement with these societies expanded his circle of correspondence and allowed him to exchange ideas within the european and north american republic of Letters. This network allowed him to discuss a variety of scientific subjects and receive a wide range of specimens ranging from Siberian ores to West floridian snake skins. from the 1780s to circa 1800, Walker corresponded with Britain’s leading intellectuals as well as maintaining close ties with the established Church of Scotland – which at this time was often called the ‘Kirk’. indeed, from 1790 to 1791 he served as Moderator, that is, the elected leader of the church. at the time of Walker’s Moderatorship, the Kirk and the State were jointly collaborating to produce the Statistical Account of Scotland (20 vols. 1791–99). Local ministers were asked to write articles on the natural history, civil history and economic (statistic) viability of their own parish. The result was one of the largest collections of natural knowledge in late eighteenth-century Britain. To prepare future ministers for such projects, Walker campaigned for measures that would require divinity students to take a natural history course as part of their degree.62 he also supported the Statistical Account by writing articles on the parishes of glencorse and Colinton,63 thereby combining his desire to be sociable naturalist with the utilitarian vision of natural history that permeated scientific discourse in Europe during the late eighteenth century. op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 39 The Natural History Course During Walker’s tenure he taught hundreds of medical, arts, divinity and law students; many of whom came from mainland europe, the British colonies and the newly established american republic. he divided his lectures into two sections. one set detailed the classification systems that he had constructed for mineralogy, botany and zoology, that is, the three kingdoms of nature. The other covered meteorology, hydrology and geology. Walker called these the ‘hippocratean’ lectures because they addressed environmental factors that the classical physician hippocrates had linked to health.64 During the late 1790s, Walker’s eyesight began to fail and he asked one of his former students, robert Jameson, to help him with the lectures. Jameson obliged and eventually was appointed to the post after Walker died in 1803. In addition to lectures, Walker organised field trips, held tutorials in the university’s natural history Museum and actively supported his students when they founded the natural history Society (nhS) in 1782 and the Chemical Society in 1785.65 Key to the birth of the nhS was James edward Smith, a wealthy medical student from norwich who, after his edinburgh studies, was eventually knighted and, as mentioned earlier in this chapter, went on to found the Linnean Society of London. in a letter written to his father in 1782, he summarised Walker’s enthusiasm for the society: ‘Dr. Walker the new professor, who is a most amiable, worthy and ingenious man, no sooner heard of it than he offered us his museum to meet in, with the use of his books and specimens; and he begged to be admitted an ordinary member, which he accordingly was.’ Smith went on to write that, ‘We have had two public meetings: at the first Dr. Walker was president, and at the last i had that honour.’66 as allen has noted, the student natural history Society produced several naturalists who played significant roles in nineteenth-century botany.67 additionally, Withers has shown that the society had members from Britain, europe, the Caribbean, north america and South america.68 Meeting a sample of Walker’s meteorology, hydrology and geology lectures are reprinted in John Walker (1966). Hippocrates’ influence over eighteenth-century chemistry and natural history, especially from a conceptual standpoint, was quite strong. See rina Knoeff, ‘Practicing Chemistry “after the hippocratical Manner” – hippocrates and the importance of Chemistry for Boerhaave’s Medicine’, in Lawrence M. Principe (ed.), New Narratives in Eighteenth-Century Chemistry (Dordrecht: Springer, 2007), 63–76. 65 The student natural history Society, or the Societas Naturae Studiosorum [Edinburgensis], has often been confused it with the royal Physical Society of edinburgh. See D. e. allen, ‘The natural history Society in Britain Through the years’, ANH, 14 (1987), 243–45; 256. 66 Mr. James Smith to his father, 15 april 1782, in Smith (1832), 44–47. 67 D. e. allen, ‘James edward Smith and the natural history Society of edinburgh’, JSBNH, 8 (1978), 483–93. 68 Charles W. J. Withers, ‘Spatial history: re-thinking the idea of Place: geography, natural history and the eighteenth-Century enlightenment: Putting the World into Place’, 64 Pr oo f C op y 40 The Language of Mineralogy HW, 30 (1995), 136–163; see his graphs on page 156 and 157. 69 Papers of the Natural History Society 1782-1800, Vols. I – XV (hereafter PNHS), euL Da 67. Volumes V, Xi and XiV are missing. as the note placed in Vol. i indicates, these bound manuscripts were housed in the Central Library of edinburgh until the beginning of the twentieth century. 70 John Walker, ‘An Account of the Fructification of the Clavaria’, PNHS Vol. II, euL Da 67, ff. 60–65; ‘a Description of a Whale Cast ashore at Burntisland in fife on the 10th of June 1761’, PHNS Vol. V, euL Da 67, ff. 89–99; ‘on Subterranean heat’, PHNS Vol. VIII, euL Da 67, ff. 175–186. ‘on the Motion of Sap in Trees’, PNHS Vol. III, euL Da 67 ff. 1–29. 71 Mr. James edward Smith to his Mother, 16 May 1782, in Smith (1832), 48. 72 The Chemical Society membership lists are published in J. Kendall, ‘The first Chemical Society, the first Chemical Journal, and the Chemical revolution (Part i)’, PRSE, 63a (1952a), 346–358. See also Kendall’s, ‘The first Chemical Society, the Chemical Journal, and the Chemical revolution (Part ii)’, PRSE, 63a (1952b), 385–400. Pr oo several times per term, its members read and discussed essays on a wide variety of topics. after each meeting, the essays were copied into a book of proceedings by the secretary. After two decades, this process produced fifteen volumes of notes. Sometime during the nineteenth century, the proceedings were leather bound and by the early twentieth century they had been placed in the edinburgh Central Library. Today they are housed in the university of edinburgh’s Special Collections Department under the title Papers of the Natural History Society 1782–1800. Of the fifteen original volumes, twelve are still extant.69 a browse through the nhS Papers reveals that about half of their authors attended Walker’s course. To aid the efforts of his students, he chaired sessions and offered several papers of his own. During the 1780s he spoke on the fructification of the clavaria, a whale that had been washed ashore at Burntisland in fife, the motion of sap in plants and the possibility of subterranean heat.70 overall, as half of the Society’s papers employed some form of experimentation to analyse the mineral, vegetable or animal kingdoms, its discussions reflected the medical faculty’s strong interest in chemistry. for this reason, it should not come as a surprise that another of the society’s patrons was Joseph Black. as Smith noted in 1782: ‘our natural history Society goes on gloriously. Dr. Black, professor of chemistry, is become an honorary member, and spoke there last friday. Dr. Walker is there constantly, and generally speaks.’71 Moreover, when the membership lists of the nhS and the Chemical Society are compared, it can be seen that several of Walker’s students were members of both societies.72 Walker’s natural history course began in november and ended in May. Based on the number of lectures that he gave per year, he most likely gave at least two per week, with the exception of a brief Christmas holiday at the end of December. he did all of the lecturing himself, save for the last few years of his life when he started to go blind. The sources cited in his lectures were books, articles and personal notes that he had collected over the past thirty years. The books consisted fC op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 41 Pr figure 1.3 D. Lizars, ‘on the Motion of Sap in Trees’ (engraving), in John Walker, ‘experiments on the Motion of Sap in Trees’, TRSE, 1 (1788), 3-40. The composition, properties and movement of mineral, vegetable and animal fluids fascinated Edinburgh’s professors, students and savants alike, thereby creating a close conceptual link between chemical research conducted on both animate and inanimate ‘bodies’. Walker’s experiments on botanical physiology (pictured above) fell squarely within this tradition. oo f C op y 42 The Language of Mineralogy 73 This point is made in a letter that Walker wrote to the city council in the mid1780s. Since the purpose of the letter is to ask that the council award him more money, the rhetorical context of Walker’s comments about the library needs to be taken into account. See John Walker to edinburgh Town Council, c.1786, euL La.iii 352/2 ff. 7–8. Walker was raising this point to the town council because they ran the university. 74 The two most notable of edinburgh’s libraries were those managed by the university and the faculty of advocates. See faculty of advocates, A Catalogue of the Library of the Faculty of Advocates, Edinburgh, Vols. I–III (edinburgh: 1742–1807); faculty of advocates, Appendix to the Catalogue of the Advocates Library (edinburgh: 1787). university of edinburgh, Catalogus Librorum (edinburgi: 1773); university of edinburgh, Catalogus Librorum (edinburgi: 1798). 75 The content and pedagogical intentions of the Cullen’s lectures are treated in a. Doig, J. P. S. ferguson, i. a. Milne and r. Passmore, William Cullen and the Eighteenth Century Medical World (edinburgh: 1993). 76 Jack B. Morrell, ‘The university of edinburgh in the Late eighteenth Century: its Scientific Eminence and Academic Structure’, Isis, 62 (1971), 158–171. 77 The copying of lecture notes for personal use or for sale had been practiced in edinburgh since at least the 1400s. The use of bound lecture notes as natural history reference books is addressed in more detail in M. D. eddy, ‘natural Philosophy and natural history Books in eighteenth-Century Scotland’, in Stephen Brown and Warren McDougall (eds.), The Edinburgh History of the Book in Scotland, Vol. II: 1707–1800, (edinburgh: university of edinburgh Press: in press 2008). Pr oo fC of works written in english, Latin and french and the articles were usually taken from the Philosophical Transactions. although Walker was a keen bibliophile and lent out many works to his students, he found it necessary early in his career to remind the town council that the university library did not house enough texts that were relevant to his course.73 even though there were other well-stocked collections in the city, he quickly became his own lending library.74 Walker’s lectures were particularly successful because of two teaching aids. The first was the use of specimens from the Natural History Museum. He showed them when discussing minerals and he sometimes performed experiments to demonstrate their chemical qualities. This type of scientific showmanship was practiced by several of his teachers, William Cullen especially,75 and it continued to take place in the classes of his contemporaries.76 a second teaching aid was a printed syllabus, entitled Institutes of Natural History (1792). This consisted of the heads of the lectures. Students used it as an outline that allowed them to follow along and take notes in the margins or in a separate notebook. During the late 1780s, Walker slightly altered the format by adding spaces between the heads so that more notes could be taken on the actual sheet itself. By composing these syllabi, he made it easier for his students to follow him during the lecture. This allowed many of them to produce rough drafts that could be copied by hand and then bound, thereby providing a complete set of natural history notes. all of the syllabi were reproduced by local printers and could be bought from booksellers.77 op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 43 Natural History Students Like many of edinburgh’s medical school professors, Walker kept class lists because the students paid their lecture fees directly to him and not the university. Most of these lists still exist and are housed in the university of edinburgh.78 The standard annual fee was three guineas (£3–3–0), but Walker and his colleagues made exceptions for divinity students, sons of the university faculty, or those who were experiencing financial difficulties. Walker’s reduced rate for the course was usually two guineas (£2–2–0). in addition to noting methods of payment, Walker’s manuscript class lists sometimes record valuable information about the student’s origin, degree and profession. Based on his lists, the university of edinburgh’s Special Collections Department houses a master list of indexed cards bound together into four small volumes. These are entitled Index to the Students in Natural History Class Lists 1782-1800 (vols. i – iV) and bear no shelf mark.79 This Pr 78 These lists are in manuscript form and are housed in the euL Dc.1.18 collection. John hope’s class lists have also been treated by e. Charles nelson, ‘Scottish Connections in irish Botany and horticulture’, The Scottish Naturalist, (1987), 3–31. 79 Charles W. J. Withers also treats Walker’s class lists in ‘The rev. Dr. John Walker and the Practice of natural history’, ANH, 18 (1991), 201–220. it seems, however, that Withers’ graphs at the end of the article offer different student numbers than what appear in the Students in Natural History Class Lists 1782–1800 (vols. i – iV) reference books oo f C op To the dismay of academics and students, Walker was not able to draw together his lectures or research into a book. Both Cullen and Kames were especially frustrated on this point and continually chided him for his failure to produce a definitive natural history textbook. The vast repository of his papers in Edinburgh University Library demonstrates that he indeed had the data to produce a first class work of natural history. it seems that it was his intention to write up his lecture notes during the 1790s, however, this was prevented by his term as Moderator of the Church’s general assembly (1790), an unsuccessful bid for the Chair of agriculture (1792), and the onset of blindness (sometime around 1795). although his failure to produce a printed textbook might seem problematic to modern eyes, it was very common for edinburgh’s professors not to write up their lectures into texts since they knew that their ideas were being disseminated outside the realm of the printed page in the form of manuscript student notebooks, and because a published set of notes could have the unfortunate effect of diminishing student numbers in their lectures. indeed, students used their bound notebooks as ‘textbooks’ throughout the course of their careers. as i will show in Chapter 4, many of these have been preserved and, when taken as a whole, provide a detailed picture of the content addressed in his course. Walker’s ideas also spread via his correspondence network and the personal contact that he had with the city’s literati and the students who sat in his lectures. y 44 The Language of Mineralogy Pr that are housed in euL’s Special Collections reading room. for a comprehensive list of Walker’s known students, see the table that i have compiled in appendix Vii. 80 it is also likely that Walker was negotiating with Creech over the imminent publication of his Institutes of Natural History. William Creech to Walker, 12 april 1791, euL La.iii.352/1 f. 115. 81 The medical school’s curriculum and organisational structure of the university of edinburgh at this time is treated in L. rosner, Medical Education in the Age of Improvement (Edinburgh: 1991); J. Geyer-Kordesch ‘Comparative Difficulties: Scottish Medical education in the european Context (c.1690–1830)’ in V. nutton and r. Porter (eds.), The History of Medical Education in Britain (amsterdam: 1995), 94–115; T. n. Bonner, Becoming a Physician (oxford: 1995). 82 Walker’s tenure overlapped with the french revolution and Britain’s subsequent war with france. oo resource contains more than six hundred and fifty names and has been anonymously annotated over the past fifty years by the library’s staff and by scholars studying the collection. i have included an expanded and annotated table based on this list in appendix Vii at the end of this book. The natural history lists reveal that the students who took the course came from all four of the university’s faculties (medicine, law, divinity and arts) and the aristocracy. There were also members of the general public, including schoolmasters, soldiers, surgeons, apothecaries, preachers, ministers, merchants, fossilists, painters and publishers like James neill and William Creech.80 Walker also took care to note the presence of the sons of several well-known ministers, surgeons, medical doctors, military officers and university faculty members like professors alexander hamilton, John hope and Dugald Stewart. Such a diverse population was the direct result of edinburgh’s liberal matriculation policy which allowed students to pay for courses on a case-by-case basis and to attend subjects that were not required for their degree. Since the natural history chair was part of the medical school, about half of the students were reading a medical doctorate.81 Some notable names in this group were robert Waring Darwin (father of Charles Darwin), James edward Smith, Thomas Beddoes, robert Jameson, Mungo Park, robert Brown and Samuel Latham Mitchell. of the surgeons listed, a high percentage were in the navy.82 four of his students were also involved in the apothecary trade: John Bartlet, Mr Dempster, John Scott and Thomas Kinnaird. of these four, Bartlet and Dempster listed the title ‘apothecary’, which meant that they were most probably medically qualified, but only by apprenticeship. Scott called himself a ‘Chymist’ and Kinnaird was content with the title of ‘Druggist’. Because of the apothecary trade’s close involvement with chemistry, these men would have been at home with Walker’s frequent reference to the subject – especially in the mineralogy lectures. of these four, Kinnaird was the most involved in the university’s natural history community, giving a paper in the second session of the student natural history Society. in addition to this involvement, Cowen’s work on pharmacology has shown that it is fC op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 45 83 See the comments on andrew Duncan, ralph irving, richard Pearson and John Thompson in David L. Cowen, Pharmacopoeias and Related Literature in Britain and America, 1618–1847 (aldershot: 2001), 57–58; 89; 201. 84 one of the prerequisites for acceptance into the colleges of oxford and Cambridge was membership of the Church of england. for edinburgh, however, membership in the Church of Scotland was not required, thereby making it a haven for english non-conformists who wanted to attend university. This state of affairs is addressed throughout Paul Wood (ed.), Science and Dissent in England, 1688–1945 (aldershot: 2004). 85 ‘Writers to the Signet’ are ‘law-agents who conduct cases before the Court of Session, and have the exclusive privilege of preparing crown writs, charters, precepts, etc’, OED. 86 David Steuart erskine, eleventh earl of Buchan (1742–1829). Basil William Douglas, Lord Daer (1763–1794). 87 Shapin (1974b). 88 See Lord Daer to Walker, 21 october 1791, euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 120–21. Daer and nairn, a law lord, both appear on a list of principle patrons of the museum: euL La.iii.352/5 f. 1. although he was not a frequent attendee, Daer was also a member of the Coffee house Philosophical Society that met in London from 1780 to 1787. See the list of Pr oo f possible that some of Walker’s other students helped produce different editions of the edinburgh Pharmacopoeia.83 Since natural theology and moral philosophy drew many examples from natural history, many students reading for divinity and arts degrees were enrolled in the course. for Presbyterian divinity students, the course’s appeal was no doubt aided by the fact that Walker was ordained in the established Church of Scotland. Perhaps this is why the course even attracted the missionary Daniel Miller. in regard to the clergy, it seems the class lists used the term ‘preacher’ to connote ministers of non-established churches. This being the case, there were almost thirty of them, a rather large number when compared to seven ‘ministers’ who are given the title of ‘rev.’84 included in the former category were rev. Dr. andrew hunter, edinburgh’s Professor of Divinity and rev. John Playfair, edinburgh’s Professor of Mathematics. indeed, Playfair was a strong supporter of the geological ideas laid out in James hutton’s Theory of the Earth (1795) and was eventually appointed to be Professor of natural Philosophy (1805). The fact that natural history shared connections with civil history also made the subject appealing to several law students. for instance, one of the best-preserved sets of lecture notes came from Sir David Pollock, the future chief justice of the supreme court of Bombay. There were also several Writers to the Signet who attended.85 in addition to university students, there were those who attended the course out of personal interest, several of whom came from the landed classes. The two most conspicuous names in this category are the earl of Buchan and Lord Daer.86 During the late 1770s, both had played a key role in appointing Walker to the professorship in natural history.87 additionally, Daer, along with the Lord nairn, another one of Walker’s students, was intimately involved in the revitalisation of the natural history Museum that was under Walker’s keepership.88 other names C op y 46 The Language of Mineralogy attendees in Trevor h. Levere and g. L’e. Turner (eds.), Discussing Chemistry and Steam (oxford: 2002). 89 Richard Barré Dunning (1782–1823) was the son of John Dunning (1731–83), first Baron ashburton. henry richard greville (1779–1853), earl Brooke of Warwick Castle, was the son of george greville, the earl of Warwick. george sent henry to edinburgh because he was ‘fearful of the corruptions which disgrace our great seminaries of learning’ in england. henry went on to be an MP from 1802 to 1846. g. e. Cokayne (ed.), The Complete Peerage (gloucester: 1982), 336–338. 90 for hall’s relationship with Lavoisier, see V. a. eyles, ‘The evolution of a Chemist’, AS, 19 (1963), 153–82; for his interest in chemical mineralogy, see ‘account of a Series of experiments Shewing the effects of Compression in Modifying the action of heat’ read in the royal Society of edinburgh, 3 June 1805 euL S.B. .5364 hal., and ‘experiments on Whinstone and Lava’, read in the royal Society of edinburgh, 5 March and 18 June 1798, euL SC 6408, and On the Consolidation of the Strata of the Earth (edinburgh: 1825). 91 The interaction between natural philosophy and land improvement was experienced in most western european countries. for france, see emma C. Spary, Utopia’s Garden (London: 2000), especially pages 82–84 and 117–132. for other parts of europe, see T. frängsmyr, r. e. rider and J. L. heilbron (eds.), The Quantifying Spirit in the 18th Century (Berkeley: 1990). 92 C. W. J. Withers, ‘a neglected Scottish agriculturalist: The ‘georgical Lectures’ and agricultural Writings of the rev. Dr. John Walker (1731–1803)’, AHR, 33 (1985), 132–143. 93 Walker’s class lists also mention ‘Lords’ Polkemmet, Cockburn, Dudley of Ward, Westhall, as well as Sir James Colquhoun, Sir alexander Don of newton, the honourable henry erskine, Sir William forbes, Sir archibald hope, Sir James hunter-Blair and Sir Pr oo fC op from the nobility or gentry included earl Brooke of Warwick Castle, richard Barré Dunning and Sir James hall of Dunglass.89 as mentioned earlier in this book’s introduction, the latter was known for his friendship with James hutton and, later, for the support that he gave to Lavoisier’s new nomenclature and for his writings on the chemical foundations of geology.90 one reason that landowners attended Walker’s course was because they wanted to improve the productivity of their land. Since his interest in georgics stretched all the way back to his 1750s work on marls, Walker was seen as an authority on soils. Building on this background, his lectures on mineralogy, botany and zoology touched upon several topics that were relevant to land improvement, especially mining, agriculture and animal husbandry.91 he was especially keen to entice the attendance of georgically-minded students, so much so that he focused a large section of his mineralogy lectures on the composition of various types of soils. This led him to start giving separate agricultural lectures in the 1790s and these reconfirmed his status as an authority on georgics.92 This interest, however, began to wane in the late 1790s after his unsuccessful bid for edinburgh’s new Chair of agriculture. even so, during his tenure, his lectures were attended by the sons of many aristocrats and landowners.93 y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 47 Sources of Natural History The large Walkerian archive in the university of edinburgh’s Special Collections Department houses several key sources that can be used to identify the major texts that Walker used to compose his lectures and to construct his natural history systems. The most useful early source is the Index Librorum, the 1761 handwritten list that he made of his own book collection.94 another helpful source, especially for his time as a professor, is the catalogue compiled by the book dealer Cornelius elliot after Walker died on 22 January 1803. after pre-circulating a printed list of the books as A Catalogue of the Books in Natural History with a Few Others, which Belonged to the Late Rev. Dr. Walker,95 elliot auctioned them off in lots on 14 May 1804. The list consists of 582 works that Walker valued enough to own. This is important because Walker considered his collection to be one of the best repositories of natural history books in edinburgh. he even intimated this fact to the edinburgh Town Council around 1781 when he was attempting to raise his salary.96 even though several of edinburgh’s libraries contained works on natural history, his lectures most often emphasised the books that were in his own collection. When combined with the references cited in his lectures, elliot’s Catalogue and Walker’s Index Librorum can be used to identify the majority of Walker’s sources – often right down to the specific edition. Aside from shedding light on the works that Walker personally valued, this also gives a helpful picture of the sources that he recommended to his students. This is significant, because as oldroyd and Laudan have shown, there were a plethora of mineralogical works available during the eighteenth century.97 As briefly mentioned above, Walker also used a significant number of ‘fossils’ to illustrate physical and chemical characters that he had observed on his own, or which were present in the various mineralogies he was citing. These material sources seem to have left strong impressions on his students and notes taken in his mineralogy lectures contain statements like ‘here were produced some Specimens of the ores of iron, Copper & Lead.’98 Sometimes, chemical experiments were Pr Peter Warrender. he also taught the brother of Lord Blantyre and the four brothers of Sir Charles Douglas of Kilhead. 94 This source is treated in more detail in Chapter 2. 95 Cornelius elliot, A Catalogue of the Books in Natural History with a Few Others, which Belonged to the Late Rev. Dr. Walker (edinburgh: 1804). euL La.iii.352/6. as stated in the introduction, the abbreviation ‘eC’ followed by a number will be used in this thesis to show where a particular book is located in elliot’s catalogue. The only known copy of this pamphlet is housed in the Walker Collection at the university of edinburgh. 96 John Walker to edinburgh Town Council, [c.1786] euL La.iii 352/2 ff. 7–8. 97 David r. oldroyd, Sciences of the Earth (aldershot: 1998). rachel Laudan, From Mineralogy to Geology (London: 1987). 98 John Walker, An Epitome of Natural History, David Pollack (transcriber), (1797g), Bound MS, euL gen. 709D f. 167. oo f C op y 48 The Language of Mineralogy Pr 99 John Walker, An Epitome of Natural History, David Pollack (transcriber), (1797d), Bound MS, euL gen. 706D f. 30. 100 John Walker, An Epitome of Natural History, David Pollack (transcriber), (1797i), Bound MS, euL gen. 711D, ff. 11–40. 101 Walker MS (1797i), f. 25. 102 for the importance of ‘locality’ in geological history, especially for Walker’s contemporary James hutton, see David r. oldroyd, ‘non-written Sources in the Study of the history of geology: Pros and Cons, in Light of the Views of Collingwood and foucault’, AS, 56 (1999), 395–415. 103 as i will show in Chapter 3, Da Costa supplied Walker with minerals. Kirwan, Da Costa and hill were standard sources for British mineralogists during the late eighteenth century. oo either suggested or performed during the lecture. for example, Pollock noted the following during Walker’s discussion of the second genus of gypsum: ‘They are well known by the name Blue John. of this there was a Specimen of various Colours, and if placed on hot Coal, each Colour would throw out a Phosphorescent Light of its own.’99 Since Walker was the Keeper of the natural history Museum and had friends who had their own collections (Joseph Black, for example), he had access to quite a number of fossil specimens. Several of these specimens still exist today and are currently housed in the national Museum of Scotland. even more abundant than museum samples were the crags, peaks and hills of the Lothians. Because of their availability, Walker took care to mention specimens that existed in the area that immediately surrounded edinburgh. indeed, the summits of Salisbury Crag and arthur’s Seat could be seen from the city and were about an hour’s walk away. To direct his students’ steps in such a theatre of nature, Walker told them where to go and what to look for. he did this by mentioning locations in his lectures and by giving them an explicit guide entitled ‘names and Descriptions of all the fossils in the neighbourhood of edinburgh’.100 for instance, when discussing maltha psadurii (mountain tar), he states: ‘it is found in the Lime stone, at Lord elgin’s Quarries, at Charleston, on the opposite Shore of the forth.’101 Such directions allowed his lectures to work in conversation with the landscape of edinburgh (and even the whole of Scotland). it also allowed his students to gather different types of minerals that were believed to have different pharmacological qualities based on their geographic origin. notably, many of the sites mentioned in Walker’s lectures are still accessible today.102 a close look at all of the authors listed in the Index and the Catalogue reveals two reoccurring trends in the books that he recommended to his students. first, a large number of them were not British. in fact, the only British publications that Walker cited in his mineralogy lectures on a regular basis were richard Kirwan, emanuel Mendes Da Costa and John hill.103 Second, over half of the books were written in either french or Latin. in this respect, Walker’s library resembled that of his mentor Cullen, who maintained a collection that favoured continental fC op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 49 Conclusion 104 Cullen’s personal library catalogue is briefly mentioned in A. Doig, J. P. S. ferguson, i. a. Milne and r. Passmore, William Cullen and the Eighteenth Century Medical World (edinburgh: 1993), 35. 105 The edinburgh book market is addressed in richard B. Sher, The Enlightenment and the Book (Chicago: 2006). 106 Johann gottschalk Wallerius, Mineralogié, ou Description Générale des Substances du Regne Mineral (Paris: 1753). 107 r. ainsworth, Thesaurus Linguæ Latinae Compendiarius (London: 1752), eC 361. T. ruddiman, The Rudiments of the Latin Tongue (edinburgh: 1790), eC 318. B. hederich, M. Benj. Hederici Lexicon Manuale Graecum (London: 1739), eC 431. a. Boyer, Dictionaire Royal, François-Anglois et Anglois-François (amsterdam: 1719), eC 430. 108 T. nicols, Gemmarius Fidelius, or the Faithful Lapidary (London: 1659), eC 540. 109 Walker’s manuscript notes make several references to german journals: See ‘Beilage zu den neuen Litterarische nachrichten für aerzte und naturforsher 1786’, euL Dc.1.58, f. 24; ‘Characters of german Writers’ euL Dc.1.58, f. 25; neue Litterarishe nachrichten für aertzte und natureforsher aufs Jahr 1785 und 1786’, euL Dc.1.58, f. 22. his library also contained a copy of a ‘german new Testament’ that was published (curiously) at edinburgh in 1763. See eC 199. The book reviews presented in the these journals provide a helpful tool for europeans seeking to keep up with the explosion of medical and natural history texts that occurred in the mid to late eighteenth century. See Chapter 6 in hubert Steinke, Irritating Experiments: Haller’s Concept and the European Controversy on Irritability and Sensibility, 1750–90 (amsterdam: 2005). Pr oo f C in this chapter i have outlined the social and intellectual framework that enabled John Walker to become a notable naturalist. from a practical point of view, it was his dual connection with the church and landed patrons that engendered the financial op y sources.104 french and Latin texts did not present a problem for Walker because he read both languages. as there was a British market for translating foreign natural history texts at this time, several publishers in edinburgh and London produced either a Latin or an english version of works that had been previously written in german, Swedish or Dutch (and sometimes italian).105 french works were often left untranslated because it was assumed that most serious naturalists should be able to read them. This was the case for Wallerius’ Mineralogie, Walker’s favourite mineralogical source.106 Because it existed in french and Latin, an english translation was never made. Such a multilingual library explains why he owned Latin dictionaries,107 abel Boyer’s Dictionnaire Royal and a 1785 copy of Samuel Johnson’s A Dictionary of the English Language. additionally, he owned a copy of Thomas nicols’ Lapidary.108 These works were complimented by definitions offered by naturalists like Linnaeus, Cullen and Bergman. in general, even though he did read Latin and french (and possibly german),109 Walker did his best to obtain and recommend an english translation if it existed. 50 The Language of Mineralogy support that allowed him to pursue his early scientific interests. Such a situation was common at the time and a close examination of Walker’s correspondence reveals that Scotland had a thriving community of parson naturalists. using these connections, and through the advice and patronage afforded to him by Kames, Cullen and other members of the PSe, Walker was able to obtain two appointments to explore the hebrides and highlands. These activities allowed him to make even stronger contacts with the aristocracy and to create a large correspondence network. In this capacity, he kept in contact with well known figures like Linnaeus, but also fostered relationships with a wide variety of naturalists who lived in Britain, europe and further abroad. all of these activities resulted in him being appointed to the regius Chair of natural history at the university of edinburgh in 1779. in this capacity he mentored students not only through his courses, but also in helping them found various natural history societies. he was close friends with many professors and made valuable contributions to botany, georgics, zoology, mineralogy and geology. Walker’s scientific interests were diverse and this in turn allowed him to create a multifaceted natural history course. in composing his lectures, he blended his own observations with those that he took from books written by europe’s leading naturalists. This made his course popular and in the end it attracted around one thousand students. even though many of them would become famous, the names of others were also highlighted in relation to how they represented significant aspects of the natural history course’s composition in general. Since Scotland’s landowners were interested in improving their crop yields, there was a notable number of aristocrats, gentlemen and sons of Members of Parliament who attended. The largest proportion of students, however, were those who were reading for a medical doctorate. additionally, since the structure of the university allowed students to take any course that they wished, Walker also taught students from the law, divinity and arts faculties. a smaller percentage of students were clergymen (or their sons). The remaining number consisted of merchants, surgeons, apothecaries, druggists, fossilists, painters and book publishers. a key point emphasised throughout this chapter was the central role played by chemistry in Enlightenment Edinburgh. Because of its pervasive influence in the medical school, it had a profound impact upon the practice of natural history – a relationship that was further strengthened by the fact that the natural history post was attached to the medical faculty, that is, a place where the professors taught students to use chemistry to diagnose patients and to test the viability of drugs. The experimental culture that this context fostered amongst edinburgh’s students and professors spilled out into other areas and chemistry was actively applied to georgics, mining, bleaching and brewing. The connection that these topics shared with natural history effectively created a situation in which the medical school was coordinating experimental techniques that were being used not only in laboratories, but also in natural settings like mineral wells, or industrial spaces like bleaching fields and mines. Pr oo fC op y Who Was John Walker? The Life of a Notable Naturalist 51 over the course of this chapter i also took care to highlight the aspects of Walker’s career that resonate either with recent works that have addressed the institutional placement of natural knowledge during the enlightenment, or with earlier studies that concentrated on the empirical aspects of his research as relevant to the nascent disciplines of geology, mineralogy, botany, anthropology and zoology. in following this course of explication, i have set the scene for the social placement of Walker’s efforts to systematically classify the natural world via acts of naming and sorting. In establishing the social and scientific relevance of his life, however, i have had to bracket the educational context that taught him how to interpret and order the natural knowledge that he acquired either through reading or travelling. The following chapter, therefore, treats this subject in detail. Pr oo f C op y Pr oo fC op y Chapter 2 Sorting the evidence: analysis and the nomenclature of Matter Introduction Pr oo 1 During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the enlightenment was usually portrayed as a time of intellectual fervour that was closely tied to the rise of ‘science’. in recent decades, many professional historians of the long eighteenth century have dug deeper into this interpretation by focusing on the larger cultural factors that underpinned contemporary notions of rationality and experimentation as practiced in the fields of medicine, natural history and natural philosophy. These studies convincingly established that the methods and assumptions that guided experiments were often linked to the larger goals of a company, guild, patron, philosophical society or university faculty.2 one of the ironic results of these conclusions, however, is that historians of science, medicine and technology have tended to focus on the social or rhetorical uses of experimentation rather than the John Walker, ‘an account of a new Medicinal Well, lately Discovered near Moffat, in Annandale, in the County of Dumfries. By Mr. John Walker, of Borgue-house, near Kirkudbright, in Scotland’, PT, 49 (1757), 117–147, page 119. 2 The most widely cited source on this topic is Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-pump (Princeton: 1985), as well as Steven Shapin, A Social History of Truth (Chicago: 1994). The larger institutional setting of experimentation, especially in reference to societies, is addressed in the many books and articles of Margaret C. Jacob and Larry Stewart, much of which is summarised in their jointly authored Practical Matter (Cambridge, Mass.: 2004). See also Lewis Pyenson and Susan Sheets-Pyenson, Servants of Nature (London: 1999). for the social setting of chemical experimentation during the eighteenth century, see Jan golinski, Science as Public Culture (Cambridge: 1992); Mi gyung Kim, Affinity, That Elusive Dream (Cambridge, Mass: 2003). fC op [A]s I am persuaded, that to dogmatize in any branch of philosophy can never tend to its advancement; I shall not therefore pretend to determine with certainty in any part of this subject, where the contrary opinion can be admitted with the least degree of probability. These [chemical] trials are indeed few and imperfect, and are no-way sufficient to form an exact account of this mineral water; yet I believe they may afford some conclusions, which may be serviceable in compiling a more compleat history of it.1 y 54 The Language of Mineralogy actual mechanics and materials of the experiments themselves. Such a state of affairs would perhaps be understandable if the history of experimentation was an oversaturated subject replete with detailed studies of various institutional nodes throughout europe and its colonies. unfortunately this is not the case. Most histories that address experimentation still implicitly (and sometimes explicitly) use the ‘revolutions’ framework, that is, a model that employs a canon of authors and handful of laboratory spaces associated with either the Scientific revolution or the Chemical revolution. Thus, the stories of enlightenment experimentation are often based on conclusions drawn from studies that have concentrated on either the royal Society of London during the last thirty years of the seventeenth century, or the circle of elite french chemists who proposed the new nomenclature during the last two decades of the eighteenth century. as Klein and Lefèvre have recently pointed out, such a framework has left a rather large hole not only in our understanding of mid eighteenth-century chemistry, but also the ways in which it interacted with mineralogy via its connections to natural history, industry and medicine.3 as mentioned in the introduction of this book, a cluster of historians working on this subject in the past two decades have consistently argued that the ‘cutting-edge’ core of mid eighteenth-century ‘chymistry’ was saline experimentation, that is to say, ‘wet’ methods that employed acids, alkalis and water to analyse the material composition of compounds.4 This being the case, more studies are needed on three topics: (1) the pedagogical contexts in which chemists were taught how to perform experiments; (2) the methods that guided such experiments in the laboratory and in the field; (3) the social frameworks that sustained the careers of chemists operating outside universities, colleges or guilds. Using John Walker as a focal point, this chapter touches on the first two of these issues, while the next chapter addresses the third. in what follows, i provide a snapshot of the use and meaning of experiments conducted outside the London and Parisian metropolitan networks, and a survey of the canon of chemistry texts that were being read not only in Scotland, but in other experimental communities throughout europe. Like many Scottish naturalists of this time, Walker frequently employed chemistry to investigate the properties of the natural objects that he encountered. Sometimes this simply meant dropping an acid on a stone, or tasting the ‘sourness’ of mineral water. at other times he used multi-step analytic procedures which required a good amount of patience. This point that is perhaps most clearly evinced in an article on hartfell Spa that he published in the 1757 edition of the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. The chemical terms in this essay 3 ursula Klein and Wolfgang Lefèvre, Materials in Eighteenth-Century Science (Cambridge, Mass.: 2007). 4 The strongest arguments in favour of the centrality of mid eighteenth-century aqueous and saline experimentation occur in frederic Lawrence holmes, EighteenthCentury Chemistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley: 1989), and in Klein and Lefèvre (2007). Pr oo fC op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 55 Pr oo are referenced at least six times in the Oxford English Dictionary. in addition to this linguistic and conceptual importance, it provides a unique picture of Walker’s early use of chemistry, William Cullen’s ‘Doctrine of Salts’ and the close relationship that existed between chemistry, medicine and natural history during the Scottish enlightenment. overall, Walker saw his work on the spa as part of a larger chemical ‘history’ that not only included the teachings of Cullen, but also the writings of assayers, mineralogists and apothecaries whose work spanned the previous three centuries.5 in this chapter i present three ‘histories’ of Walker’s early chemical knowledge. The first is biographical and details Walker’s early (1750s) chemical education. Since he was taught by William Cullen, specific attention is paid to saline analysis and to Cullen’s taxonomic conception of chemical ‘principles’. as his 1757 paper addressed the chemical composition of spa water, the second section presents a ‘history’ of Walker’s analysis of the well that is based on his manuscript notes and the books that were in his library. The final section presents an experimental history of hartfell Spa as represented in his 1757 paper. it details how he employed saline analysis to demonstrate the presence of two alkalis and one acid. i conclude by averring that his experiments were most probably linked to Cullen’s own work on fixed fossil alkalis and by emphasising the important role played by saline analysis in his later natural history lectures. This chapter also contains several detailed discussions concerning the logic of the practices employed by Walker and his contemporaries when they performed and recorded experiments. in using this approach, i follow on from the histories of early modern chemistry written by holmes, Principe and newman.6 readers interested in Walker’s travels and professorship may wish to read the explication of principle-based chemistry that occurs in the first section of this chapter and then turn to later chapters that address his career as a naturalist. 5 in eighteenth-century medical schools and mining academies, historical overviews of key chemical texts were often given in the initial chemistry, mineralogy and materia medica lectures. as the lecturer moved from one chemical species to another, this canon was then supplemented with a shorter experimental history (historia experimentalis) of the substance or process under discussion. See J. r. r. Christie ‘historiography of Chemistry in the eighteenth Century: hermann Boerhaave and William Cullen’, Ambix, 41 (1994), 4–19. Klein and Lefèvre (2007), 22–31, outline the importance of experimental histories. for comments on the canon of early modern chemistry, see M. Beretta, ‘The historiography of Chemistry in the eighteenth Century: a Preliminary Survey and Bibliography’, Ambix, 39 (1992), 1–10. 6 frederic Lawrence holmes (1989), Antoine Lavoisier (Princeton: 1998) and Investigative Pathways (new haven: 2004). William r. newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire (Chicago: 2002). Lawrence M. Principe, The Aspiring Adept (Princeton: 1998). fC op y 56 The Language of Mineralogy A History of Walker’s Chemical Education Sources of ‘Chymistry’ Walker’s early knowledge of chemistry primarily came from three sources: academic contacts in edinburgh, William Cullen and personal study. Since he did not come from a wealthy family, his most viable vocational option was to be a minister in the established Church of Scotland. To this end, he entered the university of edinburgh in 1744. in previous chapters, we saw that alongside his divinity studies he began to study chemistry and collect minerals from around the edinburgh area. This interest in the natural world led him to start reading books that addressed chemistry and natural history. he was introduced to robert Boyle’s works on these subjects in the natural philosophy course of John Steuart (Stewart) in 1746.7 he then expanded his knowledge by moving on to the works of Johann Joachim Becher (1635–82), georg ernst Stahl (1659–1734), hermann Boerhaave (1668–1738) and by attending the ‘Course of Chymistry in the year 1749’ taught by andrew Plummer (1697–1756).8 around 1755, this interest in chemistry and natural history placed him in contact with the physician William Cullen,9 who was appointed to teach chemistry at the university of edinburgh in 1756.10 Cullen had actually been involved in the Edinburgh scientific scene for some time and it is possible that he met Walker before he was given an official offer from the university. in the seven years that followed his graduation, Walker travelled frequently around Lowland Scotland. Several of these forays were taken with Cullen and were linked to procuring plants and minerals that could be used for chemical experiments and pharmaceutical production. Such trips therefore involved in situ chemical analysis and allowed Walker to acquire a great deal of chemical knowledge directly from one of the leading chemists of the eighteenth century. in addition to such unofficial instruction, he also received official instruction from Cullen at the university of edinburgh, probably during the winter terms of 1755 and 1756. Based on these classes and the trips that they took together, a firm friendship was formed between them. This friendship was so important to Walker that he considered not standing for the university of edinburgh’s natural history Pr 7 8 i will return to this point in the next chapter. John Walker, Systema Fossilium (c. 1797k), Bound MS, glasgow university Library (hereafter guL), gen 1061, f.3. 9 See the introduction in Walker MS (c. 1797k) f.3. These biographical details are also treated in h. W. Scott’s biographical introduction to John Walker’s Lectures on Geology (London: 1966). 10 Thomas Thomson, The History of Chemistry, Vol. I (London: 1830a), 307. oo f C op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 57 Walker’s appointment to the natural history chair in 1779 was quite a political affair. See J. Thomson, Account of the Life, Lectures, and Writings of William Cullen, M.D, Vol. I (edinburgh: 1859), 507–508, 729–731; S. Shapin, ‘Property, Patronage, and the Politics of Science: The founding of the royal Society of edinburgh’, BJHS, 7 (1974), 1–41. 12 e. a. underwood, Boerhaave’s Men at Leyden and After (edinburgh: 1977). See also r. g. W. anderson, ‘Chymie to Chemistry at edinburgh’, RSCHG, 2 (2000), 4–8; a. Clow, ‘hermann Boerhaave and Scottish Chemistry’, in andrew Kent (ed.), An Eighteenth Century Lectureship in Chemistry (glasgow: 1950), 41–48; r. g. W. anderson, ‘Boerhaave to Black: The evolution of Chemistry Teaching’, Ambix, 53 (2006), 237–254. 13 a helpful overview of these years is given in Douglas guthrie, ‘William Cullen, M.D., and his Times’, in andrew Kent (ed.), An Eighteenth Century Lectureship in Chemistry (glasgow: 1950), 49–65. 14 for more on the membership of the PSe, see emerson (1981). See also r. L. emerson, ‘The Philosophical Society of edinburgh, 1768–1783’, BJHS, 18 (1985), 255–303. 15 Walker’s paper was one of eighty or more papers published in the Philosophical Transactions by members of the PSe between 1748 and 1768. r. L. emerson, ‘The 11 Pr oo Chair in 1778 when he found out that Cullen’s son, henry, was considering the position.11 as outlined in Chapter 1, Walker’s livelihood came from the Church of Scotland during the early years of his adult life and he was keen to maintain his scientific connections with the city. This led him to join the Philosophical Society of edinburgh (PSe) around 1755. interacting with the PSe’s distinguished coterie of physicians, naturalists, savants and natural philosophers exposed him, both directly and indirectly, to chemistry. In addition to papers given on specific chemical topics, the ‘Doctrine of Salts’ (that is, saline experimentation) played a significant diagnostic role in the medical and natural history essays delivered by the members – many of which were given by professors of the medical school who had been taught chemistry by Boerhaave in Leiden.12 although Cullen lived in glasgow until 1755,13 he had been a member of the Society since 1749. This membership no doubt provided him an opportunity to visit his edinburgh patrons (Lord Kames, for instance) and to remain informed on the activities of former students like Walker and Joseph Black.14 Walker’s personal papers and later publications demonstrate that by 1756 he was following in the footsteps of Cullen by actively applying chemistry to natural history. in the mid 1750s, his experiments on several mineral wells finally led to his publishing his 1757 paper on the subject. In his experiments, he employed the principle-based chemistry associated with Cullen, Black and other PSe members. The title of his paper was ‘an account of a new Medicinal Well, lately discovered near Moffat, in Annandale, in the County of Dumfries.’ The well in question was hartfell Spa, which was located about thirty-six miles south west of edinburgh (just outside Moffat). Previous to publication, the paper had been read before the royal Society of London on 10 february and 3 March of 1757.15 Because Walker was affiliated with several societies, he might have fC op y 58 The Language of Mineralogy Philosophical Society of edinburgh 1748–1768’, BJHS, 14 (1981), 133–176, see especially pages 154–155. 16 W. a. J. Prevost, ‘Moffat Spa in the Seventeenth and eighteenth Centuries’, TDNHAS, 43 (1966), 137–146. in the seventeenth century the well’s virtues were popularised in Matthew Mackaile’s Fons Moffetensis (edinburgi: 1659), which was translated and expanded as Moffet-well: or, A Topographico-Spagyricall Description of the Mineral Wells, at Moffet in Annandale of Scotland (edinburgh: 1664). During the middle of the eighteenth century Moffat’s fame led andrew Plummer, professor of chemistry in edinburgh and a member of the PSe, to publish a paper on it: ‘experiments on the Medicinal Waters of Moffat’, Medical Essays and Observations, (1746), p.102 106. also see h. g. graham, The Social Life of Scotland in the Eighteenth Century (London: 1928), p. 52; a. Carlisle, Autobiography, (London: 1860), 109–110. 17 W. horseburgh, ‘experiments and observations upon the hartfell Spaw, made at Moffat 1750’, EOPL, 3 (1771), 384–419. 18 John Walker, Index Librorum (1761), Bound MS, euL, Dc.2.38. as mentioned in the Introduction of this book, specific bibliographic references to individual entries in this bound manuscript will include the abbreviation ‘iL’ followed by the bibliographic number assigned by Walker. 19 Walker’s use frequent use of Philosophical Transactions articles conforms to the general importance of periodicals for those who could not afford folio or quarto sized books or who did not live near large cities with active philosophical societies. See T. Broman, Pr oo fC received feedback from a preliminary reading conducted before the PSe or in informal conversations that took place during Select Society debates. a few the PSe’s members had already expressed an interest in Moffat’s waters on account of the well’s longstanding medicinal virtues.16 in particular, the contents of the waters had been popularised in 1748 by the earl of hopetoun’s mineralogist John Williamson. nicknamed ‘Williamson’s Water’, Dr. William horseburgh, another PSe member, wrote a paper on it two years later (which Walker states he had read in manuscript form).17 The citations and analytic techniques recounted in Walker’s Philosophical Transactions article reveal that he was an able chemist. i will address these sources and methods throughout this chapter, but before i do it should be noted that, aside from Cullen’s influence, much of his chemical knowledge came from his own personal study. indeed, although he did interact with other naturalists and chemists, his career was propelled by long spans of reading that he did on his own as a parson naturalist and then later as a professor. it was probably this autodidactic tendency that led him to compile his Index Librorum in 1761.18 This source has much to say about the chemistry texts that he was reading. for each of its one hundred and forty-six entries, he lists the author, title, publication information and page numbers (if an article). Many of the entries contain descriptive notes on relevant features of the work under discussion and criticisms of the methodology or data used by the author. over a third of the sources consist of papers contained in bound volumes of the Philosophical Transactions and most of the books were published in London, Dublin, amsterdam, Paris and frankfurt.19 Since it does not op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 59 ‘Periodical Literature’, in M. franca-Spada and n. Jardine (eds.), Books and the Sciences in History (Cambridge: 2000), 225–238. 20 not much work has been done on the emerging genre of chemistry textbooks in the early to mid eighteenth century. The later part of the century is addressed in a. Lundgren and B. Bensaude-Vincent (eds.), Communicating Chemistry (Canton: 2000). 21 J. hill, A Review of the Works of the Royal Society of London (London: 1751), iL 71; William Borlase, The Natural History of Cornwall (London: 1758), iL 1; C. Leigh, The Natural History of Lancashire, Cheshire, & of the Peak in Derbyshire (oxford: 1700), iL 24; J. Morton, The Natural History of Northamptonshire (London: 1712), iL 145. robert Plot, The Natural History of Oxfordshire (oxford: 1705), iL 22; The Natural History of Staffordshire (oxford: 1686), iL 23. 22 a. a. Barba, The Art of Metals, in J. hodges (ed.), A Collection of Scarce and Valuable Treatises upon Metals, Mines and Minerals (London: 1738), iL 117; g. Plattes, A Discovery of Subterraneall Treasure (London: 1738), iL 118; C. C. Schindler, L’art d’Essayer les Mines & les Métaux (Paris: 1759), iL116; J. Webster, Metallographica (London: 1671), iL 18; T. houghton, Rara Avis in Terris: or the Compleat Miner (London: 1738), iL 119; J. Kunkel, g. e. Stahl and J. C. fritschius, Pyrotechnical Discourses (London: 1705), iL 122. J. g. Lehmann, Essai d’une Histoire Naturelle de Couches de la Terre (Paris: 1759), iL 70. as can be seen from the publication dates of the foregoing metallurgy sources, many of them were printed in the seventeenth century. for more on Barba and the general context of metallurgy during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see orlando Bentancor, ‘Matter, form and the generation of Metals in alvaro alonso Barba’s Arte de los Metales’, Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, 8 (2007), 117–133. 23 John Woodward, An Attempt Towards a Natural History of the Fossils of England (London: 1728–29), iL 14; e. owen, Observations on the Earth, Rocks, Stones and Minerals (London: 1754), iL 38; J. f. henckel, Pyritologie (Paris: 1760), iL 135. 24 r. Bradley, Ten Practical Discourses Concerning Earth & Water, Fire & Air (Westminster: 1727), iL 115. Pr oo f C op y contain many works that have ‘chemistry’ in the title, a cursory glance at the list might suggest that it has little to say about the subject. however, the texts used to teach chemistry during this time did not come in the common textbook form that became the standard at the end of the century. indeed, a naturalist could learn a great deal about chemistry by reading medical books or works about botany, farming, metallurgy and mineral wells.20 When one looks at the works in Walker’s Index that employ chemistry for classificatory or diagnostic purposes, one finds that they comprise a significant amount of the collection. For the most part, these works assume a good working knowledge of chemistry and include the names of chemists that Cullen recommended in his lectures, with saline experimentation being the predominant form of analysis. general natural histories are included21 as well as works devoted specifically to mineral waters, metallurgy22 and mineralogy23 and botany.24 The methodological criticisms made by Walker on several of these demonstrate his commitment to Scottish empiricism. Significantly, none of Linnaeus’s works are listed. 60 The Language of Mineralogy Pr oo figure 2.1 ‘William Cullen, M. D’, line engraving by W. C. edwards after D. Mar, published by W. Tegg & Co Cheapside, (n.d.). Cullen taught various medical courses at the university of edinburgh from the 1750s to the 1790s. he taught Walker experimental chemistry during the 1750s and over the next twenty years he was Walker’s most supportive patron in edinburgh’s medical school. Cullen’s chemistry course not only stressed the value of gravimetric exactitude, but also encouraged students to perform experiments in situ when they travelled around Scotland and, for some, the British colonies. fC op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 61 Pr oo figure 2.2 ‘Portrait of Joseph Black, M.D. f.r.S.e.’, engraved (stipple technique) by James heath from a picture by h. raeburn. Black and Walker studied chemistry together with William Cullen. They remained in contact after Walker moved away from the city to work as a minister in glencorse and, later, in Moffat. They shared membership in several societies and they often saw each other, along with other friends like James hutton and John hope, at dinners organized by Lord Kames and Lord Monboddo during the 1760s. after Walker became a professor, he and Black were the academic sponsors of the student Chemistry Society. fC op y 62 The Language of Mineralogy William Cullen and the ‘Doctrine of Salts’ in a 1664 Philosophical Transactions paper on Salts, Daniel Coxe stated the following about his ‘chymical’ experiments: ‘These are not Dreams of a delirious Chymist, but Positions, which I could confirm by an entire Series of experiments: possibly hereafter to be communicated, if upon a strict examin I find them worthy of publishing in this inquisitive and Judicious age.’25 This paper is listed on Walker’s Index and such an earnest defence may seem rather quaint today, but, as Crosland explained forty years ago, the language of chemistry before the nineteenth century was a complicated affair.26 indeed, most chemists fostered eclectic notions of ‘method’ and ‘fact’ that allowed them to criss-cross the causal and classificatory historiographical categories so frequently placed upon eighteenth-century chemistry by modern historians.27 nowhere was such an approach more evident than in enlightenment Scotland.28 Words like ‘Salt’ and ‘oil’ were often used to describe two substances which had properties that were diametrically opposed to each other.29 for instance, during the 1730s edinburgh’s Professor Charles alston summed up the situation in his remark that: ‘nay the fallacy of Chymy is remarkable. Producing the same Principle from the most opposite Vegetables.’30 Despite the varied use of words, just about every Scottish chemist trained in edinburgh was fervently committed to being as precise possible – both inside and outside the university setting. outside the lecture theatre, for example, the authors of the articles printed in the internationally recognised Essays and D. Coxe, ‘a Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe’s Discourse, begun in numb. 107’, PT, 9, no. 108 (1674), 169–178, on p. 173. 26 Maurice P. Crosland, Historical Studies in the Language of Chemistry (London: 1962). 27 alistair Duncan, Laws and Order in Eighteenth Century Chemistry (oxford: 1996). Differing definitions of ‘empiricism’ within the eighteenth century itself also complicated this situation: Marco Beretta, The Enlightenment of Matter (Canton: 1993). See Chapters 2 and 3. 28 The nineteenth- and twentieth-century historiographic methods used to examine Scotland’s reaction to the new french nomenclature are address in arthur Donovan, ‘The Chemical Revolution and the Enlightenment – and a Proposal for the Study of Scientific Change’, in Peter Jones (ed.), Philosophy and Science in the Scottish Enlightenment (edinburgh: 1988), 87–101. See also Donovan’s, ‘William Cullen and the research Tradition of eighteenth-Century Scottish Chemistry’, in r. h. Campbell and a. S. Skinner (eds.), The Origins and Nature of the Scottish Enlightenment (edinburgh: 1982), 98–114. 29 William h. Brock treats the general chemical context of this period in The Fontana History of Chemistry (London: 1992), 111–121. 30 Charles alston, Introduction to Materia Medica (1736), Bound MS, euL Dc.8.12, ff.19. Pr oo 25 fC op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 63 31 Several of its editions were translated into german and french. See Die Medicinischen Versuche und Bemerkungen, welche von einer Gesellshaft in Edinburgh Durchgesehen und Herausgegeben Werden, (altenburg: 1752); Essais et Observations Physiques et Litteraires de la Société d’Edinbourgh (Paris: 1747). 32 This situation is contextualised by Jan golinski, Science as Public Culture (Cambridge: 1992). See Chapter 2, ‘The Study of a gentleman’. for more on how Cullen fitted ‘facts’ into a ‘system’, see John Thomson, Account of the Life, Lectures, and Writings of William Cullen, M.D. Vol. II (edinburgh: 1832b), 94–99. 33 D. V. fenby, ‘Chemistry During the Scottish enlightenment’, Chemistry in Britain, 22 (1986), 1013–1016. 34 Christie warns that the current typologies do no adequately treat Cullen’s multifaceted career. J. r. r. Christie, ‘William Cullen and the Practice of Chemistry’, in a. Doig, J. P. S. ferguson, i. a. Milne and r. Passmore (eds.), William Cullen and the Eighteenth Century Medical World (edinburgh: 1993), 98–109. 35 Compare this to P. J. Macquer’s definition of a chemical principle: ‘This is the name given to substances obtained from compound bodies, when their analysis or chemical decomposition is made.’ This is found under the entry ‘PrinCiPLe’ in his Dictionary of Chemistry (London: 1777). Cullen cites Macquer in his lectures and the latter’s chemical ‘principles’ (primary, secondary, proximate and remote) do have taxonomic overtones. also see robert Siegfried and Betty Jo Dobbs on ‘principle’ in ‘Composition, a neglected aspect of the Chemical revolution’, AS, 24 (1968), 275–293, esp. page 276. Pr oo f C Observations, Physical and Literary,31 the principal organ of the PSe, gave detailed descriptions of the different types of Salts and earths that were involved in physiological functions, or even the occurrence of natural phenomena. Throughout the century, Scottish chemistry’s strong links to industry, medicine and agriculture ensured that its language of experimentation was based strongly on the ‘facts’ of empirical observation.32 from the mid-eighteenth century forward, this commitment to specificity soon became fused with the Scottish intelligentsia’s ambivalent attitude toward hypothetical conjecture and feigned hypotheses.33 The result was an implicit acceptance of general chemical ‘principles’ with the overt recognition that they were only constructs that might prove to be incorrect at a later date – a mentality that would later govern Walker’s approach to natural history. The content of Walker’s Philosophical Transactions paper reveals that Cullen’s influence over him was quite significant. In fact, at the most basic level, he accepted most of Cullen’s chemical teachings.34 Part of Cullen’s appeal was that he strove to make chemistry an individual discipline with an unambiguous vocabulary. Key terms like ‘system’ and ‘principle’ were at the heart of this effort. Like so many of his contemporaries, Cullen understood the term ‘principle’ to be a taxonomic distinction that did not necessarily represent the ontological composition of the matter it was used to describe.35 This allowed him to espouse newton’s hypotheses non fingo on the one hand, while disregarding the experimental incertitude of op y 64 The Language of Mineralogy corpuscular mechanics on the other.36 in a related vein, he held that a ‘system’ was an ordered arrangement of information that served a practical purpose. it was for this reason that he organised his chemistry lectures under a series of consecutive heads that effectively formed a textual table.37 Such an approach was not only pedagogically expedient, but it also allowed him to fuse his lecturing with the creation of a chemical system. as Barfoot has noted, although Cullen’s ‘system’ implied a ‘subject matter of some kind, [it] also referred to the way in which the contents were organised and presented in a general or theoretical way.’38 At the base of Cullen’s early chemical ‘system’ were five ‘principles’: Salts, Fire (inflammables), Water, Earths, and Metals. In his 1748–49 chemistry lectures, he defined thus: [S]alt is a body soluble in water, fusible in the fire & sapid. Sulphur or oil is a body not miscible with water, but volatile & inflammable—to be distinguished from mineral sulphur. Water is a body with heat & volatile, but not inflammable & insipid. Earth a dry solid body not fusible volatile or inflammable. Mercury is fluid, insipid, volatile.39 arthur L. Donovan Philosophical Chemistry in the Scottish Enlightenment (edinburgh: 1975). See Chapter 2, ‘english natural Philosophy after newton’. This acceptance of newton’s method and rejection of his underlying epistemology often causes confusion for the historiography of eighteenth century Scottish chemistry. also see Larry Laudan, Science and Hypothesis (London: 1981), 86–110. 37 other european chemists followed a similar approach. See Lissa roberts, ‘Setting the Table: The Disciplinary Development of eighteenth Century Chemistry as read Through the Changing Structure of its Tables’, in Peter Dear (ed.), The Literary Structure of Scientific Argument (Philadelphia: 1991), 99–132. 38 Michael Barfoot, ‘Philosophy and Method in Cullen’s Medical Teaching’, in Doig et al. (eds.), William Cullen and the Eighteenth Century Medical World (edinburgh: 1993), 110–132, on page 114. 39 italics are my own. William Cullen, Chemistry Lectures, rCPe, MS C.15, Vol. i, fol. iir & V. 40 for helpful discussions of these terms, see L. abraham, A Dictionary of Alchemical Imagery (Cambridge: 1998). 36 Pr oo Inflammables (Sulphur), mercury and Salt (not to be confused with common table salt) were the legacy of Paracelsian chemistry, while earth, Water (air would be added in the 1760s) and the burning quality of sulphur were conceptually linked to the four elements of alchemy and greek philosophy.40 This form of principlebased chemistry dominated the medical curriculum not only in edinburgh, but also in other leading medical schools like Leiden, Montpelier, göttingen and uppsala. The language and categories (usually species and genera) used to classify many of the properties engendered by chemistry, however, was by no means a settled issue and this engendered an active culture of disputation and refutation. for fC op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 65 41 Donovan (1975), 114–128. The taxonomical differentiation between several ‘borderline’ terrene and saline substances was common at the time. The changing conception of an ‘earth’ is explained in David r. oldroyd, ‘Some Phlogistic Mineralogical Schemes, illustrative of the evolution of the Concept of ‘earth’ in the 17th and 18th Centuries’, AS, 31 (1974b), 269–305. 42 Joseph Black, Notes from Doctor Black’s Lectures on Chemistry 1767/8 (Wilmslow: 1966). 43 holmes (1989), 49–59. arthur Donovan, Antoine Lavoisier (Cambridge: 1993), 74–109. norma e. emerton, The Scientific Reinterpretation of Form (London: 1984), 209– 232. Marie Boas, ‘acid and alkali in Seventeenth Century Chemistry’, AIHS, 9 (1956), 13–28. anne Marie roos, The Salt of the Earth (Lieden: 2007). 44 The therapeutic relevance is addressed throughout guenter B. risse, Hospital Life in Enlightenment Scotland (Cambridge: 1986) and New Medical Challenges during the Scottish Enlightenment (amsterdam: 2005). 45 William Cullen, ‘a Cullen Manuscript of 1753’, L Dobbin, (ed.), AS, 1 (1936), 138–156, on p. 144. 46 See the entries for ‘SaLT’ and ‘noMenCLaTure’ in the revised edition of William nicholson’s A Dictionary of Practical and Theoretical Chemistry (London: 1808). Pr oo f C instance, Cullen’s five-fold taxonomy presented several classification problems – especially the way that he divided substances with similar qualities into Salts and earths.41 Despite its shortcomings, Cullen promoted his interpretation of the principle-based system of chemical classification in his lectures during the 1750s. It was then adopted and modified by many of his students, including Black who, aside from adding the new category of ‘air’, gives similar chemical divisions in his 1767 lectures.42 When Walker was learning chemistry in the early 1750s, Cullen was devoting a considerable amount of time to understanding the Salt principle. a similar interest in this topic was shared by contemporaneous chemists in france and germany.43 Cullen felt that Salts were the most important of the five classes. This belief was linked to the neohumouralist approach to medical therapy that strongly influenced the medical school’s curriculum.44 in a paper delivered in 1753 to the PSe, he stated: ‘i proceed to the doctrine of salts. as these … are more necessary to the understanding [of] the properties of other bodies than any one of the other classes are.’45 at the time of this statement, the general concept of a ‘Salt’ dominated most forms of humid (water-based) analysis,46 not only in Scotland, but also in mainland europe. yet even though saline experimentation was so prevalent, different definitions and systems were used to classify Salts (a problem that had persisted since Paracelsus). an anonymous 1674 Philosophical Transactions paper in Walker’s Index, for example, voices the questions that Cullen asked fifty years later: ‘The Saline Principle, being that whereon I intend chiefly to insist, I op y 66 The Language of Mineralogy [anon.], ‘Some observations and experiments about Vitriol’, PT, 9, no 103 (1674), 45. [IL 53]. 48 See Appendix I. The actual title of Cullen’s paper was ‘Some Reflections on the Study of Chemistry, and an essay toward ascertaining the Different Species of Salts’ and it was not published until Leonard Dobbin’s work (1936) on the subject. The paper’s relevance to Cullen’s other work is treated in arthur Donovan, ‘Pneumatic Chemistry and newtonian natural Philosophy in the eighteenth Century: William Cullen and Joseph Black’, Isis, 67 (1976), 217–228. 49 Although Cullen found several of Stahl’s works helpful, he specifically references Specimen Becherianum (Leipzig: 1703) in his Salts paper. Likewise, though Boerhaave had published several books, Cullen’s thoughts on Salts seem to have been most influenced by Elementa Chemiae (the first edition of which was published in Leiden in 1732 and then in several editions and translations during the eighteenth century). Cullen (1936) specifically makes reference to the book’s ‘Treatise on Menstruums’ in his ‘Doctrine of Salts’ lecture. One of the first English editions of the book was Elements of Chemistry (London: 1735). 50 Daniel Coxe, ‘a Way of extracting a Volatile Salt and Spirit out of Vegetables’, PT, 9, no 101 (1674), iL 53, 4–8; Coxe, ‘a Discourse denying the Prae-existence of Alcalizate or fixed Salt in any Subject’, PT, 9, no 107 (1674), iL 53, 150–158; Coxe, (1674), 169–178. 51 for english positions on this topic, see harold Cook, ‘Sir John Colbatch and augustine Medicine: experimentalism, Character and entrepreneurialism’, AS, 47 (1990), 475–505. See especially the discussion of Slare and the debate surrounding the definition of an acid and an alkali, pages 494–501. 47 Pr oo fC shall enquire, whence it derives its original? what subject doth most resemble? or with what ‘tis most nearly allied?’47 In reaction to the numerous saline classification systems used during the mideighteenth century, Cullen sought to establish a clear saline taxonomy by dividing Salts into two ‘species’: Simple Salts and Compound Salts. This sort of ‘simple’ and ‘compound’ taxonomy was quite common at the time – not only in university chemistry courses, but also in books and private lectures that addressed topics relevant to materia medica or industrial processes like bleaching and tanning. Cullen’s simple Salts were those that formed either acidic or alkaline solutions when added to water. a compound Salt was produced by combining one acidic Salt and one alkaline Salt, which therefore made it neutral.48 The combination occurred when the Salts were suspended in an aqueous solution and the ‘new’ compound Salt was often crystallised by distillation. aside from his own experiments, his work on this subject was influenced by the Dutch medical professor Hermann Boerhaave and the German physician and chemist Georg Ernst Stahl – an affinity exhibited by most of the chemists in edinburgh’s medical school.49 he also held the saline experiments of Daniel Coxe and fredrick Slare in high regard and Walker’s Index shows that he too valued the work of these two men.50 for many Scottish chemists (including Cullen, Black and Walker) the terms ‘acid’ and ‘alkali’ were shorthand for ‘acid principle’ and an ‘alkali principle’.51 The actual material cause op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 67 figure 2.3 frontis (engraving), Johannis Kunkel, Philosophia Chemica, Experimentis Confirmata (amstelaedami: 1694). John Walker’s understanding of the material composition of spa water and stones was based on saline and heat-based operations honed in metallurgy and pharmacy. even though the substances of chemistry were subject to more rigorous forms of gravimetric analysis by the time he studied at edinburgh in 1740s, the basic operations used to break down substances remained relatively the same as those used during the previous two centuries. in addition to university lectures, Walker read about such operations in the several ‘classic’ seventeenth-century texts that he had in his own early library. a good example of this continuity can be seen in the frontis of Johannis Kunkel’s Philosophia Chemica reproduced above – a text that Walker acquired sometime during the early 1750s. Pictured on the left is a furnace, which represented operations based on heat, or ‘dry’ analysis. Directly behind the furnace is a bookcase of glass containers in which saline or aqueous operations (fermentation and distillation for example) were taking place, that is, ‘experimenta’ associated with ‘wet’ analysis. Both of these forms of dry and wet analysis were taught to all students who studied chemistry at edinburgh during the eighteenth century. Pr oo f C op y 68 The Language of Mineralogy of these principles was not known.52 alkalis were further divided into those that were fixed (stable when left alone) and volatile (liable to evaporate or decompose on their own when left alone). Following on from these definitions, there were two standard tests for acids and alkalis. The first, and easiest, was the ‘palate’ test, whereby a chemist simply placed the substance in his or her mouth and if it tasted ‘sweet’, it was an alkali. if it was ‘sour’ or ‘bitter’, it was an acid. naturally this test sometimes raised questions of subjectivity and it usually functioned, therefore, as a preliminary indicator. The second test used a vegetable extract (the syrup of violets being a Scottish favourite). it could be added to a solution directly or by paper sheets on which the solution had been allowed to dry.53 The presence of an acid turned the extract red and the presence of an alkali turned it blue or green.54 A History of Chalybeat Spas The Relevance of Mineral Water Pr 52 Since ancient times, spas were believed to possess healing qualities. During the eighteenth century, neohumouralist medical theory held that the water of a spa could be used to regulate nervous disorders and to dissolve urinary stones (which were often called calculi).55 This led many of Scotland’s physicians and naturalists to approach mineral wells with the same chemical vocabulary that they used to understand the humours of the human body. The composition of spa water, therefore, was often used to ‘diagnose’ the mineral composition of the ground below. Key to a spa’s medical and mineralogical utility was whether or not it was acidic or alkaline. This explains why the main goal of Walker’s 1757 Philosophical Transactions paper was to demonstrate that hartfell Spa contained both such ‘principles’. More specifically, he held that its acidic composition came from an alum principle and that its alkaline composition came from iron and ochre principles. all of these components were in one way or another associated with metalline substances. in Britain, wells and springs that contained such qualities (iron being the most popular) were often called chalybeat (or chalybeal) and in germany they were a situation that continued until the beginning of the nineteenth century. See richard Kirwan, Essay on Phlogiston, and the Constitution of Acids (London: 1789). 53 a test pioneered by robert Boyle, Short Memoirs for the Natural Experimental History of Mineral Waters (London: 1684/5). 54 This had become the standard acid test by the end of the eighteenth century and is detailed in a. and C. r. aikin, A Dictionary of Chemistry and Mineralogy, Vol. I (London: 1807), 37–39. 55 M. D. eddy, ‘an adept in Medicine: rev. Dr. William Laing, nervous Complaints and the Commodification of Spa Water’, SHPBBS (forthcoming, 2008). a. h. Maehle, Drugs on Trial (amsterdam: 1999), 89–96. oo fC op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 69 called Acidulæ or Sowre-Brunns (Sauerbrunnen).56 as demonstrated in the pages of the Philosophical Transactions articles contained in Walker’s Index, the chemical composition of chalybeat wells had provided a recurring topic of enquiry since the 1660s. These wells were popular because many physicians believed that their metalline Salts were good for various aspects of one’s heath. in Walker’s case, he was specifically interested in determining the presence of ‘iron’ because of the medicinal value assigned to it by the edinburgh medical community. Walker followed the literature published on chalybeat wells with great interest. Based on his Index, it is possible to construct a history of what he held to be the key experiments conducted on chalybeat wells during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Because the medium was inherently liquid, this history reveals that the most prevalent chemical form of analysis used to determine the composition of the water was the ‘Doctrine of Salts’.57 in general, the way in which these Salts eventually came to form the ochre, iron, alum and sulphur traditionally associated with chalybeate wells was a subject that continued to be debated until the end of the eighteenth century. Since there are so many different saline opinions expressed in the works listed on Walker’s Index, i will unpack two concepts that laid the foundation for his own Philosophical Transactions paper: the ‘principle’ of iron and the concept of saline acidity or alkalinity. The following account shows that chalybeat spas were thought to be acidic during the late seventeenth century. however, this received opinion changed during the early part of the eighteenth century when the experiments by frederick Slare proved them to be alkaline. This dual historical importance of acidic and alkaline mineral water composition laid the foundation for Walker’s 1757 analysis. Acidic Chalybeat Spas Pr 56 Most of the authors in the late seventeenth century Philosophical Transactions papers that appear on Walker’s Index held that the ‘bitter’ taste of chalybeat waters indicated acidity, which they in turn associated with the presence of a saline metal (usually iron, copper or tin). This composition was specifically addressed in a series of letters and papers that ran in the 1668–69 issues.58 The discussion was sparked by a book named Hydrologia Chymica, written by William Simpson,59 which sought See also ‘ChaLyBeaTe’ entry in J. Worth estes, Dictionary of Protopharmacology (Canton: 1990), 44–45. 57 This made Walker less interested in the role of heat and ‘airs’. for the role of the latter in Scottish mineral well analysis, see J. eklund, ‘of a Spirit in the Water: Some early ideas on the aerial Dimension’, Isis 67 (1976), 527–550. 58 aspects of the political and pharmacological issues involved in this debate are addressed in noel g. Coley, ‘“Cures Without Care” – “Chemical Physicians” and Mineral Waters in Seventeenth-Century english Medicine’, MH, 23 (1979), 191–214. See specifically pages 199–210. 59 W. Simpson, Hydrologia Chymica (London: 1669). oo f C op y 70 The Language of Mineralogy robert Wittie, Scarbrough Spaw (London: 1660). over the next two decades, this book would be amended and published at least three times. 61 r. Wittie, ‘an answer to Hydrologia Chemica of William Simpson’, PT, 4, no. 49 (1668–1669), 999–1000. 62 Wittie published another book on the subject in 1669: Pyrologia Mimica, or, An Answer to Hydrologia Chymica of William Sympson (London: 1669). 63 [anon.], ‘The former account of Dr. Wittie’s anSWer To The hyDroLogia ChyMiCa enlarged’, PT, 4, no. 51 (1668–69), iL 49, 1037–140, on p. 1039. Scarbrough Spa had attracted attention of several naturalists during this time. for another example, see Lucas hodgson, ‘a Letter Written by D. Lucas hodgson, Physician at newcastle, Containing Some observations Made by him of a Subterraneanal Fire in a Coal Mine near that City’, PT, 11, no. 113 (1676), 761–766, on p. 764. 64 Walker MS (1761), iL 48. 65 J. D. D. Beale also contributed to this debate: ‘The Cause of Mineral Springs further inquired; by Dr. J. Beale, to the Publisher’, PT, 4, no. 56 (1668–69), iL 49, 1131–1135; ‘instances, hints, and applications, relating to … the generation Salt, Minerals, Metals, Christal; gems, Stones of Divers Kinds …’, PT, 4, no. 56 (1668–69), iL 49, 1135–1142; ‘The Ingenious Reflexions Relating to Medical Springs numb. 52 …’, PT, 5 (1670), iL 49, 1154–1164. 66 D. Foot, ‘Some Reflexions Made on the Enlarged Account of Dr. Wittie’s answer to Hydrological Chymica in numb. 51 of These Tracts’, PT, 4, no. 52 (1668–69), iL 49, 1050–1055. 60 Pr oo fC to identify the ‘cures’ associated with a plethora of ‘Sanative waters’ in england and continental europe. as the book also addressed robert Wittie’s work on Scarbrough Spa,60 Wittie reviewed it in issue number 49.61 The editors responded to this review in issue number 51 with a summary of authors who had recently written on the subject. Since Scarborough Spa was the primary example used by Simpson and Wittie,62 they gave particular attention to its contents, especially the substances that had been isolated by Wittie. for example, an anonymous author stated, ‘Dr Witties undertakes to evince by good Proofs, and manifold indicators, that these Scarborough waters have a mixture or tincture of iron, allum, nitre, and probably a small dose of Common Salt.’63 These editorial comments prompted a series of articles that were specifically interested in chemical composition of medicinal wells. Several of these publications attracted Walker’s attention and the Index lists them as ‘Papers relative to the Controversy Concerning Scarborough Water’64 and ‘Papers on the Controversy between Dr. Wittie, foote, highmore, Concerning Mineral Waters.’65 In the ensuing articles, Daniel Foot was the first to respond.66 he was not directly concerned with Wittie’s book per se. his paper in issue number 52 was concerned with a tangential topic. he wanted to know why the material contents of mineral waters changed even after they had been hermetically sealed in jars. Such a question led him to consider their saline composition. Without making an explicit connection between chalybeatness and acids, his article focused on the acidic or alkaline composition of mineral wells: ‘[i]t is as much received, even to become op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 71 Pr 67 68 a Cymical Maxime, that acids and alcaly’s mutually operate upon one another to a satiety, to an abating, and (if circumstances correspond) to an utter amission of their former activities, and lastly to a production of a Tertium neutrum.’67 foot goes on to state that springs which contained ‘Metall’ are not in such a state of equilibrium because of the acidic nature of Salt of Metal, that is, a Salt that had metallic properties or which was somehow united to the Metal principle. This subject is further explored in a letter from nathaniel highmore to J. D. D. Beale, written on 17 December 1669 and printed in the next issue. highmore was quite unsatisfied with Wittie’s chemical classification and testing methods. in the process of stating his criticisms, highmore suggests that foot erroneously thought that vitriol (sulphur) and iron were two separate constituents. he avers that the situation was quite the opposite: ‘Vitriol is the Salt of iron, and there is no iron without it.’68 he defends this assertion by stating that Vitriolic Salt (usually considered to be acidic at the time) deposited on rocks around springs turns to iron when exposed to the sun. he then states: ‘Salts in the earth may combine with different Bodies, and make up several compounded masses, which yet, when dissolved, may communicate the same properties. The Vitriol of Copper makes water acid as well as that of iron.’ The last sentence in this statement is extremely important for our discussion because the presence of iron (for example, Salt of iron) is explicitly linked to acidity. This chemical assumption set the stage for highmore’s discussion of ‘Chalybeate’ waters near the conclusion of the letter: ‘Moreover, if i may guess at the ingredients of those Waters, which we call Chalybeate … i think them to be impregnated principally from the Vitriol or Salt of iron, which is very Volatile.’69 highmore was further convinced that the water had iron in it because it turned red upon the addition of bile (a common test for determining the presence of iron). Thus, based on his understanding of saline composition, highmore held that chalybeate waters were acidic. By 1700, the acid principle was closely associated with chalybeate wells, as is clearly illustrated by Charles Leigh’s widely read The Natural History of Lancashire, Cheshire, & the Peak of Derbyshire. Walker’s Index entry on this text held it to be ‘more conversant in mineral Waters than any other branch of natural history.’ in the book, Leigh states: ‘The Waters we shall next consider are the Acidulae, or those commonly called Chalybeats, with which these countries abound.’70 on the whole, testing for the Salt of iron, or the more ambiguous foot (1668–69), 1055. n. highmore, ‘Some considerations relating to Dr. Wittie’s Defence of Scarborough Spaw Together with a Brief account of a Less Considerable Salt-Spring in Somersetsh[ire]: an account of a Medical Spring in Dorsetshire ...’, PT, 4, no. 56 (1668–69), iL 49, 1128– 1131, p. 1129. 69 highmore (1668–69), 1130. 70 Leigh (1700). Walker maintained this book was a continuation of robert Plot’s approach as laid out in The Natural History of Oxfordshire (Oxford: 1705; the first edition was published in 1677), iL 24. oo f C op y 72 The Language of Mineralogy ‘Alkalase’ Chalybeat Spas Pr 71 Des-Moulins’s contradiction would soon be re-addressed in a 1713 paper by Dr frederick Slare,73 one of only two chemists of the royal Society during the early eighteenth century who Cullen thought had any merit.74 after a brief historical introduction on the german conception of acids, Slare cites how a series of experiments, none of which are described in his article, conducted by Dr Jordis, f.r.S., of ‘francford’ made him suspect that chalybeat waters were not acidic. using chalybeat water from Berkshire and Sussex, Slare then proceeded to conduct several experiments on his own, two of which were the proverbial tests involving taste and bile. Contrary to previous research, Slare used his experiments to claim that chalybeat wells ‘if nicely examin’d’ actually ‘leave a sweetish flavour’ on the palate. Likewise, his addition of bile to the waters turned it a ‘deep purple’ and not red. The evidence provided by his tests forced him to make a conclusion that challenged the previous acidity theory of chalybeat wells: ‘Since Mineral Waters, especially those that are Chalybeat, are of such important use to Physick … this had made me judge it a work not unacceptable to Virtuoso’s … to have this Medicine fairly examin’d, its genuine Properties asserted, and what was call’d an acid to Scipio Des-Moulins, ‘Part of a Letter from Dr. Scipio des-Moulins, to Dr. Hans Sloane, r. S. Secr. Concerning a Mineral Water at Canterbury’, PT, 25, no. 312 (1706–07), iL 77b, 2462–2466. 72 Des-Moulins (1706–07), 2464. 73 f. Slare. ‘an examen of the Chalybeat, or Spa-Waters, called German’s Acid or Sowre-Brunns, or Fountains; but Prov’d to be of a Contrary nature, that is, Alkalis …’, PT, 2, no. 337 (1713), iL 80, 247–251. 74 as stated earlier, the other was D. Coxe. See Dr J. White’s notes of Cullen’s 1756 lectures that are edited by andrew Kent and entitled, ‘William Cullen’s history of Chemistry’, in andrew Kent (1950), 15–27, see especially p.26. oo fC op y ‘ferrugineous parts’, in mineral waters continued to spark interest at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Yet conflicting assumptions about the saline composition often make it hard to understand just what a given author means by ‘iron’, especially if he does not state his position on the matter. This problem is evinced by the next chronological source cited by Walker’s Index. it is a letter published in the 1707 volume of the Philosophical Transactions (number 312) by Dr. Scipio Des-Moulins. There he relates a series of tests on a mineral well at Canterbury.71 although he states that the water smelled ‘ferruginous’ and that it turned red when bile was added to it, he does not specifically state that it contained ‘iron’ and only at the very end does he offhandedly call it chalybeat. This ambiguity towards the presence of ‘iron’ seems to be unwarranted until one looks at his acidity tests. The three vegetable extracts that he had added turned green, blue and violet.72 This indicated the presence of an alkali, not an acid, and therefore contradicted the received opinion that chalybeat waters were acidic. Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 73 be demonstrated an Alkali.’75 in an act of patriotic humility, he then proceeds to blame the previous classificatory confusion on the Germans, who, in his version of history, had originally linked acids to the ‘iron Species’. using a series of similar tests three years later at Pyrmont Spa, Slare reconfirmed that chalybeat waters were alkaline. as he was particularly keen to prove that it tasted sweet, a common indicator for alkalinity, he gave the water to ‘some of his friends’. although they originally found it to have a ‘sharp taste’, they reassessed their original conclusion upon hearing his testimony on the subject. But, as he relates, ‘when i requir’d them to call back that hasty assertion, and to consider it better, whether that Taste was really Sour or acid, they have been forc’d to recant and confess, that the smart and brisk Taste misled them to call it acid or truly Sour.’76 after Slare, it was generally acknowledged that most chalybeat spas and medicinal wells were alkaline in nature. This was still the case when Walker went to university and when he wrote his paper. for instance, in a 1749 Philosophical Transactions paper that describes a spring near a monastery outside of Carlsbad, Bohemia, James Mounsey conjectures that the monks there had created a ‘neutral salt’ by adding a mineral acid to it.77 even though Mounsey does not state that the waters were alkaline, most chemically trained physicians and naturalists believed that making a neutral salt out of an acid required an alkaline agent. Mounsey therefore takes it for granted that the reader will assume that that the waters are indeed alkaline.78 finally, in 1756, the year before Walker published his own paper, William Watson’s book review in the Philosophical Transactions of g. C. Springfeld’s new treatise on the Carlsbad waters states that the author’s experiments demonstrate ‘that these waters partake always of an alcaline principle Slare (1713), 250. f. Slare, ‘a Short account of the nature and Vertues of the Pyrmont Waters; with Some observations upon Their Chalybeat Quality…’, PT, 30, no. 351 (1717– 19), iL 82, 564–65. This is a good example of the close interaction between personal testimony and the observation of experiments and social standing within the early royal Society. See Shapin and Schaffer (1985) and Shapin (1994), as well as P. f. da Costa, ‘The Making of extraordinary facts: authentication of Singularities of nature at the royal Society of London in the first half of the eighteenth Century’, SHPS, 33 (2002), 265–288. 77 James Mounsey was a Scot who studied medicine in edinburgh. he was awarded an MD by the University of Rheims in 1739. He served in the military (first as a surgeon, then as a doctor) in russia, the Baltic and other parts of eastern europe. he maintained his links to edinburgh, notably through his PSe membership. for more on his fascinating career, see J. h. appleby, ‘“rhubarb” Mounsey and the Surinam Toad’, AHN, 11 (1982–4), 137–52; g. C. g. Thomas, ‘Some correspondence of Dr James Mounsey’, Scottish Slavonic Review, 4 (1985), 11–25. 78 J. Mounsey, ‘[T]he Russia Castor, the Baths at Carlsbad, the Salt-mines near Cracau, and Various other notices’, PT, 46, no. 493 (1749–50), iL 129, 225. 76 75 Pr oo f C op y 74 The Language of Mineralogy … for which reason they ferment with every species of acids.’79 Based on this ‘principle’,80 Springsfeld goes on to demonstrate how an ‘alcaline lixivium’ can dissolve the gluten that holds together the calcarious matter of urinary stones. An Experimental History of Hartfell Spa Purpose and Definitions in addition to the mineral water studies in his Index, Walker’s 1757 paper states that he was further informed on the subject by experiments he had conducted on water taken from ‘the Spa’, that is, Bath, the english spa town near Bristol, and the Pyrmont wells in Lowland Scotland. his main goal at hartfell Spa was to determine whether or not it was chalybeat. By demonstrating that the spring contained the ‘iron principle’, he knew that it would attract the attention of physicians seeking to use it for medicinal purposes.81 in keeping with other improvement-minded Scots from this time period, he was quick to point out some the practical uses of the well. This move was no doubt motivated by the larger social, economic and therapeutic roles played by medicinal wells during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.82 for instance, he argues that the water did not spoil easily when kept in sealed bottles.83 Since the water from other spas often did not have this longevity, this was a quality that would have appealed to entrepreneurs who might want to sell it abroad or use it as a preservative (especially for milk, as Walker suggests). in true empiricist style, he clearly states that his research was only meant to function as a helpful study of the well’s chemical contents. in other words, ‘These trials are but few and imperfect, and are no-way sufficient to form an exact account of this mineral water; yet i believe they may afford some conclusions, which may be serviceable in compiling a more compleat history of it.’84 Like his 79 In this context, to ‘ferment’ means to ‘fizz’. William Watson, ‘An Account of a Treatise, in Latin, Presented and Dedicated to the Royal Society, intitled ‘Gottlob Caroli Springfeld. M. D. &c. &c. Commentatio de Prerogativa Thermarum Carolinarum in Dissolvendo Calculo Vesicæ præ Aqua Calcis Vivæ’, PT, 49 (1755–56), iL 141, 895–906. 80 Like Cullen and Walker, Watson represents Springsfeld’s ‘principle’ as a word which not only applied to acids and alkalis but also to other substances such as calcarious matter. See Watson (1755–56), 904–5. 81 in addition to horseburgh’s and Plummer’s papers on hartfell Spa’s potential medicinal qualities, John rutty also published a paper on it in 1760: ‘of the Vitriolic Waters of amlwch, in the isle of Anglesey; with occasional remarks on the Hartfell Spaw’, PT, 51 (1760), 470–477. 82 See roy Porter (ed.), The Medical History of Waters and Spas (London: 1990b) and P. hembry, The English Spa (London: 1990). 83 a fact also noted by Plummer (1746) and horseburgh (1771). 84 Walker (1757), 111. Pr oo fC op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 75 Iron Principle Tests Pr 85 Since he was interested in demonstrating that the well had chalybeat qualities, Walker first tested for an iron principle. He initiated the tests by consulting his palate. unlike many previous naturalists who characterised chalybeat water as either bitter or sweet, Walker held that the water tasted both acidic and ‘astringent’. He then performed two vegetable extract tests, one which used balaustine flowers and another which used pomegranate flowers. These tests turned blue, thereby demonstrating that the water was dominantly alkaline.87 he next tested for the iron principle by adding ‘some pieces of galls’.88 These turned deep blue and this led The reader may also wish to refer to the list of the modern equivalents of eighteenthcentury chemical substances contained in appendix i. 86 The importance of Sulphur to saline analysis is treated in the following Philosophical Transaction papers (some previously cited from Walker’s Index). [anon.], ‘Some observations’ (1674), 44. [anon.] (1674), 66–69 and 72–73. Coxe (1674), 152; (1674), 176. foot, (1668–69) 1055. Des-Moulins (1706–07), 2462-3 and 2465. Slare (1713), 247. 87 This was a common test, for example see Des-Moulins, (1706–07), 2464. 88 also called galla, ‘gall nuts’ and ‘gall balls’, these were used in medicinal tonics and as anti-diarrheals: ‘[a] reaction of tree bark tissues to the secretion of larvae of gall wasps as they emerge from eggs laid in oriental oak or dyer’s oak.’ estes (1990), 87. gall oo f C contemporaries, Walker explained his experiments and conclusions in the language of principle-based chemistry, which means that some of his terms may be foreign to the modern reader. To make the following sections more accessible, I will first mention a few key terms that he used to recount his experiments.85 When he used the word ‘iron’, it most often meant the iron ‘principle’ that turns blue, purple or violet upon the introduction of galls. The adjective he used for Salt was ‘saline’ and his adjectives for earth were ‘terrene’ and ‘terrestrial’. at the end of the paper, he states his inability to determine whether the iron principle is saline or terrestrial. for this reason, he used the word ‘parts’ interchangeably to connote the presence of a Salt or an Earth ‘in a very fine and subtile form’. The word ‘metalline’ was usually a Salt that exhibited metallic properties. Lastly, waters that contained an iron principle were also called ‘chalybeat’, ‘steel waters’ or ‘ferrugineous waters’. after a series of thirty-seven experiments, Walker concluded that hartfell Spa contained two forms of ‘iron’: ochrous earth and a metalline iron. he also demonstrated that the water contained aluminous Salt, Sulphur86 and a ‘terrestrial principle’ made of ‘a light brown-coloured earth’. in what follows, i detail the experiments that led him to this conclusion. Such an exposition not only sheds light on mid eighteenth-century in situ chemical analysis, but also reveals several key methods and practices that he would later use to construct his mineralogical systems and to understand the form and composition of the earth. each of the following sections details the tests that served as indicators of the water’s material composition. a table of the tests can be found in appendix iii. op y 76 The Language of Mineralogy Pr The sole presence of the iron principle would have made chalybeat well composition a rather simple affair. There was, however, a complication. When exposed to air, chalybeat waters not only produced the ‘iron’ cremor at the top (which was to be expected), they also produced ochre clumps that settled at the bottom of the liquid. Walker held these clumps to be ochreous because of their yellow colour.91 By the 1750s, the presence of such ochreous clumps served as a simple visual test for determining chalybeat waters, as he states: ‘all chalybeat waters separate their ochrous parts, when exposed some time to the air.’ instead of waiting several hours for the ochre to coagulate, the yellowish colour associated with it could be prematurely induced by the addition of the fixed alkalis Saccharum Saturni (Sugar balls were a common test and can be traced most of the previously cited mineral water papers in the Philosophical Transactions. highmore (1668–69), 1128, 1131. Des-Moulins (1706–07) 2463–4. Slare (1717–19), 565. also see Boyle (1684/5), 36. 89 Walker (1757), 123. 90 The OED gives the following definition: ‘a. A thick juice or decoction; a liquid of this consistency: a broth pap. b. By erroneous association with f. crème, CreaM, a scum gathering on the top of a liquid.’ it then cites page 128 of Walker’s 1757 Philosophical Transactions article. 91 The significance of ochre (oker, ocker or ocher) in regard to mineral water or saline analysis is addressed in the following Philosophical Transactions. anon. (1674), 42–43, 45. foot (1668–69), 1054; Slare (1717–19), 569. oo fC Ochrous Earth Tests op Walker to conclude that ‘the water of this Spaw contains a far larger proportion of iron than most.’89 To further confirm the presence of the iron principle, experiments twelve to sixteen tested the water’s ‘cremor’, the crust and/or foam that formed at the top of the residual water when it was distilled.90 His first ‘experiments’ simply recorded the external appearance of this cremor. its ‘shining chalybeat colour’ indicated that it contained the iron principle, which Walker’s former tests had demonstrated to be alkaline. Therefore, in his next experiments, he added two alkalis, Oil of Tartar (fixed) and Sal Ammoniac (volatile), to demonstrate that the cremor was also alkaline. Since these alkalis did not separate the cremor, like an acid would have done, Walker concluded that the cremor was indeed alkaline. Some of Walker’s tests were not performed on the spa water itself. he used several additional experiments that acted as controls for the various tests that he employed to determine the content of the spa water. Thus, as noted above, he used two vegetable extracts to make sure the water was alkaline. He reconfirmed that his galls were testing for the iron principle by adding them to a solution of Sal Martis (Vitriolum Martis), an acid known to contain the Salt of iron. To doublecheck his cremor tests, he exposed Sal Martis and an unnamed ‘infusion of iron in common water’ to air for some time. Both of these formed a bluish cremor, thereby confirming Walker’s iron principle tests upon the spa cremor. y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 77 of Lead) or oil of Tartar. Walker must have realised that his use of ochre-inducing tests had the potential of attracting criticism because he goes on to state: ‘but this separation is made sooner by the commixture of several kinds of salts.’92 These Salts were the same Saccharum Saturni (Sugar of Lead) and oil of Tartar that he originally used to test for the presence of ochre. Thus, he is not only using them as indicators, but also as coagulants. aside from the double use of Saccharum Saturni and oil of Tartar, the fact that ‘ochrous parts’ coagulated into ‘many small yellow terrene nebeculæ’ of ‘ochrous earth’, implicitly meant that there was something in the water from the very beginning that was predisposed to forming ochre. Since the only alkaline dissolvent in the waters that Walker could chemically identify was Salt of iron, he classified ochre under the iron principle. For this reason, he used the distinction ‘ochreous parts’ and ‘ferrugineous parts’ interchangeably. This ferrugineous classification was further supported by the fact that after the ochre was precipitated, the remaining water did not tincture when galls were added. even though Walker held the ochreous parts, the Saccharum Saturni and the oil of Tartar all to be alkalis (he even referred to the former as the ‘alkaline oil’), he does not address how these two substances interact with the iron principle (also alkaline) to form ochre. it does seem that Walker recognised this conceptual problem because he devoted almost two pages to explaining how the addition of oil of Tartar sometimes produced different results. he admits: ‘yet i could not be so positive as to the oil of tartar, which i suspected to have been long kept.’93 This being the case, the problems associated with the artificial coagulation of ochre still did not affect his overall argument for the formation of ochreous earth because it appeared after distillation and with the addition of common water. yet there is another key issue raised in the ochre experiments. it has already been noted that Walker used a chemical taxonomy similar to (if not the same as) William Cullen’s. This system was inherently weak on distinguishing whether or not certain dissolvents were really a Salt or a microscopic earth. it is for this reason that Walker suggests (using a dependent clause) that the ochreous nebeculæ are terrene (and, therefore, implicitly not saline): ‘for if these ochreous parts be altogether terrene, as they appear to be, and exist in the water unconnected with any other principle, then it must happen that as these parts are uniformly diffused thro’ the water, in which they are suspended as in a menstruum.’94 This is why he concludes that the coagulated ochreous ‘parts’ are some sort of Earth. he also states that water contains, ‘two different principles of iron, both which are fixed. The one, which is the ochreous earth, it is true minera ferri, and, altho’ it be a crude mineral, exist in the water in a very fine and subtile form.’95 This meant that one principle of iron (presumably Salt of iron) had formed the ferrugineous cremor and the other 92 93 94 95 Pr oo f Walker (1757), 125. Ibid., 127. Ibid., 128. italics added. Ibid., 141. C op y 78 The Language of Mineralogy (unnamed) had formed ochreous earth. With this conclusion, Walker pushed the definition of an Earth into the realm of Salts (or vice versa), in that it could be dissolved in water without being seen by the naked eye. Aluminous Salt Tests unlike the alkaline principle associated with hartfell Spa’s ferrugineous parts, the well also contained an acid principle: ‘from these experiments we infer, that this mineral water contains both an alkaline and an acid principle … the latter [consisting] of the aluminous salt.’96 Walker’s ‘quest of alum’ is found in experiments seventeen through thirty-three.97 When explicating his thoughts on this substance, it must be remembered that, at the beginning of his article, he noted that the water tasted both acidic and ‘astringent’, thereby indicating the presence of both an acid and an alkali principle. To further investigate the astringent taste, he added fresh milk to both fresh and ‘elixated’ spa water.98 The milk coagulated in both tests, thereby demonstrating that the water contained an acid principle independent of the alkaline principle. Walker noted, however, that the ratio between the milk and water had to be four to one in order for the test to work properly. Too much milk, or too much water, reduced the likelihood of coagulation: ‘I have heard it confidently averred that this mineral water did not at all curdle milk; which i suppose, has been thro’ a mistake in the experiment, in adding too large a proportion of milk to the water.’99 he made this assertion to implicitly defend the fact that he held both an alkali and an acid principle to be present in hartfell Spa. Walker’s milk tests confirmed the fact that there was an acid principle in the Spa water, but nothing more. The only other evidence that suggested the presence of alum was the fact that his palate had determined the water tasted ‘aluminous’. To further prove the presence of alum, he performed two more experiments. after boiling the spa water several times to remove its ferrugineous parts, he reboiled all the water completely away so that a brown, crystallised Salt remained on the bottom of glass. This brown Salt was then subjected to two acids: Spirit of Vitriol and vinegar. Since the Salt did not effervesce (as an alkali would have done), this test indicated that it was an acid. he then placed the Salt on a red-hot iron, 96 97 Pr Ibid., 137. alum (also spelled allom and allum) had been acknowledged to be part of many medicinal wells since chemical experiments were applied to their waters. for instance, the anonymous 1674 Philosophical Transactions paper in Walker’s Index states, ‘But first, I cannot but take notice of the great affinity that is between Vitriol, Allom, and Mineral Sulphur’. [anon.], ‘Some observations’ (1674), 47 (also see pages 71–73 in the same volume). The presence of alum also features in the Index’s 1668–1670 Philosophical Transactions papers on medicinal wells. See: [anon.], ‘an account of Two Books’, PT, 4 (1668–69), 1037 and highmore (1668–69), 1128. 98 That is, spa water from which he removed the Salt of iron and ochreous earth. 99 Walker (1757), 133. oo fC op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 79 Conclusion This chapter addressed Walker’s early knowledge of chemistry by presenting three chemical ‘histories’ relevant to his 1757 Philosophical Transactions paper about Hartfell Spa. The first detailed his chemical education. Specific attention was drawn to William Cullen, the PSe, and Walker’s Index Librorum. The second section concentrated on the history of chalybeat spas as portrayed in the works of the Index, with special emphasis given to the ‘Doctrine of Salts’ and the iron principle. The last section presented an experimental history of hartfell Spa as represented in his 1757 paper. These histories present several points worthy of consideration. The first is that Walker’s chemical training was more extensive than previously appreciated and was a product of the Scottish experimental epistemology that valued classification and eschewed theory. Such an approach to ‘systemising’ chemistry was methodologically similar to the Linnaean taxonomy that was also seizing natural history. as Walker’s later lecture notes show, Cullen’s conception of a ‘system’ (both for medicine and chemistry) and Linnaeus’s ‘system’ for natural history provided a shared methodological base for arranging the data generated by these interlocking disciplines. Pr 100 101 Walker (1757), 136. The OED cites Walker’s usage of this word in his paper (p. 135) and defines it as: ‘Becoming milky; having a milky appearance.’ it also cites his paper’s use of ‘lactescency’ (p. 124) and defines it as ‘A milky appearance; milkiness.’ 102 for a table of Walker’s aluminous/acidic experiments, see appendix iii. oo f C op an experiment used specifically to test for alum. The Salt crystal only calcined but, when powdered and added to the iron, it ‘[ran] together in a cinder.’ This result allowed him to conclude that the Salt was aluminous, ‘as it is peculiar to an aluminous salt to liquefy in some degree with fire, so we see, that this was evidently the case with this salt.’100 as with his tests for the iron principle, Walker also performed a series of experiments to verify the validity of his acid principle and aluminous Salt tests. He reconfirmed the milk test by performing the same experiments on a mixture of spring-water (presumably devoid of any contaminants) and alum. all of these yielded the same levels of coagulation as the corresponding tests upon the Spa water. By mixing the aluminous Salt into spring water, he reconfirmed that alum was an acidic principle by obtaining a red tincture from an infusion of ‘syrup of violets’ and by procuring ‘some bubbles of air’ from the addition of oil of Tartar. he also demonstrated the vestigial remains of the iron principle. Thus, a ‘lactescent cloud’101 obtained upon the addition of Saccharum Saturni demonstrated a trace of ochre and a blue tincture produced by galls and revealed the lingering presence of the iron principle.102 y 80 The Language of Mineralogy a second point raised by this chapter is that Walker’s early experiments favoured humid analysis (as opposed to analysis by fire). This was linked to the fact that he accepted the strong emphasis that Cullen placed upon the ‘Doctrine of Salts’. from Walker’s experiments, it is clear that he was testing the taxonomic limitations of Cullen’s saline classification. This makes him, in modern phraseology, part of a broader ‘research program’ during the 1750s; one that centred around Cullen and which sought to use the Doctrine of Salts to produce pharmaceuticals and to improve Scottish industry (particularly the bleaching of linen and the production of common salt).103 Cullen was quite keen to argue that fixed alkalis could be obtained not only from plants, which was the prevalent practice, but also from minerals. Walker’s ‘Salt of Iron’ (a fixed alkali) experiments on Hartfell Spa only served to reconfirm Cullen’s belief that fixed fossil alkalis could occur naturally. The additional boon of Walker’s experiments was that they demonstrated that such spas existed in Scotland. This meant that they could be made to serve the demands of Scottish industry, a significant point when one considers that the alkali used to purify sea salt and to dye Scottish linen came from abroad. Such a discovery would most definitely have pleased the Earl of Hopetoun. As the laird of Moffat, the nearest town to Hartfell, he would have benefited economically from the reputation of the waters. furthermore, Walker’s competent analysis of hartfell Spa almost certainly led the Hopetoun family to make him one of their scientific advisors.104 Walker’s 1757 research does present some ambiguities. Most notably, he does not explain how the Salt of ‘iron’ and ‘ochreous’ earth could be metallic and alkaline at the same time. he also does not state whether ochre is terrene or saline. yet, despite such ambiguities, one thing remains clear: the ‘Doctrine of Salts’ was not simply a system that governed his humid analysis, it was the system – not only for Walker, but also for Cullen.105 as will be seen in the following chapters, Walker employed principle-based chemistry all the way up to the end of the century, and his knowledge of the subject would eventually lead him to classify minerals on the basis of chemical characters. During his tenure as edinburgh’s Professor of natural history, he actively endorsed the use of chemistry when lecturing on botany, mineralogy and geology. as i will show, chemistry permeated his view of natural history, because it provided data that could be used to classify natural objects. as a tool for examining properties and phenomena, the ‘Doctrine of Salts’, even more so than theories of heat, proved to be the most practical branch of chemistry for Walker’s pursuit of natural history even after the new french nomenclature was introduced at the end of the century. Pr 103 104 Thompson (1832a), 74–82. This connection is briefly treated in M. D. Eddy, ‘James Hope Johnstone, Third earl of hopetoun (1741–1816)’, in the ODNB (oxford: 2004c). 105 The same was the case for most chemists throughout europe. See holmes (1989), especially in his chapter on saline analysis, 31–59. oo fC op y Sorting the Evidence: Analysis and the Nomenclature of Matter 81 Pr oo f figure 2.4 William green, ‘Landscape View Showing the Village of Moffat, circa 1800’, in Thomas garnett, Observations on a Tour through the Highlands and Part of the Western Isles of Scotland (London: 1811). hartfell Spa was located just outside of Moffat, the town where John Walker was a minister during the 1760s and 1770s. its waters had been analysed by a number of chemically-trained physicians over the past century. he conducted a number of experiments on it and then published his results in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. he argued that the water contained several substances that could be used as medical cures and which were relevant to William Cullen’s research on Salts back in the university of edinburgh’s medical school. C op y Pr oo fC op y Chapter 3 Becoming a naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage Introduction Pr oo although the time that Walker spent as edinburgh’s professor of natural history has been addressed by several studies, the previous thirty years that he spent ‘mineralising’ have been virtually ignored.2 The situation is similar for many of the well-known mineralogists of the eighteenth century and there is generally a lack of studies that address how a mineralogist actually became a mineralogist.3 alfred Whittaker’s work on Karl Ludwig giesecke has shown that the reasons for this are many, but the most common problem is the lack of accessible primary 1 4 august 1764, John Walker to Baron Mure, nLS Mure of Caldwell Correspondence 1770–72 MS 4943 f. 98–99. 2 Before my own work on Walker, his pre-professorial years were touched on in Charles W. J. Withers, ‘improvement and enlightenment: agriculture and natural history in the Work of the rev. Dr. John Walker (1731–1803)’, in Peter Jones (ed.), Philosophy and Science in the Scottish Enlightenment, (edinburgh: 1988), 102–116; g. Taylor, ‘John Walker, D.D., f.r.S.e. 1731–1803. notable Scottish naturalist’, TBSE, 38 (1959), 180– 203; John Walker, Lectures in Geology, harold W. Scott (ed.), (London: 1966). 3 Studies that address the actual practice of seventeenth and eighteenth century mineralogy in detail are few. See the following sources for a helpful overview: Chapter 3, ‘from rocks to riches’, in alix Cooper’s Inventing the Indigenous (Cambridge: 2007); hugh Torrens, ‘early Collection in the field of geology’, in o. impey and a. Macgregor (eds.), The Origins of Museums (oxford: 1986), 204–213; W. e. Wilson, ‘The history of Mineral Collecting, 1530–1799’, MR, 25 (1994), 1–264; W. C. Smith, ‘early Mineralogy in great Britain and ireland’, BBM, 6 (1978), 49–74; a. Livingstone, Minerals of Scotland (edinburgh: 2002). fC op After a Journey which has afforded me a great deal of Pleasure, tho’ mixed with some Hardships, I am at length arrived at this Place, having made a compleat Tour through all the western Islands. Tho’ I have spent four months among them, and looked round me every where as attentively as I could, yet they are so numerous, and of so great Extent, that it is but a transient View that a Person can acquire of them in that Time.1 y 84 The Language of Mineralogy Educating a ‘Fossilist’ The Multifaceted World of Minerals Pr We have seen that, although Walker’s official course at university was divinity, he also studied natural philosophy, chemistry and possibly botany. There was no official mineralogy course, but the university provided a number of ways to learn about the subject. During this time, the words ‘mineral’ and ‘fossil’ were used interchangeably to describe any object that was dug out of the ground. Such a broad definition meant that a wide range of fields like metallurgy, chemistry, georgics and pharmacology (materia medica) influenced mineralogy. As Scotland had no mining academies, mineralogy was actually treated in the mid-century materia medica and chemistry courses offered in edinburgh’s medical school – particularly in the lectures of Charles alston, andrew Plummer, and later, William Cullen.5 By the mid-1750s, the school had become one of the best places in Britain to learn about the chemical composition of stones. as many of the professors had studied under herman Boerhaave at the university of Leiden,6 they used experimental chemistry to examine biological processes and to develop new pharmaceuticals.7 This led to a situation in which the chemical language and 4 alfred Whittaker, ‘Karl Ludwig giesecke: his Life, Performance and achievements’, Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Geologischen Gesellschaft, 146 (2001), 451–479. 5 for instance, see alston’s Lectures on the Materia Medica (London: 1770). 6 These men are treated in e. a. underwood, Boerhaave’s Men at Leyden and After (edinburgh: 1977). 7 r. g. W. anderson, ‘Chymie to Chemistry at edinburgh’, RSCHG, 2 (2000), 1–28. The chemical aspects of Edinburgh’s pharmacological scene are specifically treated in A. h. Maehle, Drugs on Trial (amsterdam: 1999). oo fC op y sources.4 using Walker’s early career as a guide, this chapter relates the making of an eighteenth-century Scottish mineralogist. The time frame under examination begins with his entry into the university of edinburgh in 1744 and it ends with his being appointed professor in 1779. The first section shows that his early mineralogical education in the medical school and under William Cullen was closely linked to chemistry. The second section then proceeds to unpack how he used chemical characters to classify minerals and to criticise the systems of widelyread naturalists like Linnaeus, emmanuel Mendes Da Costa, Johan gottschalk Wallerius and Axel Fredrik Cronstedt. The final section then details how Walker used tours, patrons and correspondents to build a ‘fossil’ collection full of specimens that he could use to test the viability of chemically based mineralogical systems. Throughout the chapter, I draw specific attention to the classification practices that he inherited from chemistry. i also discuss the colleagues and texts that influenced his thought. Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 85 characters used in their experiments exerted a strong influence on the practice of botany and mineralogy at the university for the entire century. Nowhere is the influence of chemistry more clear than in a manuscript written by Walker in the mid 1790s. entitled Systema Fossilium, it presented his classification of ‘fossils’ and was based on research that he had conducted over the past fifty years. In its introduction he recounts his early mineralogical education: i began to collect fossils in the year 1746 when attending the natural Philosophy Class, and was first led to it, by the Perusal of [Robert] Boyle’s Works, and especially his Treatise on gems … [i] often traversed the Kings Park, the Sea Shores between Crammond & Musselburgh, and visited the Quarries & Coalleries near edinburgh, but had not a Book at the Time, to direct [me] concerning the Species of fossils, but Woodward’s Catalogues. after studying the Works of Boyle, Becker, Stahl, Boerhaave, & some others, i attended Dr. Plummer’s Course of Chymistry in the year 1749, and became still fonder of Mineralogy.8 8 John Walker, Systema Fossilium, (c. 1797k), Bound MS, guL gB 247, MS gen 1061, f. 2. Several of the pages of this bound manuscript bear a 1795 watermark, but based on internal evidence, it was most probably completed in 1797. its introductory section (which contains the above quotation), was republished over twenty years later as ‘Notice of Mineralogical Journeys, and of a Mineralogical System, by the Late rev. Dr. John Walker, Professor of natural history in the university of edinburgh’, Edinburgh Philosophical Journal, 6 (1822), 88–95. 9 it should be noted that John Steuart (Stewart) originally studied medicine and held an MD. he was the son of robert Steuart (1675–1747) and he succeeded his father to the professorship on natural philosophy in 1742. he continued to teach the course until his death in 1759. alexander Bower, The History of the University of Edinburgh, Vol. II (edinburgh, 1817), 336–339. Bower also treats the careers of Plummer and alston. 10 robert Boyle, The Philosophical Works of the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq., Second Edition, Peter Shaw (ed.), (London: 1738). also see Boyle’s An Essay about the Origine and Virtues of Gems (London: 1672). Little research has been done on this book even though it enjoyed a wide circulation up until the end of the eighteenth century. See george White’s foreword in robert Boyle, An Essay about the Origine and Virtues of Gems (new york: 1972). for a brief treatment of this essay, see J. h. Brooke and g. n. Cantor, Reconstructing Nature (edinburgh: 2000), 324. 11 J. Woodward, An Attempt Towards a Natural History of the Fossils of England (London: 1728–29). Pr oo fC This quotation shows that Walker’s first taste of mineralogy was inspired by the natural philosophy course taught by John Steuart in 1746.9 This led him to read robert Boyle’s collected works (which included his treatise on gems),10 John Woodward’s An Attempt Towards a Natural History of Fossils of England,11 Johann Joachim op y 86 The Language of Mineralogy figure 3.1 ‘The environs of edinburgh’, alexander Kincaid, The History of Edinburgh, from the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time (edinburgh: 1787). Pictured above are the roads that Walker used when he travelled around the environs of edinburgh to collect minerals and plants. edinburgh appears in the top centre of the map and serves at the epicentre of concentric circles spaced one mile apart so that readers could gauge distances in relation to the city. The Castle hill appears as a circular protrusion on its north side, and Salisbury Crag appears as part of three circular protrusions on the west. as well as collecting specimens from these geological formations, Walker’s notes mention that he liked to mineralise in the Pentland hills, both as a boy and also as an adult. These were located several miles to the southwest of the city. in particular, he was well acquainted with the ‘road to Linton and Moffat’ that ran from edinburgh along their southeast face. in 1758 he was appointed minister of glencorse, which was just off the road and at the western foot of the hills (near the ‘Vii’ mile maker that appears on the longitudinal line that runs straight south from the city). in 1762 he became the minister of Moffat. Since he visited edinburgh several times a year to meet with literati and to attend the general assembly of the Church of Scotland, his contact with hills continued throughout his career. Pr oo f C op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 87 J. J. Becher, Physica Subterraneae (Lipsiæ: 1738). g. Stahl, Philosophical Principles of Universal Chemistry (London: 1730). 14 herman Boerhaave, Elements of Chemistry (London: 1735). 15 There are four of alston’s books listed in the 1804 posthumous catalogue of Walker’s library: C. elliot, A Catalogue of the Books in Natural History with a Few Others, which Belonged to the Late Rev. Dr. Walker (edinburgh: 1804). euL La.iii.352/6. See nos. 61, 58, 66, 220, 562. as mentioned in the introduction of this book, i will refer to this catalogue as ‘eC’ in the footnotes. 16 M. P. Crosland, Historical Studies in the Language of Chemistry (London: 1962). 17 The idea that one universal earth could form the base of all minerals appealed to many mineralogists during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. its intellectual lineage stretched back to Platonic forms and the four aristotelian elements. During the sixteenth century, chemists held that all matter was somehow born from a universal acid and it was this concept that was eventually transformed into the eighteenth century’s idea of a ‘universal’ Primary earth. n. e. emerton masterfully traces this intellectual lineage from Plato to the eighteenth century in The Scientific Reinterpretation of Form (London: 1984). The role of earths in eighteenth-century chemistry and natural philosophy is treated in a. 12 13 Pr oo fC Becher’s Physica Subterraneae,12 georg ernst Stahl’s Philosophical Principles of Universal Chemistry,13 and herman Boehaave’s Elements of Chemistry.14 except for Woodward, all of these authors used chemical characters as the basis of their mineralogical systems. having read these sources, Walker then attended the lectures of andrew Plummer, the professor of chemistry in the medical school. in addition to these lectures, it is quite possible that he also attended the materia medica course of Charles alston (1683–1760).15 Based on Walker’s comments in his Systema Fossilium and on several other extant manuscripts from early in his career (to be discussed in the next section), it can be seen that his initial conception of mineralogy was shaped by what he read in the books written by Boyle, Woodward, Becher, Stahl and, to an extent, Boerhaave. The mineralogical classification promoted by these authors, however, was inconsistent. Since chemical nomenclature and vocabulary were not standardised in the eighteenth century,16 each of the authors above had a slightly different approach to mineralogy. Stahl, for instance, based his system on characters derived chemically, while Woodward only used chemistry when externally visible (natural) characters like shape or colour were not enough. To make matters even more complex, there were three different approaches to chemical substances being employed in these works: firstly, Aristotelian Elements (Earth, Water, fire and air), secondly, the Paracelsian tria prima (Sulphur, Mercury and Salts) and, thirdly, the principle-based system (Salts, Inflammables, Water, Earths, and Metals). Despite these different forms of chemistry, the authors listed above did agree on the general assumption that the concept of an ‘earth’ was central to any credible mineralogical arrangement; many even believed that there was one ‘universal earth’ that somehow formed, or perhaps sustained, the matter of all stones.17 Such a substance, however, proved to be elusive and the most useful op y 88 The Language of Mineralogy Pr Woodward shared Boyle’s pragmatic view. he concentrated solely on natural characteristics, that is, the ‘nature’, ‘Properties’ and ‘Phenomena’ of minerals.20 for every fossil, wherever possible, he observed its placement in the ground and ‘the Bulk, the form, the Texture, the Constitution, the Purity of Mixtures discernible in it.’21 This being the case, his work offers only a vague definition of what he means by the word ‘earth’. for him, anything in the ground that was not a mineral or a metal received this title.22 Likewise, Boerhaave was not interested in strictly defining this term in Elements of Chemistry; and even if he was, his vacillation between aristotelian, Paracelsian and principle-based chemistry would have complicated any attempted definition anyway. Duncan, Laws and Order in Eighteenth-Century Chemistry (oxford: 1996). See especially pp.159–168. 18 i will go into more detail on gravimetric, that is, ‘weight-based’, analysis in the next chapter. The history of the practice, however, is addressed in William r. newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire (Chicago: 2002). 19 Boyle (1738), 143. 20 Woodward (1728–29), x. 21 Ibid., x–xi. 22 Woodward, however, does state that he believed that the composition of ‘earth’ remained relatively constant – even if it was moved about by a flood. John Woodward, An Essay Toward a Natural History of the Earth (London: 1695), 220, 260–262. oo fC hence we may reasonably doubt, whether the assertors of elementary earth can shew us any native substance deserving of that name; and, also whether what remains, after chymical analysis, tho’ it has all the qualities, judg’d sufficient to denominate a portion of matter earth, may not yet be either a compounded body, or endowed with the qualities which belong not to simple earth.19 op systems of mineralogy turned out to be those based upon the data generated by the gravimetrically-based methods and instruments employed by early modern ‘chymistry’.18 The basic goal of this tradition was to use water, heat and acids to reduce a stone to its most basic components which could in turn be used for classificatory purposes. As the century progressed, chemists from across Europe began to believe that there were five or so basic Earths – Primary Earths – that could be used to form the genera of all mineralogical systems. By the end of the century, the number of these earths had grown to nine. of the authors mentioned above, only Becher and Stahl placed a strong emphasis on the role played by Primary Earths in the classification of minerals. The others were either sceptical or unclear on the matter. for instance, Boyle, in his works on earths, minerals and metals, was more concerned with ascertaining practical applications. To achieve this goal, he looked at both natural and chemical characters. yet, even though he was a chemist, he doubted the existence of one universal Primary earth: y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 89 Becher (1738), 49. a discussion of the how chemical ‘principles’ were used in mineralogy at this time can be found in D. r. oldroyd, ‘The Doctrine of Property-Conferring Principles in Chemistry: origins and antecedents’, Organon, 12/13 (1976/77), 139–155. for the chemical processes used to analyse Primary earths, see oldroyd, ‘Some eighteenth Century Methods for the Chemical analysis of Minerals’, JCE, 50 (1973a), 337–340. 25 D. r. oldroyd, ‘Some Phlogistic Mineralogical Schemes, illustrative of the evolution of the Concept of “earth” in the 17th and 18th Centuries’, AS, 31 (1974b), 269– 306. 26 Stahl, (1730), 13. at this time, ‘Primitive earth’ was used interchangeably with ‘Primary earth’. 27 The philosophical aspects of Stahl’s chemistry are addressed in D. r. oldroyd, ‘an examination of g. e. Stahl’s Philosophical Principles of Universal Chemistry’, Ambix, 20 (1973b), 36–52. 28 rachel Laudan, From Mineralogy to Geology (London: 1987), 47–69. 24 23 Pr oo f Woodward’s and Boyle’s emphasis upon natural characters proved to be very useful for Walker throughout his entire career. in fact, Woodward remained a reference work that Walker recommended to his students after he became edinburgh’s professor of natural history in 1779. The prominent role played by Primary earths in Walker’s Systema Fossilium (completed in the mid 1790s), however, shows that it was Becher and Stahl who laid the conceptual foundations for his chemical approach to the composition of rocks and stones. Becher held that there were three kinds of earth: Vitrescible, fatty and Mercurial.23 Because he was not able to completely isolate each element of this tria prima, each remained a philosophical construct similar to a Platonic form. The purest representation of Vitrescible earth was associated with quartz and was characteristically dry. it was the primary ingredient of stones and minerals and imparted the qualities of fusibility, solidity and opacity. By the time Walker matriculated into the university of edinburgh, the principlebased system had become the main form of chemistry advocated by the professors in the medical school, and by the mid-1750s Cullen included all of the Primary earths under the term ‘earth Principle’.24 By the years that immediately followed his time at university, Walker had eventually decided that Vitriscible earth was one of five Primary Earths associated with the Earth Principle; however, he never ceased to believe that it was the oldest of all the Primary earths. Such a view slightly differed from Becher, who held that there was a foundational Primary earth (fatty earth) which served as the base for all earths and which conferred colour, odour, and taste.25 Like Becher, Stahl maintained the tria prima stance, and it was this conception of ‘earths’ that was given the title ‘primitive earths’ in Peter Shaw’s widely read english translation of Stahl’s Philosophical Principles of Universal Chemistry.26 Because Stahl accepted many of Becher’s chemical definitions,27 their works are sometimes collectively called the Becher-Stahl School.28 The influence of this school upon seventeenth- and eighteenth-century C op y 90 The Language of Mineralogy chemical mineralogists was quite significant.29 In Edinburgh, its influence was felt in the articles printed in Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary, the principal journal of the medical school and Philosophical Society of edinburgh (PSE) from the 1750s until the 1770s. The Becher-Stahl School also influenced Cullen, Walker’s chief mentor. indeed, Walker never ceased to maintain that, ‘The first persons among the moderns that aimed at the proper method of arrangement in the fossil kingdom were Becher and Stahl.’30 William Cullen and Primary Earths as can be seen in the previous section, there were several different methods that were to be used to classify minerals, many of which drew from the vocabulary and associated experimental practices of chemistry. This often created confusion amongst naturalists seeking to create useful arrangements of stones. on the whole, the reality was that no one system was exactly the same, especially when it came down to the particulars that were used to formulate the definitions for nomenclatural terms. This created a situation in which local authorities ended up playing a key role in standardising definitional variants, thereby creating shared linguistic reference points for naturalist communities when they made their own observations, or when they read widely circulated texts written by authorities like Boyle, Becher, Stahl and later, Wallerius, Cronstedt and Bergman. for Walker and other members of edinburgh’s literati, Cullen functioned as one of the most influential chemical standardisers. It is for this reason that I devote the rest of this sub-section to spelling out the chemical terms that he used to classify minerals, thereby laying the conceptual foundations for the focus given to Walker for the remainder of the chapter. although Cullen lived in glasgow until 1755, he had been a member of the PSe since 1749 and was ‘more and more attached to Mineralogy, which was at that Time indeed, his own favourite Pursuit.’31 Influenced by the Becher-Stahl School, Boerhaave and Pierre Joseph Macquer,32 Cullen was busy developing a systematic arrangement of Salts at the time. he also performed experiments that allowed him to aver that the Earth Principle was ‘not soluble in water, not inflammable, of a dry and solid consistence, either not fusible in the fire or if fusible concreting emerton (1984), 225–226. Walker (1966), ‘Mineralogy Lecture’, 224–225. This edition of Walker’s work only includes his introductory lecture on mineralogy. The rest of the manuscript notes taken by students during his mineralogy lectures are housed in euL. Walker’s 1780s and 1790s geology lectures, for example, cite Becher’s Chymisches Laboratorium (frankfurt: 1680), Natur-Kündigung der Metallen (frankfurt: 1679), Parnassi Illustrati ... Mineralogia (ulm: 1663) and Physica Subterraneae (frankfurt: 1703). See Walker (1966), 271. 31 Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 4. 32 Pierre Joseph Macquer, Élémens de Chymie Théorique (Paris: 1749) and Elémens de Chymie-Pratique (Paris: 1751). 30 29 Pr oo fC op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 91 again in the form of glass.’33 after reading Johann Pott (1692–1777),34 he became convinced that there were four genera of Primary earths:35 1. 2. 3. 4. Vitrescible Calcareous argillaceous Talcy W. Cullen, ‘Misc. Lectures notes, re: earths by William Cullen’, guL MS Cullen 795, f. 1. Also treated in ff. 2–8. Compare to Black’s 1767/8 definition: ‘Terrea sunt solida, sapida, nec aqua pura Simplici Solubilia nec Inflammabilia & nunquam fusibilia quin in Vitrum Abuent.’ Joseph Black, Notes from Doctor Black’s Lectures on Chemistry 1767/8 (Wilmslow: 1966), 27. 34 ‘Misc. Lecture notes, re: earths by William Cullen’, guL MS Cullen 795, f. 6. J. h. Pott, Lithogéognosie ou Examen Chimique des Pierres et des Terres en Général (Paris: 1753). The German edition first appeared in 1745. Pott’s Earths and their relation to mineralogy are discussed in Theodore M. Porter, ‘The Promotion of Mining and the advancement of Science: The Chemical revolution of Mineralogy’, AS, 38 (1981), 543– 570. See especially pages 556–558. 35 Cullen used the term ‘Primitive earths’ interchangeably with ‘Primary earths’. See the ‘Pharmaceuticæ Cullini’ section of Black’s 1767/8 chemistry lecture notes. Black (1966), 26–28. 36 The following definition of the four Earths are taken from William Cullen, ‘A Chemical examination of Common Simple Stones & earths … by William Cullen with notes [incomplete] on alkali earths and the earth’s Structure’, guL MS Cullen 264, f. 1. 37 for more on Cullen’s chemical conception of Vitrescible earths, see ‘of Vitrescent Earths and Vitrifications … by Cullen’, GUL MS Cullen 268/8. 38 Cullen, (guL MS Cullen 264), f. 1. 33 Pr oo fC He defined these substances in the chemistry lectures that he gave in Glasgow during the 1750s.36 There he stated that Vitrescible Earths quickly changed to glass, became readily transparent with the application of fire, struck fire with steel, were little altered by calcinations and were not dissolved by acids. Because of their glass-like transparency, he often referred to them as ‘crystalline’. Gems, flint, calculi, sand, quartz and fusible spar (probably feldspar) contained an extremely high percentage of this substance.37 Calcareous Earth was a substance that either turned into quicklime when heated or dissolved with effervescence in acid menstrua. it was the main component of marble, limestone, chalk, spars, stalactites, shells, marls, magnesia alba, aluminous earth, quicklime and earths that contained animal and vegetable matter. Argillaceous Earth was ‘viscid’ and ‘fine’. It did not dissolve in acids, did not turn upon a lathe and became harder and more compact when exposed to fire. Clay, coloured clays, steatites and ferruginea usually contained a high percentage of this substance.38 Talky Earth was less well-defined because Cullen could not decide whether or not it included Gypseous Earth. it was found mostly in selenicks and gypsum. upon being burned, stones that contained Talky op y 92 The Language of Mineralogy Pr 39 40 Cullen, (guL MS Cullen 795), f. 1 and f. 5. Ibid., f. 5. Cullen’s notion of ‘Fire’ is addressed in Georgette Taylor, ‘Unification achieved? William Cullen’s Theory of heat and Phlogiston as an example of his Philosophical Chemistry’, BJHS, 39 (2006), 477–501. for a background to the role played by heat in chemistry and natural philosophy during the late eighteenth century, see hasok Chang, Inventing Temperature (oxford: 2004). 41 Cullen’s saline analysis is discussed in several places in a. L. Donovan’s Philosophical Chemistry (edinburgh, 1975). 42 Cullen (guL MS Cullen 795), f. 1. 43 Saline experimentation was arguably a leading form of humid analysis in both Scotland and france during the early to mid eighteenth century. for the french scene, see f. L. holmes, ‘analysis by fire and Solvent extractions’, Isis, 62 (1971), 129–148. 44 Cullen (guL MS Cullen 795), f. 1. oo earth ‘changed into a gypsum or ‘Such a kind of Quicklime as is dissolved in kinds of Acids & is the longest resisting vitrification.’39 Based on Cullen’s observations, Joseph Black would later decide that Talky earth and gypseous earth were indeed different substances and this led him to separate classification categories for ‘talcs’ and ‘gypsums’ in the mineralogy sections of his lectures. aside from a few physical qualities like transparency and malleability, Cullen’s prevailing method for determining Primary Earths was chemical. More specifically, his tests employed ‘fire’ and ‘Chemical Menstrua’. for the most part, his use of the term ‘fire’ generally meant ‘heat’. or, as he stated, ‘the presence of fire’ can vulgarly be judged by the presence of ‘heat & Light’.40 ‘Chemical Menstrua’ referred to the humid forms of analysis (aqueous solutions) that were governed by the Salt Principle (which Cullen also called the Doctrine of Salts).41 During the 1750s, his use of heat had convinced him that all Primary earths might be reduced to ‘a transparent vitrious body’. echoing the Becher-Stahl School, Cullen felt that this suggested the ‘possibility of the universal clarification of our opaque terrene globe.’42 This excited him because such a Primary (Vitrescible) earth could serve as the historically illusive base for a standardised mineralogical system. however, Cullen could not actively argue for the explicit existence of such a Primary earth because the only way to reduce Calcareous, gypseous and argillaceous earths into a vitrescible state was by adding saline mixtures.43 The presence of these Salts made it hard to determine whether or not the original earth under examination was truly vitrefiable. Even so, Cullen’s acceptance of the Primary Earths allowed him to hold that all rocks were ‘nothing else but Earths baked firmly together’.44 as such, they could be reduced back to their constituent earths if pulverised. for this reason, he was more concerned with chemical experiments that identified the Primary earths that were present in a given stone. in addition to isolating a stone’s Primary earths, Cullen’s chemistry lectures also treated another important mineralogical topic: ‘earths’ (which, in modern parlance is similar to ‘soils’). He defined them as ‘powdery bodies diffusible in fC op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 93 Pr 45 46 Cullen (guL MS 264), f. 7. John Walker, ‘an account of a new Medicinal Well, Lately Discovered near Moffat, in Annandale, in the County of Dumfries. By Mr. John Walker, of Borgue-house, near Kirkcudbright, in Scotland’, PT, 50 (1757), 117–147. 47 Tripela is Cullen’s word for ‘tripoli’, which is ‘A fine earth used as a polishingpowder, consisting mainly of decomposed siliceous matter, esp. that formed of the shells of diatoms; called also infusorial earth or rotten-stone’, OED. 48 Cullen (guL MS Cullen 264), f. 7. 49 Ibid., f. 7. 50 hardness in particular was a popular character used to classify stones during the early modern period. for an overview of the eighteenth-century attempts to create a numeric designation for hardness, see Sally newcomb, ‘Characters in Context’, in helmuth albrecht oo f Water.’45 With this definition, it seems that Cullen was trying to portray earth as a make-shift species that fell between Primary earths and Salts. Such a broad definition, however, was not without its problems and Cullen spent a good deal of time trying to iron out the conceptual wrinkles. as mentioned in the previous chapter, Walker was involved in this process because his 1757 Philosophical Transactions article addressed the shared characters of saline and terrene mineral water solutions.46 in general, Cullen held that there were two types of earth. The first was ‘of moist surfaces & viscid’. These consisted of marls and of clays. He held that marls effervesced in acid and did not harden in fire; and that clays hardened in fire and were soluble in acids. The second type of earth was ‘of dry surfaces and friable’. These consisted of ochres and ‘tripelas’.47 he sometimes stipulated that the ochres should be ‘soft and smooth’ and the tripelas should be ‘hard and rough’. as his lectures and publications on other subjects show, Cullen was a prodigious systematiser. This is why his interest in Primary earths and earths went much further than just naming and defining. His overarching goal was to create a mineralogical classification system. To achieve this goal, he created two categories of stones: Powdery and Solid. Powdery Stones, or rather those ‘in coarse powder’,48 consisted of sand, grit and earth fragments. Solid Stones, or those ‘in larger Masses’,49 consisted of two general divisions: Simple and Structured. Since Cullen thought that most stones were composed of a mixture of Primary earths and earths, his classifications were rough and sometimes overlapped. Simple Stones included gypseous, freestone, limestone, rockstone and (curiously) granite. The description he offered for ‘Structured’ stones in his manuscript notes is vague and seems to be directed at the concreted matter surrounding rocks. But even so, he offered four types: Determined, Milky, Coloured and Clear. Sprinkled throughout his entire classification of stones were also chemical characters which were usually determined by experiments involving acids. Thus, Cullen oscillated between natural and chemical characters. The natural characters that he particularly liked were softness, hardness, smoothness, colour and stratigraphical alignment.50 C op y 94 The Language of Mineralogy in addition to mineralogy, Cullen’s chemistry was relevant to both medicine and natural history. Such a link was not new in Britain. for instance, in addition to emphasising the value of applying chemistry to all the kingdoms of nature, Boyle’s comments on the actual practice of natural history served as a guide for many naturalists.51 Likewise, Cullen’s lectures made the link between natural history and chemistry quite clear: natural history is what acquaints with the native place[,] & the Sevl appearances of all the Subjects of art or Commerce[,] it must appear to deserve particular attention & that it is Chemistry that teaches the various manufacture of these for the purposes of Life[.] Both together may be considered as important to Society[.] They are necessarily connected together[.] The chemist will often blunder if he cannot distinguish natural Productions & at the same time The naturalist will not be able properly to distinguish the Sevl Similar productions of nature without the assistance of Chemical expts [.]52 he then proceeded to give a long list of minerals worth investigating in Scotland. Walker took this list quite seriously because he made it a point to examine many of its items during the next two decades.55 This allowed him to acquire the specimens Pr and roland Ladwig (eds.), Abraham Werner and the Foundation of the Geological Sciences (freiberg: 2002), 236–247. 51 r. Boyle, General Heads for the Natural History of a Country Great or Small (London: 1692). for an example of his application of chemistry to natural history, see r. Boyle, Short Memoirs for the Natural Experimental History of Mineral Water (London: 1684). 52 W. Cullen, ‘fragments of a Lecture by Cullen Concluding and Summarising the first Part of the Course; natural history and its Productions’, guL MS Cullen 258, ff. 2–3. 53 Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 16. 54 r. g. W. anderson, The Playfair Collection and the Teaching of Chemistry at the University of Edinburgh 1713–1858 (edinburgh: 1978), 58. 55 Walker eventually wrote similar lists for his students: ‘a Memorandum given by Dr. Walker, Professor of natural history, edinburgh, to a young gentleman going to india, oo The earth of every Country contains in its Bowels a variety of Valuable Matters that are neglected & undiscerned[.] arts are often at a loss for matter[ial]s & we often import[.] This Country has been so little examined that probably many treasures are reserved to the discovery of Skilfull persons[.] fC Based on this rationale, Cullen kept his own mineralogical collection, which Walker purchased for the edinburgh natural history Museum in the 1790s.53 Cullen also encouraged his other students to do the same, as can be seen by the fact that Black was also interested in collecting minerals.54 Cullen’s abovementioned lecture goes on to direct his students to examine minerals because: op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 95 Chemistry and Classification Walker’s Early Systematic Mineralogy with Some additions’, The Bee, 17 (1793), 330–333. Likewise, robert Jameson, Walker’s student and successor, went on to do the same: ‘Literary and Scientific Intelligence’, The Edinburgh Magazine and Literary Miscellany, 1 (1817), 367–369. 56 for Walker’s later involvement with the university of edinburgh natural history Museum, see C. D. Waterston, Collections in Context (edinburgh: 1997), 1–41. 57 euL Black MSS 873–5. John hope [second earl of hopetoun] to Joseph Black, 19 May 1770, ff. 28–30. John hope to Joseph Black, 9 June 1770, f. 31. a. J. alexander [from Bracelot, grenada] to Joseph Black, 31 april 1773, ff. 58–62. John graham [from Cumberland] to Joseph Black, n.d., ff. 76–77. 58 John Walker, ‘Public Lecture, anno 1788, on the utility and Progress of natural history and Manner of Philosophising’, Essays on Natural History and Rural Economy (edinburgh: 1808), 323–347. 59 The link between natural history and national improvement in eighteenth-century was particularly strong. See Charles W. J. Withers, Geography, Science and National Identity (Cambridge: 2001); see especially Chapter 4. Pr oo f After his ordination, Walker began to spend a significant amount of time on chemistry and natural history. in 1756 and 1757, he made two marl and manure collections and submitted them to the edinburgh Society, an offshoot the Select Society that was dedicated to the improvement of the nation.59 he was awarded medals for both collections. This early interest in minerals combined with Cullen’s chemical approach to the subject had a notable effect on him. it manifested itself in many ways, including in his 1757 Philosophical Transactions paper on mineral water. The value of in situ analysis, however, proved to be useful in a wide C op y that eventually became part of the university of edinburgh’s natural history Museum.56 in this manner, chemistry and mineralogy were mutually dependant. Chemistry provided characters by which rocks could be classified – first into genera based on Primary earths and then into individual species that contained various percentages of the given Primary earth. But these characters were not only used for arranging minerals. They were also employed in the making of pharmaceuticals and in the purification of mineral ores. The latter was linked to mining and could therefore be used to obtain patronage. This is why Walker’s contemporary Black analysed box after box of minerals sent to him by the earl of hopetoun and other naturalists during the 1770s.57 in addition to analysing mineral ores, chemistry was incorporated into the larger utilitarian enterprise of agricultural improvement. following this pattern, Walker continued to promote the interaction of chemistry and natural history throughout his career and, like Cullen, gave a public lecture on the topic in 1788.58 96 The Language of Mineralogy α. Gems. Crystals. Agates. Pebbles. Jaspers. Granites. Porphyries. Free stone. Whetstone. Touchstone. β. Marbles. Limestone. Flints. Spars. Chalk. Alabaster. Stalactites. Petrifactions. γ. Talc. Slate. Asbestos. δ. Salts. Vitriols. Selenites. ε. Amber. Ambergrease. Bitumens. Coal. Pyrites. Sulphurs. Arsenic. Pumice. Lava. ζ. Loams. Marls. Clays. Sands. Boles. Ochres. η Ores of all the Metals & semimetals. Pr 60 61 John Walker, Index Librorium (1761), Bound MS, euL Dc.2.38. John Walker, Adversaria (1766–72), Bound MS, guL MS Murray 27. 62 Adversaria’s semi-aphoristic style in parts is similar to the approach taken by Linnaeus in Philosophica Botanica (Stockholm: 1751). Joseph Black was also interested in such a type of personal notation. See Thomas Thomson, The History of Chemistry, Vol. I (London: 1830), 315. oo number of locations other than hartfell Spa or even the environs of edinburgh. Walker maintained his interest in chemistry over the next two decades as he toured Scotland. as these travels were extensive, they will be treated in the next section. The main goal of the present section is to detail the chemical foundations of the nascent mineralogical classification system that he used early in his career (including when he travelled). The manuscript sources on this topic for the period between 1757 and 1766 are few. of those that are extant, there is no clear indication as to which single mineralogical classification influenced Walker’s early investigations. Even though the 1761 index of his library shows what he was reading,60 it does not indicate his personal definition of a Primary Earth. The first clear indication as to which classification system was guiding his initial mineralogical activity is found in his early commonplace notebook, which, like many of the time, was entitled Adversaria.61 Kept from 1766 to around 1772, it is a collection of aphorisms, thoughts and observations drawn from books, articles, conversations and personal observation.62 Most of the entries address natural and civil history and, notably, much of this information would eventually be integrated into the natural history lectures and articles that he wrote after he became a professor in 1779. Since the first entry is numbered ‘300’, it is likely that Adversaria is the only remaining example of a set of several notebooks. even though it contains observations on all three kingdoms of nature, it focuses chiefly upon mineralogy and botany. The mineralogical entries are helpful for three reasons. first, they include the halfdozen or so authors who most influenced Walker at this time (sometimes specific books and page numbers are cited). Second, there are several lists of minerals that were either collected by him or by other naturalists. Third, he gives the basic mineralogical categories that he was using to classify stones at the time. These categories occur in entry 335, where he lists general directions on how a beginner might group newly collected fossils: fC op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 97 θ. Petrified Wood, Plants, leaves, Fruits, Shells, Bones. ι. Figured fossils, as Entrochi, Belemnites, Asteno, Cornua, Ammonites. Glossopetra. κ. Superficial Delineations of Herbs, Trees, Ruins &tc. upon Stones.63 Pr 63 Walker MS (1766–72), f. 157. The greek characters are Walker’s. The ‘asteno’ fossil in the ι class could possibly be ‘asteria’. 64 elsewhere in Adversaria, Walker held that fluors were ‘compound Bodies, consisting of a Salt and an earth’, and that therefore, they should be strictly ranked among the Salia, having no ‘Title to the Character of simple primitive earths, which have been given them.’ Walker MS (1766–72), f. 145. 65 ‘natural characters’ were those that were externally observable. This type of character was briefly discussed in the introduction and will covered in more detail in the next chapter. 66 For Black’s fossil sections, see Black (1966), 173–190. See also the ‘petrification’ classes in J. g. Wallerius, Minéralogie, ou Description Générale des Substances du Regne Minéral (Paris: 1753) and in f. a. Cartheusar, Elementa Mineralogie (frankfurt: 1755). The historical connections between medicine, chemistry and collecting are evinced in most oo f At present it is difficult to know whether Walker based this list on something that he read (either in a book or in a letter) or if it was his own creation. But no matter where he got it, the list demonstrates the direct influence of Cullen and chemical mineralogy. not only are most of the categories based on the principle-based system propounded by Cullen and many of his colleagues in edinburgh’s medical school, but the first four were based on the fourfold division of Primary Earths (vitrescible, calcareous, argillaceous and talcy) that Cullen had taken from Pott. The α group contained stones that were indurated and composed of a high percentage of vitrescible earth. The β group was generally made of calcareous earth and was semi-hard. The γ group was soft and contained talcy earth. The fossils in the ζ group were composed of various ingredients characteristic of argillaceous earth. Walker used Salts, Inflammables and Metals to form his next categories. The δ group contained Salts or minerals like fluors that had qualities that he would have understood to be saline.64 Those placed in the ε group were either inflammable themselves or were a naturally occurring product of inflammables. Finally, the η group was based on Metals. once Walker had used chemical principles to arrange metals and minerals, he then grouped the remains of animals or plants found in the ground. here he moved beyond the realm of rocks and stones. Since the nature of these objects limited his ability to use chemical characters, he relied more on externally observable natural characters to group such organic ‘Productions’ (groups θ, ι, κ).65 including these types of specimens in a mineralogy system was very common at the time. Joseph Black, for instance, devoted a whole section to the productions of animals and vegetables in his 1767/8 lectures, and many of the chemical mineralogists mentioned in Walker’s Adversaria and his 1761 library index included similar categories.66 Such a situation, as I will show in the final C op y 98 The Language of Mineralogy chapter, had broader connections to the emergence of geology. in general, just about anything that came from the below the earth’s surface was called a ‘fossil’, thereby allowing naturalists to include vestiges of the animate and inanimate world in the same collection. Like Black, all of Walker’s early classifications were based upon the chemistry of the day. The only chemical principle that is not included in their classifications is Water. Technically, however, it was not a mineral and this is probably why it is omitted. Walker, however, did believe that Water was important for mineralogical studies – as can be seen in his 1757 Philosophical Transactions article on hartfell Spa.67 The overarching order of his 1760s mineralogical system, therefore, was the following: Earths α group (vitrescible) β group (calcareous) γ group (talcy) ζ group (argillaceous) δ group η group ε group θ, ι, κ groups Salts Metals Inflammables Organic of the specimen lists given by Caspar friedrich einckel in his popular Museographia; oder, Anleitung zum Rechten Begriff und Nόtzlicher Anlegung der Museorum, oder Raritäten-Kammern (Leipsig: 1727). More recently, Ken arnold has addressed this subject in Chapter 7 of Cabinets for the Curious (aldershot: 2006). The larger cultural role of mineralogical collections is discussed in Kim Sloan (ed.), Enlightenment (London: 2003), r. g. W. anderson, M. L. Claygil, a. g. Macgregor and L. Syson (eds.), Enlightening the British (Cambridge: 2003); Marco Beretta (ed.), From Public to Private (Sagamore Beach: 2005); Jonathan Simon, ‘The Values of the Mineral Kingdom and the french republic’, in Diana Donald and frank o’gorman (eds.), Ordering the World in the Eighteenth Century (Basingstoke: 2006), 163–189. 67 Walker was fascinated with mineral water for his entire career. in addition to his 1757 article and the mineral water works in his 1761 Index, there are several manuscript notes from the 1770s and 1780s that address the topic. See John Walker, Essays, Transcipts and Other Papers II (c. 1770), Bound MS, euL DC.1.58 and Essays, Transcripts and Other Papers (c. 1780), Bound MS, euL DC 1.59. 68 emmanuel Mendes Da Costa, A Natural History of Fossils (London: 1757). Pr oo of the half dozen or so authors mentioned in Adversaria, only emanuel Mendes Da Costa’s A Natural History of Fossils68 and the mineralogical sections of Linnaeus’s Systema Naturae receive repeated attention. even though each of these authors based their system on natural characters, both used chemistry at some point in their classification. Their systems, however, were different. Da Costa took issue with Linnaeus’s quintuple nomenclature (kingdom, class, order, genus, fC Systematic Mineralogy Sources op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 99 Pr 69 The contours of Da Costa’s career are treated in g. S. rousseau and D. haycock, ‘The Jew of Crane Court: emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717–1791), natural history and natural excess’, HS, 38 (2000), 139–142. 70 C. Linnaeus, A General System of Nature (Swansea: 1804), 9. also see, C. Linneaus, Systema Naturae per Regnatria Naturae Tomus III (homiae: 1768), 11. it should be noted, however, that the terms ‘physical’ and ‘natural’ were often used interchangeably by eighteenth-century naturalists. 71 See Linnaeus (1804), 3–9; Linnaeus (1768), 3–11. 72 r. Porter, The Making of Geology (Cambridge: 1977), 112–118. 73 See John hill, A General Natural History (London: 1748–52) and Woodward (1728–29). also, Linnaeus’ conceptual framework was hard for most chemical oo f species) and had created his own classification which ran in the following order: series, chapter, genus, section and member. Since financial difficulties prevented him from finishing the projected volumes of his Natural History of Fossils, Da Costa’s book offered only two series: earths and Stones.69 The chapters, genera and sections were based on natural characters (colour, texture, and so on) and the members were differentiated based on their reactions to acids and alkalis. Likewise, Linnaeus resorted to chemistry as a final option to be used after natural characters were exhausted: ‘The student has three modes of investigating this [Mineral] Kingdom: Physical, which descends through the obscure generation of minerals: Natural, which considers their superficial and visible structure: Chemical, which ascend through their destructive analysis.’70 for the last, Linnaeus employed fire and acids. He also used several other characters that fell within the realm of eighteenth-century humid analysis: concretion, cementation, calcination, putrefaction and crystallisation.71 Walker’s early classification clearly demonstrates that he did not follow the natural method approach of Linnaeus and Da Costa. his many references to these authors are an excellent example of his lifelong proclivity to cite works that employed a nomenclature or method that he himself did not support. he had no problem with extracting examples from one book and then inserting them into a system (usually his own) that seemed more reasonable. he began this practice early in his career with his use of Becher, Stahl and Woodward and he continued it in his geology lectures, especially the sections that cite theorists like Buffon and Maupertuis (a point that will be explored further in the Chapters 4 and 5). This process of extracting and inserting natural history commonplaces was ubiquitous during the enlightenment. for mineralogy, however, there was a canon of authors that most naturalists at least felt obliged to mention.72 in mid eighteenth-century Britain, four of the popular works were Da Costa’s Natural History of Fossils, Linnaeus’s Systema Naturae, John hill’s A General Natural History and John Woodward’s An Attempt towards a Natural History of Fossils. The difference, however, between citing them and actually agreeing with them was sometimes quite vast.73 C op y 100 The Language of Mineralogy Pr Throughout his personal notes and his commonplace book Walker often praised the foregoing canonical authors in one sentence and then criticised them in the next. This followed a larger trend within systematics in which authors highlighted the uniqueness of their contribution by criticising the content or arrangement of canonical works. Da Costa was no exception and in his Natural History of Fossils he stated: ‘i have attentively examined the Woodwardian and Wallerian systems, and, finding them defective, have presumed to form a new one from the principles of both.’74 ironically, Da Costa was criticised in the same manner by later mineralogists, one of them being Walker himself: ‘Mr. Da Costa has from germany the same red micaceous fossile, which is found at Dalswinton. he considers it as an ore of iron, as Linnaeus likewise does, tho’ probably i think with some impropriety. it is the ferrum intractable nitens micaceum. Lin.[naeus].’75 Sometimes these criticisms became rather pointed and this caused tempers to flare. But, in Walker’s case, his continued use of Da Costa’s work throughout his career indicates that he held Natural History of Fossils in high regard. Walker’s disagreement with Da Costa and Linnaeus over the classification of the ferrous/micaceous mineral from Dalswinton in the above quotation is significant for three reasons. first, it is a good example of how he used ‘local knowledge’ to challenge authorities based outside of Scotland. The town of Moffat, Walker’s home at the time, is in a valley of the Lowther hills mountain range. Dalswinton is on the southern base of the Wedder Law, a summit in this range located a few miles west of Moffat. Walker knew the composition and placement of stones in this area very well because he walked through the hills on a regular basis. Since Dalswinton was only an hour’s walk away, he undoubtedly had collected the stone himself and had seen several similar specimens in situ. his knowledge of the minerals indigenous to this area, therefore, made him an expert, and this gave him the confidence to disagree with respected authorities.76 Second, his local knowledge was augmented by the different forms of chemical analysis that he used to ascertain the composition of minerals. his contention with Da Costa and Linnaeus concerning the stone, for example, was informed by the ‘iron principle’ experiments that he had performed on hartfell Spa in 1757, that is, a spring located on a summit that was not only part mineralogists to escape, even in his native Sweden. See h. fors, Mutual Favours (uppsala: 2003). 74 Da Costa (1757), iv. 75 Walker MS (1766–72), f. 152. 76 Walker’s use of indigenous stones, and the role played by local knowledge early in his career, follows a pattern employed by many naturalists in early modern europe. The european context is given in alix Cooper, Inventing the Indigenous (Cambridge: 2007); see especially her treatment of the Swiss physician and naturalist Johann Jakob Scheuchzer in Chapter 5. oo fC op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 101 of the Lowther hills, but which was in close proximity to Dalswinton.77 Third, his Adversaria entry on the Dalswinton stone reveals that he had started to read several chemists whose work would form the foundation of the mineralogical system that he eventually created in the 1780s. More specifically, Walker cites Johann Gottschalk Wallerius (1709–85), the eminent professor of chemistry at the university of uppsala from 1750 to 1767.78 During the mid-eighteenth century, Wallerius wrote a number of chemistry and mineralogy texts, but his most influential work in Britain was Mineralogie, ou Description Générale des Substances du Règne Minéral (1747).79 Walker cites this work to clarify the classification of the Dalswinton stone. he notes that: ‘of this Species Wallerius has 2 Varieties.’80 These varieties were determined chemically and such a reference to Wallerius is notable because it links Walker to Swedish chemical mineralogy early in his career. it also shows how he fused his knowledge of indigenous stones with the chemical descriptions and language contained in texts that gave accounts of specimens that he had never seen in person. not only does Walker make several references to Wallerius, he also mentions Wallerius’s disciples Jacques-Christophe Valmont de Bomare (1731–1807) and axel fredrik Cronstedt (1722–65). Bomare was then ‘Démonstateur d’histoire naturelle, Membre de la Société Litteraire de Clermont-ferrand, de l’académie royal des Belles-Lettres de Caën, de l’académie royale des Sciences, BellesLettres & Beaux-arts de rouen’, and was the author of Mineralogie, ou Nouvelle Exposition du Régne Minéral (1762).81 Cronstedt’s work on mineralogy had been written in 1758, but gained a wider audience when it was translated into german in 1760.82 The mineralogies of Wallerius, Bomare and Cronstedt all based their aside from the local entries in John Sinclair (ed.), A Statistical Account of Scotland (edinburgh: 1799), a helpful description of the Lowther hills range and its summits can be found in W. Lawson, Manual of Modern Geography: Physical, Political, and Commercial (glasgow: 1879), 70–75. it should also be mentioned that recent hiking literature on the area divides the Lowther hills summits into different sub-ranges. Williams, for example, places the hartfell summit in the ‘Moffat hills’. See nick Williams, Southern Uplands (Boness: 2005). 78 J. r. Partington, A History of Chemistry, Vol. III (London: 1962), 169–172. 79 The original was published in Swedish (Stockholm: 1747 and 1750). The french edition was based upon the german translation (Berlin: 1750). 80 Walker MS (1766–72), 152. 81 J. C. V. de Bomare, Minéralogie, ou Nouvelle Exposition du Règne Minéral (Paris: 1762). Quotation taken from the frontispiece. 82 Cronstedt’s first chemical mineralogy system was published in Swedish as Försök till Mineralogie (Stockholm: 1758), however it was its 1760 german translation that brought it to the attention of mineralogists in the german, french and english speaking countries. See Cronstedt’s entry in the DSB; D. r. oldroyd, ‘a note on the Status of a. f. Cronstedt’s Simple earths and his analytical Methods’, Isis, 65 (1974a), 506–512; Porter (1981), 558– 560. interestingly, James hutton also used Cronstedt’s work. See J. Jones, ‘The geological Collection of James hutton’, AS, 41 (1984), 223–244, especially page 239. 77 Pr oo f C op y 102 The Language of Mineralogy systems upon Primary earths just like Walker, Cullen and Black. in fact, it was Cullen himself who had introduced Walker to Cronstedt in 1764: Not long before I set out [for the Hebrides], Dr. Cullen had received the first german edition of Cronstedt’s essay, of which he was so fond, that he carried it for several Weeks in his Pocket. he translated to me the leading Characters of Cronstedt’s new & peculiar Classes. he was particularly anxious about the Zeolite. And it was in consequence of this, that I first observed it, among the Basaltick rocks at the giants Causeway, though afterwards, in greater Plenty & Variety in many of the islands.83 Building a Collection The Mineralogy of Travel one of the distinguishing marks of the professors who lectured in edinburgh’s medical school was that they understood the pedagogical effectiveness of passing Pr 83 84 Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 7; Walker (1822), 90. fabricius received his medical doctorate from the university of edinburgh in 1767. his thesis was entitled: Tentamen Medicum Inaugurale, de Emetatrophia (edinburghi: 1767). 85 Walker MS (1766–72), f. 212. 86 a. f. Cronstedt, An Essay Towards a System of Mineralogy (London: 1770). 87 It is worth noting here that Walker does not seem to have been influenced by Werner at any point in his career – even after his student robert Jameson went to Saxony to study with him during the 1790s. This is most likely because Werner’s classification was based on natural characters. i will return to this point in the next chapter. See Scott’s introduction in Walker (1966), xxiv–xxv, xxxvii; J. M. Sweet and C. D. Waterston, ‘robert Jameson’s approach to the Wernerian Theory of the earth, 1796’, AS, 23 (1967), 81–96, esp. 81–83. Walker also does not seem to have utilised crystallographic criteria. oo fC By 1766 Walker was discussing Cronstedt’s chemical mineralogy with the german naturalist f. W. P. fabricius84: ‘he [fabricius] says our whole Canna fluor is not a Talc, but the Zeolite of Cronstedt, who has found it in the same genus with the Lapis Lazuli, because both have this remarkable Property, that with aqua fortis they dissolve into gelly.’85 Walker’s connection to Swedish chemical mineralogy was even further solidified by the fact that Da Costa (Walker’s primary mineral supplier in England) traded minerals with Wallerius and eventually edited the first english edition of Cronstedt’s Mineralogy.86 additionally, several of the minerals in Walker’s collection came from Sweden and norway. Thus, both directly and indirectly, or perhaps textually and materially, Walker was able to remain informed on Scandinavian chemical mineralogy.87 op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 103 88 The practice of a physician traversing the woods and fields to find materia medica simples reaches back to hippocrates. in 1683 the Scottish geographer Sir robert Sibbald stated: ‘as for the Practice of Medicine, Hippocrates hath abundantly proven, that a Physician must, who would practise aright, first know the place.’ An Account of the Scotish Atlas (edinburgh: 1683), 1–2. The link between local naturalism and materia medica in modern times has been treated by D. e. allen in ‘Walking the Swards: Medical education and the rise and Spread of the Botanical field Class’, in D. e. allen (ed.), Naturalists and Society (aldershot: 2001), Part i. also see Chapters 1 and 2 of his The Naturalist in Britain (London: 1976). 89 This seems to shed some light on hugh Torrens’s statement that: ‘The question of how minerals were found in the first place, prior to their being uncovered and mined, has been strangely neglected’; ‘Some Thoughts on the Complex and forgotten history of Mineral exploration’, JOUGS, 17 (1997), 1–12. 90 Walker’s later library contained a copy of alexander Pennecuik’s A Geographical, Historical Description of the Shire of Tweeddale (edinburgh: 1715), eC 73. 91 Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 5. Pr oo f around natural history specimens. Students were also encouraged to build their own collection of mineralogical and botanical simples and this contributed to an in situ form of naturalism that lasted well into the nineteenth century.88 apart from building curiosity collections, this seems to have been the leading motivation for collecting minerals in Scotland during the mid-eighteenth century.89 as Walker’s career demonstrates, one of the most common ways of locating useful minerals in Scotland was travel. During his student years, he first explored the Edinburgh area with his friends edward and alexander Wright. he visited quarries, collieries, the King’s Park and the firth of forth’s shoreline. even though he mentions these and many of other trips in his Systema Fossilium, it is sometimes difficult to trace his exact steps because he visited several places more than once and because he did not leave behind any personal diaries. even so, his trips can be divided into two over-arching categories: short and long tours. he used short tours to traverse almost the entire mainland of Scotland. These could last from a few days to a few weeks and he used them in his early years (1753–62) to visit areas in Mid and South Lothian, Tweeddale, Moffat and annandale.90 from 1753 to 1757, he lived in galloway where he toured its moors and dales as well as the Stewartry of Kirkudbright. During these trips, he collected the marl and manure samples that attracted the attention of Cullen and the edinburgh Society in 1756 and 1757. in 1758 Walker went to live in glencorse (also spelled glencross) and also travelled with Cullen to Breadalbane. During the next three years he toured fife, the shores of the Tay, Kinnoul hill, Clackan, annanshire, the silver and cobalt mines of alva and the copper mine of ‘aithrey’. in 1762 Walker moved to Moffat and lived there for the next twenty years. These Moffat travels (1762–82) were even more extensive. as he would later state: ‘During my long residence in Moffat, i collected in a number of short tours, all the remarkable fossils in Dumfriesshire, the forest of Selkirk, Teviotdale, ayrshire, and Clydesdale’.91 additionally, he visited the lead mines of Machrymore (Machermore), C op y 104 The Language of Mineralogy Walker MS (c. 1797k), ff. 5–6; Walker (1822), 89. ‘[T]o Dr. Walker the merit is due of having determined mineralogically that Strontites was a new mineral species. Dr. hope afterwards, by the discovery of the strontitic earth, added to the interest of the determination of Dr. Walker, and proved that strontites was also a new chemical species.’ Walker (1822), f. ‘*’. 94 John Walker, ‘Mineralogical Journal from edinburgh to London’, in Walker (1808), 395–402. 95 in addition to all the short trips listed above, Walker also toured the western side of england from Carlisle to Bristol. See Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 10 or Walker (1822), 91. at some point, he also visited Preswick and Cunningham. See Walker MS (1766–72), ff. 222–23 and ff. 216–219. 96 as was mentioned in Chapter 1, he was awarded an honorary M.D. (university of Glasgow) and D.D. (University of Edinburgh) based on the scientific and theological research that he did on these tours. 93 Pr 92 oo Leadhills and Wanlock, the copper mines of Colvend, and the antimony mines of eskdale. he made over thirty trips to Leadhills and Wanlock on account of their close proximity to Moffat. There, between 1761 and 1764, he observed many minerals (strontite and zeolite in particular) that had not been previously seen in Britain. he would later state these ‘new’ minerals to be: ‘[T]he ore, and the ochre of nickel; the Plumbum pellucidum of Linnæus; the Plumbum decahedrum and cyaneum, both undescribed; the Saxum metalliferum of the germans; the Ponderosa aërata of Bergman; and the Morettum, which afterwards appeared to be a sort of Zeolite.’92 as his comments on fabricius and Cronstedt indicate, his interest in zeolite was originally related to talc, that is, a potential Primary earth. furthermore, his research on strontitic ‘earth’ led to its later chemical classification.93 other short travels during this Moffat period included a 1765 journey to London,94 and his 1778 trips to Stirlingshire, Perthshire, fofarshire, the Mearns and aberdeenshire. Walker moved to Colinton (near edinburgh) in 1782 and remained there until his death in 1803. During this time, he busied himself with lecturing and then slowly began to lose his eyesight. as a result, his short trips were limited and he depended more upon the observations of students and correspondents.95 in addition to his short tours, Walker took two long tours to the highlands and Hebrides. The first was in 1764 and the second was in 1771. These tours took place within the larger context of england’s and Scotland’s economically motivated interest in the remote areas north-west of the agricultural Lowlands. his 1764 tour covered most of the inner and outer hebrides and was the most extensive. These trips were supported by the general assembly of the Church of Scotland, the Board of annexed estates (Bae) and the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge.96 More will be said about the Bae in a moment, but at present i would like to explain the types of observational and collecting practices the underpinned Walker’s ‘mineralising’ when he travelled. fC op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 105 figure 3.3 Pr 97 98 Whenever observing minerals, he was keen to record: ‘1. The Qualities, local uses, & indigenous names’ and ‘2. The most common Productions generally neglected.’97 he summed up his mineralogical interests, collection habits and goals with the following list: 1. [The general chemical divisions of fossils.]98 2. Specimens of a large Size necessary. 3. The Want of sufficient Specimens, on Cause of the Imperfection of the natural history of fossils. Walker MS (1766–72), f. 156. as discussed in the previous section of this chapter. oo f Plate XXViii, ‘fingal’s Cave in Staffa’, (engraving), in Thomas Pennant, A Tour in Scotland and the Voyage to the Hebrides, 1772 (Chester: 1774). Walker often travelled by boat during his travels through the highlands and hebrides during the 1760s and 1770s. Pictured above is a representation of the manner in which Thomas Pennant viewed the basalt columns on the island of Staffa a few years after Walker had visited the same location. Pennant had written to William Cullen to see if Walker could join him on the trip, but Walker was unable to go with him. C op y 106 The Language of Mineralogy 4. Valuable ores long considered as useless. 5. To collect the most common rocks, Stones and earths, especially those which prevail over a Country, or any considerable Tract. 6. The Walls of Vein, the earths, ochres & fluors, as well as the ores it contains. 7. To mark the Circumstances of their native Situation. 8. Whether the fossile is in the Place where it has been generated. 9. Proportion of Metal in the ore – Size of Disposition of the Veins – Manner of working the Mines & smelting the ores. Like his chemical divisions of minerals, these instructions were probably not original to Walker. in fact, they bear a strong resemblance to the instructions to travelling collectors given by Boyle, Woodward and Cullen. Concerning the preservation of specimens, Walker recommended the following tools and precautions: 10. each Specimen to be put up separately & tallied with a Catalogue. 11. Tender fossils to be put up in Cotton in Chip Boxes, & these again well wrapt & tied up in paper, because the glue of the Boxes, sometimes gives way. Gems, fine Spars & Crystals, Stalactites, Asbestos, Crystals of Salts & Vitriols, Superficial Delineations, figured or lucid Ores, & most sorts of Petrifactions & figured Fossils require this Precaution. 12. The several Parcels to be packed up in Barrels or strong Boxes, with plenty of Paper, Cotton, Tow or some such soft Substance. 13. iron Cron. Pocket Spade. hammers. Chip Boxes. Paper of different kinds. Pack Thread. Cotton. Canvass Bags.99 using these directions, Walker made observations and collected a wide variety of specimens that allowed him to write a detailed report on the hebrides for King george iii. This report is now known as the King’s MS.100 it was primarily based on his 1764 journey and took him seven years to write. The preface is addressed ‘To hiS MaJeSTieS CoMMiSSionerS aT The BoarD of anneXeD ESTATES’. This body had been set up to oversee the lands that had been confiscated by the crown after the 1745 Jacobite rebellion. however, it soon became a land management committee that sought to use science to improve agriculture and industry. Bearing this interest in mind, Walkers preface states: ‘The following history of the western islands, undertaken at your Desire and executed under your 99 Pr 100 Walker MS (1766–72), ff., 157–158. originally compiled into a report and named the Kings MS, this work was published in 1980 as The Rev. Dr. John Walker’s Report on the Hebrides of 1764 and 1771, Margaret M. McKay (ed.), (edinburgh: 1980). augmentations of the sections on Jura and iona were eventually published in Walker’s Essays (1808), as ‘history of the island of icolumbkil’, 111–199, and ‘history of the island of Jura’, 219–281. oo fC op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 107 101 See McKay’s introduction in Walker (1980), 1–30. also see [anon.], ‘Dr. John Walker’s report to the assembly 1 – 65, Concerning the State of the highlands and the islands’, Scots Magazine, 28 (1766), 680–689; [anon.] ‘Dr. Walker’s report Concerning the State of the highlands and islands, to the general assembly 1772’, Scots Magazine, 34 (1772) 288–293. 102 Walker (1980). He specifically comments about the coal deposits on the islands of gigha, rhum and eigg. Coal’s role in the development of eighteenth-century mineralogy is briefly treated in H. Torrens, ‘The History of Coal Prospecting in Britain 1650–1900’, in 11th Symposium of the international Cooperation in the history of Technology Committee (ed.), Energie in der Geschichte (Düsseldorf: 1984), 88–95. 103 These travellers sometimes published their observations as books or articles. See James anderson, Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs (edinburgh: 1775); John Knox, A Tour through the Highlands of Scotland and the Hebrides Isles in 1786 (London: 1787); James robertson, A Naturalist in the Highlands (edinburgh: 1994). 104 Walker (1980), 143, 163, 189–191, 198–199 and 215–219. 105 emphasis added. Walker (1980), 218. 106 for alum, the question was whether or not it was an alkaline Calcareous earth. See f. L. holmes, Eighteenth-Century Chemistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley: 1989), 49–55. Pr oo f patronage, i have endeavoured as much as possible to render subservient to your excellent and Patriotic Designs.’101 as a representative of the Crown’s improving landlords, it was his duty to identify minerals that were of economic value – lead, coal, marble and metals being the most notable.102 This was not only the case for Walker, but also for a good number of Scottish naturalists who were sent north by the Bae and for other improvement-minded organisations like the British Society for extending fisheries and, later in the century, the highland Society of Scotland.103 The King’s MS has much to say about mineralogy and the types of stones that Walker found notable. in particular, he compares the stones of the highlands and hebrides with minerals that are mentioned in the works of Wallerius, Cronstedt, Linnaeus, John ray, hans Sloan, Louis esteve, James Balfour, robert Sibbald and to the lectures of medical professors back in edinburgh.104 an excellent example of such an occurrence appears in the section of the report that addresses the isle of Skye. There, Walker mentions that he had found a Talcy earth similar to that used for making china in Cornwall. he surmises that ‘i have as little doubt, that this Talc of Sky, is superior to the Soap rock. it is of a most pure and impalpable Substance, of itself, the most unalterable in the fire perhaps, of any fossile, gold only excepted.’105 This test upon Talcy earth served two important chemical goals. first, it was relevant to Black and Cullen’s contemporary deliberations about Talc’s status as a Primary earth. Their views on this matter were closely related to several other experiments Black had conducted over the past decade to determine whether or not other substances like alum and magnesia alba were products of Calcareous earth. These types of experiments, moreover, had been initiated by andreas Marggraf and Johann Pott at the Berlin academy a decade earlier.106 C op y 108 The Language of Mineralogy Sometimes an acid test could be performed by simply tasting the object under consideration. for instance, see his treatment of the South uist’s polygonum amphibium in Walker (1980), 76. it is worth noting, however, that Walker does not mention Cronstedt’s blowpipe technique. This could be because Cullen only gave him a partial translation of Cronstedt’s classification, thereby possibly preventing him from knowing about Cronstedt’s blowpipe. The fact that Walker does not mention the field use of this test seems to support Staffan Müller-Wille’s belief that the instrument was generally confined to laboratory usage. See Müller-Wille’s paper given at the history of Science Society annual Meeting at Denver, Colorado. Session: ‘The Creation of Order: Scientific Classifications in the eighteenth and nineteenth Centuries’, 10 november 2001. 108 Walker’s keepership formed a unique private/public situation. See C. W. J. Withers, ‘“Both useful and ornamental”: John Walker’s Keepership of edinburgh university’s natural history Museum, 1770–1803’, JHC, 5 (1993), 65–77; anderson (2000), 22; Waterston (1997), 11. The transfer from private to public collections during this time is also treated in e. P. hamm, ‘unpacking goethe’s Collections: The Public and Private in natural history Collecting’, BJHS, 34 (2001), 275–300. 109 See the mineralogy sections of John Walker, An Epitome of Natural History, David Pollock (transcriber), (1797d–1797i), Bound MS, euL gen. 706.D–711.D. 107 Pr oo fC Second, ever since the 1750s Cullen had been searching for a type of Scottish clay that could be used to make porcelain; indeed, this was one of the original factors that lead him to read Pott’s work on earths. it was for this reason that Walker used his fire experiment to argue that the Talc from the Isle of Skye was just as suited for manufacturing china as the ‘apyrous’ clay (kaolin) used from Stourbridge and other places in the english Midlands. in all of his travels from the 1750s to the 1770s, Walker’s chemistry played an important role in shaping the background assumptions that guided his collecting habits in the field. At the simplest level, his knowledge of stone composition helped him to identify minerals that were relevant to experiments being performed in Edinburgh or to the chemical classification characters mentioned in the books that he read. his chemical knowledge also had immediate in situ implications. for example, the only way that he could determine whether or not manures from Kirkudbright or the Talc from Skye were relevant to other chemically-inclined mineralogists was to perform preliminary tests in the field or at home that would reveal whether or not certain minerals were worth sending to edinburgh for further analysis. This would not have been difficult since the two main tests (fire and acids) did not involve elaborate apparatus.107 once the specimens were in edinburgh, others like Cullen could conduct more experiments upon them. Moreover, it was these private specimens that would eventually form the core of the ‘public’ mineralogical collection of the university of edinburgh’s natural history Museum.108 over the next thirty years, the chemical characters obtained from such fossils played a key role in the classification system that Walker taught his natural history students during the 1780s and 1790s.109 Since his classification was based on Primary earths, the very categories created by each genus and op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 109 species led him to investigate specific chemical characters of select fossils – Talc, once again, being a good example of this specialised interest. A Network for Collecting Fossils Whether or not Walker was observing the chemical or natural characters of Scottish minerals, he still needed samples from home and abroad that could function as a source of comparison. in addition to the minerals that he collected during his personal travels in Scotland, the specimens that he acquired during the 1750s and 1760s came from two other sources: correspondents and patrons. although he had been in contact with Linnaeus since 1762,110 it was Walker’s 1765 trip to London that enhanced his correspondence network. he was received by english naturalists, like John ellis, who were familiar with his name because of his Linnaean credentials and his Philosophical Transactions article.111 Scottish naturalists living in London would have also known of him on account of his Bae travels and connections in their home country. This connection back to Scotland was important because the political situation of the mid-eighteenth century had created a closely-knit Scots community in London. overseeing this network were two political magnates: the earl of Bute and his brother James Stuart Mackenzie. it seems that Walker was received into this community on account of his intent to publish a natural history of Scotland112 and because he knew Bute. he also used his visit to obtain correspondents who were willing to trade not only minerals, but also botanical and zoological specimens.113 While in London, Walker was put into contact with one of the most wellknown fossil traders in Britain: ‘Mr. da Costa, author of the history of fossils, and then Librarian to the royal Society.’114 During the 1760s, Da Costa provided Walker with a wide variety of minerals. he sent him thirty-one ‘articles’ in 1765 Several of these letters can be found in euL, La.iii.252/1. Some of these have been printed in Scott’s 1966 edition of Walker’s lectures and in James edward Smith, A Selection of the Correspondence of Linnaeus and Other Naturalists (new york: 1978). 111 John ellis to Linnaeus, 29 october 1765, Smith (1978), 180. it is possible that ellis might have heard about Walker’s work from David Skene, who was involved with the PSe. By 1770 Walker and Skene were corresponding with each other. See Walker to David Skene, 14 april 1770. auL MS 483 ff.48–52. Walker is also mentioned in a letter to Skene written by John hope in 1763. See John hope to David Skene. 25 august 1763, auL MS 38 f.119. 112 William Walison to richard Pulteney, 29 october 1765, national Library of Scotland, acc. 9533, no. 314. 113 The most fruitful botanical connection Walker made was Dr. richard Pulteney, with whom he exchanged both plants and seeds. See Walker to richard Pulteney, 3 June 1768 and richard Pulteney to Walker, october 1768, Linnean Society Manuscripts no. 238. facsimilies housed in nLS acc. 9533, no. 314. 114 Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 10. 110 Pr oo f C op y 110 The Language of Mineralogy There is also a curious list of ‘Prices of some fossils & Shells sold at an auction in London. Janr 1766’ in Walker’s Adversaria that might have been sent by Da Costa. Walker MS (1766–72), ff. 136–137. 116 This interest was soon confirmed by the popularity of Thomas Pennant’s tours (1769 and 1772) and by Johnson and Boswell’s 1773 tour. See Pennant’s A Tour in Scotland 1769 (edinburgh: 2000) and A Tour in Scotland and Voyage to the Hebrides 1772 (edinburgh: 1998); S. Johnson, Johnson’s Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland (London: 1930). 117 Walker MS (1766–72), ff. 144–152 and 174–175. The Pennsylvanian minerals could have possibly come from Benjamin franklin, whom Walker lists in his Systema Fossilium (c. 1797k) as a source for his mineralogy collection, f. 18. 118 Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 10. 119 Walker uses the term ‘Lapidary’ to describe a person who buys or trades minerals. 120 Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 12. Blackburne was an extremely well-connected naturalist at the time. See her ODNB entry. 121 Cullen had first met the Duke of Argyll on account of His Grace’s desire to obtain chemistry apparatus. By 1751, Cullen was discussing chemistry with argyll via correspondence. See: ‘Drafts of four Letters from William Cullen to the Duke of argyll on the Subjects of fossil alkali and Salt Production’, guL, gB 247, MS Cullen 60. Cullen also had strong links to the Duke of hamilton and his family. for an excellent article on this relationship, see R. L. Emerson, ‘The Scientific Interests of Archibald Campbell, 1st earl of ilay and 3rd Duke of argyle (1682–1761)’, AS, 59 (2002), 21–56. See also D. 115 Pr oo fC and twenty-nine in 1769.115 how Walker paid for these is not certain. he most probably received them in exchange for sending Da Costa specimens from the highlands and hebrides. Da Costa would have been particularly keen to obtain Scottish minerals on account of england’s growing interest in the natural history of ‘north Britain’.116 The Da Costan fossils came from england, Brazil, hungary, florence, russia, Sweden, norway, Pennsylvania, Peru, Bohemia, france and several german principalities and kingdoms (including Saxony).117 in between the two shipments sent by Da Costa, Walker also obtained ‘a Collection of other fossils brought from italy by Mr. John Sivewright of Southhouse’. Sivewright had recently died and Walker obtained sixty-nine specimens via the deceased’s sister during 1768.118 over the next thirty years, Walker continued to collect minerals in such a manner. He also began to hire lapidaries to find specific fossils.119 as he became part of the British mineralogical trade, his own network expanded and this placed him in contact with other willing suppliers and traders. for instance, in 1772 he received fossils from ‘Mr. george Wilson, Surgeon in London’ and ‘Miss Blackburn[e] from orford’.120 a key point to note about these fossils is that, like the specimens he collected himself, Walker subjected many of them to chemical analysis – as can be seen by the Dalswinton stones debate detailed above. Walker’s other mineralogical source during the 1760s was his aristocratic patrons. his initial contact with the aristocracy seems to have been through William Cullen, whose reputation as a physician, chemist and naturalist that had originally allowed him to make his own contacts among the nobility.121 During the 1750s op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 111 guthrie, ‘William Cullen and his Times’, in J. W. Cook (ed.), An Eighteenth Lectureship in Chemistry (glasgow: 1950), 50–51. 122 it is also likely that Cullen introduced Joseph Black to the Pennicuik family, a relationship that blossomed in the 1770s. See Thomson (1830), 328–329. 123 Walker MS (1766–72), ff. 213–215. 124 Cullen was also busy promoting Walker to other naturalists like Thomas Pennant. Thomas Pennant to William Cullen, 21 april 1764, euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 9–10. 125 William Mure of Caldwell (1718–1776), baron of the exchequer. 126 The symbiosis between georgics, mineralogy and geology is addressed in M. D. eddy, ‘The aberdeen agricola: Chemical Principles and Practice in James anderson’s georgics and geology’, in Larry Principe (ed.), New Narratives in Eighteenth-Century Chemistry (Dordrecht: 2007), 139–156. 127 William Cullen, Abstract from Dr. Cullen’s Lectures on Agriculture, John Walker (transcriber), (c. 1766), Bound MS, euL DC.3.70. J. Thomson sets the date of these lectures to be circa 1766 in his An Account of the Life, Lectures, and Writings of William Cullen, Vol. I. (edinburgh: 1859), 64. for more information on these lectures, see C. W. J. Withers, ‘improvement and enlightenment: agriculture and natural history in the Work of the rev. Dr. John Walker (1731–1803)’, in Philosophy and Science in the Scottish Enlightenment, P. Jones (ed), (edinburgh: 1988), 102–116; ‘a neglected Scottish agriculturalist: the ‘georgical Lectures’ and agricultural Writings of the rev. Dr. John Walker (1731–1803)’, AHR, 33 (1985), 132–143. 128 for provincial chemistry in Scotland, see M. D. eddy, ‘an adept in Medicine: rev Dr William Laing, Nervous Complaints and the Commodification of Spa Water’, SHPBBS (in press, 2008). also, for Black, see the mineralogy letters exchanged between him and Pr oo f C op he introduced Walker to Lord Kames and to the Clerk family of Pennicuik.122 Walker’s travels in the mid 1760s furthered his reputation as Cullen’s protégé and placed him in contact with aristocrats like the earl of Loudoun (on whose land Walker sketched coal strata).123 These tours and his connection with Lord Kames promoted Walker as a credible naturalist and led the Bae to select him for the 1764 tour of the hebrides and highlands.124 in addition to strengthening his contacts with Baron Mure,125 Baron Cathcart, Lord Queensbury and the earl of hopetoun, the 1764 tour brought Walker to the attention of the earl of Bute. Over the next ten years, Walker functioned as a scientific advisor to all five of these men. Most Scottish landowners were interested in mineralogy and chemistry because both subjects were closely linked to mining and agriculture – a link that often created an intellectual symbiosis between georgics and geology.126 it was for this reason that Walker was keen to copy down Cullen’s (circa) 1766 Lectures on Agriculture and to offer colliery observations to landowners like the Clerk family, the earl of Loudoun and the earl of hopetoun.127 Walker, however, was not unique in using chemistry and mineralogy to obtain patronage or to make money as a consultant. it occurred frequently in both urban and provincial settings. Local naturalists as well as professors like Cullen, Black and, eventually, Walker, gave tips on a wide variety of topics, including mining, agriculture, industry and water sanitation.128 y 112 The Language of Mineralogy hopetoun, euL Black MSS 873–5. The connection between industry and the Scottish university professors is treated throughout archibald & nan L. Clow, The Chemical Revolution (London: 1952). 129 Several other naturalists visited the Wanlock and Leadhills throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. See T. C. Smouth, Report on the Lead-Mining Papers at Hopetoun House, West Lothian, 1625–1799 (edinburgh: 1962) and M. D. eddy, ‘James hope Johnstone, third earl of hopetoun (1741–1816)’, ODNB (oxford: 2004c). The Leadhills mine was around three hundred feet deep. 130 Ted Porter has argued that ‘from 1700 until 1775 … most mineralogists felt that their chief task was to integrate mineralogy and chemistry, for the benefit of mineralogy’: Porter (1981), 548. 131 Walker probably would not have been appointed to his professorship without the longstanding support that he received from key gentrymen like Lord Kames and aristocrats like Bute, many of whom had benefited from his scientific expertise. See S. Shapin, ‘Property, Patronage, and the Politics of Science: The founding of the royal Society of edinburgh’, BJHS, 7 (1974), 1–41. 132 Joseph Black (euL Black MSS 873–5). aside from the mineralogical sections on Cullen’s chemistry lectures discussed in the first section of this essay, see Joseph Black’s sections on ‘earths’ (Black: 1966) and the entries on mineralogical simples contained in the materia medica lecture notes of alston and home that are housed in the royal College of Physicians of edinburgh. See especially alston’s Lectures on Materia Medica, 12 vols. [edinburgh, c. 1740] and home’s Lectures on Materia Medica, 2 vols. [edinburgh, c. 1768]. 133 for a general introduction to the role of mining academies see M. guntau, ‘The natural history of the earth’, in Cultures of Natural History, n. Jardine, et al. (eds.), (Cambridge: 1996), 211–229; D. Brianta, ‘education and Training in the Mining industry, 1750–1860: european Models and the italian Case’, AS, 57 (2000), 267–300. unfortunately, Pr oo fC op Quite often, such agricultural and mineralogical advice paved the way for political connections and preferential access to large tracts of land. for instance, it was hopetoun’s Wanlock and Leadhills mines that afforded Walker the most detailed view of the underground minerals that occurred in the vicinity of the well hartfell Spa, that is, the focus of his first article.129 acquiring and examining minerals, therefore, was a reciprocal relationship between patrons and naturalists.130 indeed, it was Walker’s ability to gain patronage via his expertise in georgics, mining and natural history that ended up propelling him into edinburgh’s natural history chair.131 Moreover, based on the careers of Walker, Cullen and Black, Charles alston and francis home, it can be seen that mid-eighteenth-century Scottish mineralogy thrived on a reciprocal relationship that existed between improvementminded land owners and naturalists that were either employed in or trained by the medical schools. if one looks at the chemical experiments being performed on minerals by edinburgh’s professors who taught chemistry or materia medica,132 it becomes apparent that many of them were directly applicable to the classification of minerals. in this sense the medical school provided a key service that was characteristically associated with mining academies in europe.133 y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 113 Brianta’s analysis conflates ‘Britain’ with ‘England’ (thereby ignoring trends in Scotland). See pages 280–281. 134 D. P. Miller, ‘‘My favourite Studdys’: Lord Bute as naturalist’, in Karl W. Schweizer (ed.), Lord Bute (Leicester: 1988), 213–239. See also the anonymous A Catalogue of the Capital Collection of Optical, Mathematical, and Philosophical Instruments and Machines (London: 1793). one of the only known copies of this is housed in imperial College’s Science Museum Library. furthermore, the ‘Walker’ listed as buying lots 79, 211, 227 and 233 just might have been John Walker – not adam Walker as g. L’e. Turner has proposed in ‘The auction Sales of the earl of Bute’s instruments, 1793’, AS, 23 (1967), 213–242; see especially pages 221 and 227. 135 John Hill (1716–1775) for example. F. A. Staflau, Linnaeus and the Linnaeans (utrecht: 1971), 207–210; 231. 136 eventually published as Botanical Tables (London: 1784). also see r. Desmond, Kew (London: 1995), 92. 137 Walker MS (1766–72), f. 200. 138 D. S. erskine to the earl of Bute, 23 March 1767, Cardiff, MSS, Bundle 2. also quoted Miller (1988), 238. 139 Walker MS (1766–72), f. 194–195. Walker later acknowledge his gratitude to Bute by dedicating Classes Fossilium (edinburgh: 1787) to his patron. 140 Wilson (1994), 69–70. 141 Walker MS (1766–72), ff. 178–186. Pr oo f C op Overall, Walker’s most significant aristocratic patron was the Earl of Bute. Like Kames, Bute’s interest in natural history went beyond simple land improvement. in addition to its economic value, natural history was Bute’s favourite hobby.134 he had studied at the university of Leiden during the early 1730s and, like many naturalists, he was not content with the Linnaean classification system.135 his dissatisfaction consequently led him to construct his own.136 in 1765 he gave Walker access to his London library137 and by 1767 he was giving books and specimens to ‘the ingenious Doctor Walker of Moffat’.138 Bute must have thought highly of Walker’s abilities because he discussed his own alternative classification with him. In fact, Walker specifically recorded Bute’s thoughts on the classification of gems and flowers in his Adversaria.139 Bute’s interest in natural history had led him to amass a large collection of minerals and plants from Britain and abroad. it is even possible that he owned over 100,000 mineral specimens, which means that his collection was probably one of the largest in europe at the end of the eighteenth century.140 Bute allowed Walker to see part of his ‘fossil’ catalogue sometime during the late 1760s. in the notes that Walker took on the collection, he states that he was able to view ‘1833 numbers of fossils, many of which, are english & foreign.’ of these, he copied down sixty Scottish specimens and twenty ‘foreign Fossils, chiefly German’ – the latter being mostly metals.141 after his visit to Bute’s collection, he continued to maintain the relationship into the 1770s. he visited the y 114 The Language of Mineralogy Pr 142 The earl of Bute to Baron Mure, 25 March 1772, and The earl of Bute to Baron Mure, 14 august 1772. Both letters are housed in the nLS, Mure of Caldwell Correspondence, MS 4945. Part of the former letter states: ‘i have taken the liberty to send a box of books for Dr Walker; to [?] address that i beg you would forward him.’ 143 in addition to Walker, the hopetoun mines were also visited by Thomas Pennant and r. e. raspe. See eddy (2004c). 144 Waterston (1997), 22. 145 The earl of hopetoun is also listed as a patron of the museum in a report written by Walker circa 1786. euL La.iii.352/5 f. 1. 146 Shapin (1974) treats the larger political situation that influenced Walker’s appointment. 147 There were over one hundred of these marble specimens, many of which are housed in the national Museum of Scotland, reference number, g1993.34. oo isle of Bute during his 1771 tour and in 1772 Bute sent Baron Mure two letters enquiring about a box of books that he had bought for Walker in London.142 Similarly, Walker also benefited from his relationship with the Hope family. There is no doubt that his 1757 Philosophical Transactions paper pleased John hope, the second earl of hopetoun, because, as mentioned in Chapter 2, hartfell Spa was on his land. it should therefore come as no surprise to see that Walker was appointed to be the minister of Moffat in 1762 – a town in which the hope family exerted a considerable amount of influence (indeed, they donated the land on which the town’s present church is built). Living in Moffat placed several of the hopetoun mines within a day’s walking distance. even though it is unclear as to what extent Walker was involved in guiding the family’s view on ore or coal prospecting, it is clear that he made himself available to give advice on the minerals being dug out of their mines.143 Moreover, the links that he made with the hope family early in his career became very useful later in his life. During the late 1770s, the second earl of hopetoun helped Walker secure his professorship and gave him access to mineral specimens that he had acquired while travelling abroad.144 after the second earl of hopetoun died in 1781, James hope, the third earl of hopetoun continued to supply the natural history Museum with specimens145 and politically supported Walker’s involvement in the creation of the royal Society of edinburgh in 1783.146 To this day several of the marble slabs given by the hopes to the natural history Museum still bear Walker’s handwriting on their labels – a memorial to the strong bonds that existed not only between Walker and the hopes in particular, but also between eighteenth-century mineralogy and patronage more generally.147 in addition to the patronage that he received from the earl of Bute and the earl of Hopetoun, Walker also took care to cultivate an extensive network of financial and intellectual supporters. his interaction with Lord Kames, for example, brought him into contact with several of the lawyer’s scientific advisors – two examples fC op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 115 being Sir John nasmyth (c. 1704–79)148 and Sir John Pringle (1707–82).149 additionally, the fact that Walker had been trusted by the nobles who sat on the Bae undoubtedly helped him gain an introduction to the Duke of northumberland in 1765.150 Walker’s notes and letters from the 1750s through the 1770s further indicate that he was in contact with several other landed families.151 Since many of these land-owners actively maintained natural history contacts abroad, Walker benefited from their extended network too. The best example of this is a letter written from Dr John rogerson to John Clerk, the seventh son of Sir John Clerk of Pennicuik.152 rogerson was a former student of Cullen, and later became the personal physician to Catherine the great and several other members of the russian court in St Petersburg.153 The letter states: 148 Walker MS (1766–72), ff. 224, 227, 228–229. naysmyth studied with Linnaeus in Sweden and was elected fellow of the royal Society in 1767. See g. e. Cokayne, Complete Baronetage, Vol. IV (gloucester: 1983), 441. 149 John Pringle to Walker, 19 february 1778. The letter is lost, but is referred to in Walker’s 28 february 1788 letter to Lord hailes, nLS, MS 25303, ff. 5–6. Pringle was Scottish, and was made physician to the Queen (1761) and then to the King (1764). he was elected President of the royal Society in 1772 and was directly involved in editing the 1774 edition of the Edinburgh Pharmacopoeia. for the latter see D. L. Cowen, Pharmacopoeias and Related Literature in Britain and America, 1618–1847 (aldershot: 2001), 38–40. 150 northumberland and Bute were discussing natural history as early as the 1750s. indeed, it was northumberland who had introduced John hill to Bute: Miller (1988), 219. Likewise, Walker’s contact with northumberland may have been encouraged by Bute. Walker visited the Duke of northumberland during his 1765 trip to London and they had several detailed conversations about the differences between Scottish fir and pine trees. Walker MS (1766–72), ff. 128–131. 151 Some of the names in his notes include: (1) John Boyle, earl of glasgow (1714– 75); (2) David Stuart erskine, earl of Buchan (1742–1826); (3) george Macartney (1737– 1818), who Walker calls ‘Lord auchinleck’, was knighted in 1764, sent as Britain’s envoy to russia (1764–67) and was made Baron in 1776; (4) Sir William Maxwell (c. 1715–71); (5) george Clerk (1715–84), second son of Sir John of Pennicuik, who became Sir george Clerk-Maxwell in 1782. Walker was also in contact with the english mineralogist Sir John hussey Delavel (1728–1808) of ford, northumberland, and his legal connections included (1) The aforementioned henry home, Lord Kames; (2) Sir David Dalrymple, (1726–92), who took the name ‘Lord hailes’ when he was made a lord of the session in 1766; (3) francis garden (1721–93), who took the name ‘Lord gardenstone’ when raised to the bench in 1764. 152 The stratigraphical drawings of John (the younger) were originally supposed to be included in hutton’s Theory of the Earth. See Craig, g. y. (ed.), James Hutton’s Theory of the Earth (edinburgh: 1978). 153 a. g. Cross, ‘John rogerson, Physician to Catherine the great’, Canadian Slavic Studies, 4 (1970), 594–601. Pr oo f C op y i wrote Dr. Walker last autumn and sent at his requisition upwards of a hundred specimens of russian and Siberian ores which i hope he has received safe – i 116 The Language of Mineralogy think they were addressed to the Care of the Jamiesons of Leith. Dr. Pallas Professor in our Academy and a Man of first rate mint and knowledge furnished me with almost all of them. i should be glad to open correspondence between Dr. Walker and him – he writes and speaks english so it would be perfectly easy for both and might be mutually useful to each other.154 154 John rogerson to John Clerk, 23 august 1772, naS, gD 18/5121/3. The letter is dated from St Petersburg. it also mentions Dr John hope and seed specimens that were collected for Catherine the great by a Professor Laxman. The connection with Pallas would eventually find fruition in 1783 when he sent Walker one hundred and twenty-nine fossils from Siberia for edinburgh’s natural history Museum: Withers (1993), 70. 155 The Baltic had a thriving mineralogical trade at this time. Most of the port cities traded minerals that could be used for mining, pharmaceuticals, industrial applications and aristocratic collections. it seems that the two nodes of the mineralogical trade were Copenhagen and St Petersburg. This trade later motivated the British navy to gain money by seizing mineral shipments during the napoleonic Wars. See Whitaker (2001), 465. 156 J. h. appleby has devoted a series of articles to this topic: ‘a Survey of Some anglorussian Medicinal and natural history Material in British archives, from the Seventeenth Century to the Beginning of the nineteenth Century’, in Janet M. hartley (ed.), The Study of Russian History from British Archival Sources (London: 1986), 107–131; ‘John grieve’s Correspondence with Joseph Black and Some Contemporaneous russo-Scottish Medical inter-Communication’, MH, 29, (1985), 401–13. See also his British Doctors in Russia, 1657–1807 (university of east anglia, PhD Diss, 1979), and a. g. Cross, ‘articus and The Bee (1790–94): an episode in anglo-russian Cultural relations’, in Oxford Slavonic Papers, New Series Vol. II (oxford: 1969), 62–76. Pr oo fC rogerson was part of a larger network of Scottish physicians who lived on the Baltic and who helped supply mineralogical specimens.155 Many of them were associated with port cities that contained large British trading communities. They collected a wide variety of minerals and sent them back to British naturalists and landowners seeking to compare their ores, minerals and metals to those from abroad. There was a particularly large group of physician naturalists based in St Petersburg.156 During the 1760s, this network benefitted from the patronage of Baron Cathcart (Charles Shaw Cathcart), the British ambassador to russia, and his wife, Lady Cathcart (Jean Cathcart). Walker was included in this network because he had formed close links to the Cathcart and hopetoun families. as the above excerpt indicates, the mineralogical rewards of such a network would have no doubt provided more specimens that would eventually help him to create his own mineralogical system. in addition to his network of naturalists and patrons, Walker was able to procure his specimens from a variety of other sources. The most immediate was his own backyard. Since this was a time when physicians and apothecaries still had to scour the countryside for pharmacological simples, his training at edinburgh’s medical school, and with Cullen specifically, proved to be very useful because it had taught him how to utilise the specimens that existed in his own locality. Walker’s list of op y Becoming a Naturalist: Travel, Classification and Patronage 117 This chapter has detailed Walker’s early mineralogical career, with specific focus being paid to how he acquired, analysed and arranged ‘fossils’. i began by showing that he used chemistry to classify minerals. Although he was influenced by many authors, it was the Swedish chemists who had the most profound effect on the way that he and his contemporaries viewed the composition of stones. He first used Wallerius and Cronstedt in the 1760s and, as will be shown in the following chapters, the influence of these two Swedes remained strong throughout the later stages of his career. yet, in order to systematically compare and arrange stones, a naturalist had to acquire specimens. Walker’s career suggests that acquiring and analysing minerals in eighteenth-century Scotland was a symbiotic relationship between landed patrons and ambitious naturalists. in his case, he received considerable help from the Baron Cathcart as well as the earls of Bute and hopetoun. indeed, whether trading stones with Da Costa or analysing hopetoun’s mineral well, commerce and natural history were closely linked. But just as important, i have shown that Walker divided stones into classification categories drawn from chemistry. Such a practice effectively laid the foundation of the massive mineralogical system that he would assemble during his tenure as professor of natural history. it is now that system to which i turn my attention in the next chapter. Pr oo f C Conclusion op ‘fossil’ suppliers also shows that many foreign minerals were acquireable for a British middle class collector like Walker. for the edinburgh community, Baltic sources were just as important as those that came from the Mediterranean and, to a lesser extent, the americas. Such a wide variety of locations suggests that Scottish mineralogy, like botany, benefited from Britain’s central position in eighteenthcentury trade and colonisation. The emphasis placed upon mineralogical topics in the medical school led many of the physicians and surgeons assigned to naval or diplomatic posts to be actively on the lookout for foreign fossils. a good example of this practice can be seen in the way in which Dr John rogerson facilitated the transfer of specimens from St Petersburg to Walker. The efforts of such mineralising physicians were often reinforced by the patronage of Scottish ambassadors who owned mines. it was probably for this reason that Baron Cathcart collected ores and gave patronage to physicians like rogerson. Likewise, another diplomat interested in mineralogy was robert Liston, the ambassador to Spain. Like Rogerson, he used his influence to acquire and send Walker several different types of ores during the 1780s. These specimens were useful both for mining and natural history and are another good example of how Walker skilfully combined his interest in systematics with the sources of patronage available to him. y Pr oo fC op y Chapter 4 Systematic Mineralogy: arranging the fabric of the globe Introduction over the past two hundred years historians of the earth sciences have divided enlightenment and early nineteenth-century naturalists into two different types, namely, ‘neptunists’, who believed that the earth was formed by water, and ‘Vulcanists’, who believed it was formed by fire (or heat). For those who have written about Scottish mineralogy and geology, these two typologies usually are recalibrated to fit a series of lively debates that took place between the supporters of the theories promoted by abraham gottlob Werner and James hutton, therein aligning the ‘Wernerians’ with neptunism and the ‘huttonians’ with Vulcanism. Though these categories have engendered helpful studies that address what the Wernerians and the huttonians thought about the large causal processes that shaped the earth, little has been done to explicate what they thought about the mineralogical composition of strata, thereby excluding the relevance of the experimental evidence provided by principle-based chemistry. Such a situation gestures towards a significant historiographical gap, especially since many German, Scottish and Scandinavian naturalists were also able chemists. a cursory look at the work of Werner and hutton, for example, quickly reveals that both of them used evidence obtained through chemical experimentation to support their claims about the formation of the oldest strata of the earth. The same holds for Sir James hall’s later defence of hutton’s theory and Prof robert Jameson’s vindication of Werner. in short, chemistry provided much of the language and evidence for edinburgh’s debates over the form and structure of the globe, especially since it Pr oo 1 hugo arnot, The History of Edinburgh (edinburgh: 1788), 405. fC op y [Dr Walker] divides his course into six great branches: 1. Meteorology. 2. Hydrography. 3. Geology. 4. Mineralogy. 5.Botany. And, 6. Zoology ... The Doctor illustrates his lectures on the subject of Mineralogy by an exhibition of the mineral substances themselves from his own museum, which contains the most numerous collection of fossils that ever was made in this country.1 120 The Language of Mineralogy Pr 2 was the mineralogical composition of strata that featured prominently in arguments that addressed the age of the earth.2 When attempting to approach the chemical language of mineralogy and geology, however, a difficulty arises. As I have shown in preceding chapters, principle-based chemistry is seldom used to understand eighteenth-century mineralogy, particularly in studies that have addressed enlightenment Scotland. The deficit of research in this area has often proven to be a considerable problem for historians seeking to investigate the many mineralogical classification systems that were created in Edinburgh’s medical school and elsewhere. While a definitive study of these systems has yet to be written, John Walker’s natural history course provides an excellent entry into the chemically-based mineralogical classification practices that existed in the decades before the huttonian and Wernerian debates, especially since his class lists reveal that prominent participants in the debates – hutton, hall, Jameson and John Playfair, for example – all attended his lectures. This chapter, then, contextualises and reconstructs the mineralogical system that Walker taught in the medical school during his tenure as its professor of natural history from 1779 until 1803. over the past two centuries Walker’s mineralogy lectures have remained hidden away in a series of student notebooks that are now housed in the university of edinburgh’s Special Collections Department. This chapter is based on these manuscripts and i will address their form and content in more detail below. in addition to using student lecture notes, i also draw from his personal papers and his library catalogue.3 After first addressing a few historiographical points and the provenance of the student manuscripts, i explain the method that Walker used to arrange minerals. i then move on to show that, like his earlier attempts at mineralogical classification, his mature system was based predominantly upon chemistry. This sets the stage for the last half of the chapter where i reconstruct the mineralogical system that Walker taught to the hundreds of students who sat in his natural history lectures. i then conclude with a few observations about the relevance of his mineralogy to the scientific community of late eighteenth-century edinburgh. a helpful contemporary account of the Scottish side of the debate occurs in John Murray, A Comparative View of the Huttonian and Neptunian Systems of Geology (edinburgh: 1802). See also James Burns, ‘John fleming and the geological Deluge’, BJHS, 40 (2007), 205–225; h. Burns, ‘James headrick, robert Jameson and the Edinburgh Review’, Scottish Historical Review, 84 (2005), 88–95; S. D. hartley, Robert Jameson, Geology and Public Culture, 1794–1826 (university of edinburgh, PhD dissertation, 2001). Sally newcomb has also treated part of chemical issues at stake for those supporting and opposing Werner’s ideas in ‘Contributions of British experiments to the Discipline of geology, 1780–1820’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 134 (1990), 161–225. 3 as i mentioned in the introduction, footnote references to books that appear in this catalogue will be followed by an ‘eC’ (elliot’s Catalogue) and then a number that connotes the book’s placement on the catalogue’s list. oo fC op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 121 Sources and Methods of Arrangement Systems and Manuscripts one of the advantages of explicating Walker’s work is that it provides a clearer picture of what was being taught to his students and what was being discussed within the medical school. More specifically, his lectures offer a glimpse into the highly complex world of eighteenth-century nomenclature. Systematic arrangement, as understood by its enlightenment practitioners, is often drastically simplified or glossed over by historians. For the early eighteenth-century British scene, due attention has been given to Locke’s and Linnaeus’ ‘kinds’ and ‘species’.4 yet the apparent simplicity often assigned to enlightenment nomenclature, both for chemistry and natural history, has been subjected to much criticism during the past three decades. for chemical nomenclature, it has been shown that there are many notable chemists to be found outside of Lavoisier’s historiographical shadow.5 For natural history, one of the most influential voices concerning the history of classification has been Michel Foucault, but others, such as John Dupré and Wolfgang Lefèvre, have also addressed this issue.6 as i will show below, attention is most often drawn to Locke’s comments in Book iii, Chapters i – Vii, of Essay Concerning Human Understanding. See a. J. Cain, ‘John Locke on Species’, ANH, 24 (1997), 337–360; P. r. Sloan’s, ‘John Locke, John ray, and the Problem of a natural System’, JHB, 5 (1972), 1–53. ernst Mayr cites Sloan on species and avers that Locke (along with Leibniz) exercised ‘the greatest influence’ over the mid eighteenthcentury ‘nominalistic species concept’. See ernst Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge: 1982) §163, §§263–265. for treatments of Linnaeus’ kinds and species, see P. r. Sloan, ‘The Buffon-Linnaeus Controversy’, Isis, 67 (1976), 356–375 and J. L. Larson, Interpreting Nature (Baltimore: 1994). also, just because eighteenth-century authors cited empirical observations of systematist did not mean that they agreed with his nomenclature. as J. L. heller has shown, this was even the case for Linnaeus (frankfurt: 1983), 115–145. 5 Jan V. golinski, Science as Public Culture (Cambridge: 1992). J. r. r. Christie ‘historiography of Chemistry in the eighteenth Century: hermann Boerhaave and William Cullen’, Ambix, 41 (1994), 4–19, and ‘William Cullen and the Practice of Chemistry’, in a. Doig et. al. (eds.), William Cullen and the Eighteenth Century Medical World, (edinburgh: 1993), 98–109. J. r. r. Christie and Jan V. golinski. ‘The Spreading of the Word: new Directions in the historiography of Chemistry, 1600–1800’, HS, 20 (1982), 235–266. Marco Beretta, The Enlightenment of Matter (Canton: 1993). ursula Klein, Verbindung und Affinität (Basel: 1994), and, with Wolfgang Lefèvre, Materials in Eighteenth Century Science (Cambridge, Mass.: 2007) and ‘The Chemical Workshop Tradition and the experimental Practice: Discontinuities within Continuities’, Science in Context, 9 (1996), 251–287. 6 Michel foucault, The Order of Things (London: 1970). John Dupré, The Disorder of Things (Cambridge: 1993), Chapters 1–3. Wolfgang Lefèvre, ‘Natural or Artificial Systems? The Eighteenth-Century Controversy on Classification of Animals and Plants and its Philosophical Contexts’, in Wolfgang Lefèvre (ed.), Between Leibniz, Newton, and Kant (Boston: 2002), 191–212. 4 Pr oo fC op y 122 The Language of Mineralogy The importance of recognising the influence of local knowledge upon the practices of sixteenth- to eighteenth-century natural history has been emphasised by a number of scholars, including Paula findlen, Possessing Nature (London: 1996), and, more recently, alix Cooper, Inventing the Indigenous (Cambridge: 2007). for the eighteenth-century, Porter, Teich, Withers, Bensaude-Vincent and abbri have pointed out how national contexts influenced the reception of and development of scientific ideas during the Enlightenment. roy Porter and Mikuláš Teich (eds.), The Enlightenment in National Context (Cambridge: 1981). Charles W. J. Withers, Geography, Science and National Identity (Cambridge: 2001). B. Bensaude-Vincent and f. abbri (eds.), Lavoisier in European Context (Canton: 1995). The interaction between local, national and transnational understandings of science is treated in Lewis Pyenson ‘an end to national Science: The Meaning and the extension of Local Knowledge’, HS, 60 (2002), 251–290. 8 M. D. Eddy, ‘The Medium of Signs: Nominalism, Language and Classification in the early Thought of Dugald Stewart’, SHPBBS, 37 (2006), 373–393. John Thomson, Account of the Life, Lectures, and Writings of William Cullen, Vol. II (edinburgh: 1832), 191. Thomson was specifically referring to Stewart’s Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind (London: 1792) – a book which Walker had in his library (eC 152). 9 for instance, see Prof. Charles alston’s Index Medicamentorum Simplicium Triplex (edinburgh: 1752), 69–70. 10 The best example of this can be seen in the mineralogy collection of John Stuart, earl of Bute. This was one of the largest in Britain and it contained a wide variety of acids, alkalis and books on medico-chemistry. [anon.], A Catalogue of the Great Part of Materials 7 Pr oo f C edinburgh’s medical school favoured authors whose writings were relevant to the practical and philosophical questions being raised in Scotland.7 This meant that their mineralogical canon often placed just as much value (if not more) on works that were often critical of writers like Locke or Linnaeus. for instance, even though John Thomson’s biography of edinburgh’s professor William Cullen (1710–1790) had kind words for ‘Mr. Locke’s excellent account of our complex ideas of substances’, he qualified this assessment by stating that Scotland’s own Dugald Stewart (1753–1828) had made Locke’s work much more comprehensible during the late eighteenth century.8 The central role played by chemistry within edinburgh’s medical community engendered a wide variety of data, especially in relation to minerals. faced with bottle after bottle of mineral water, and box after box of stones and materia medica simples, most physicians and naturalists organised their collections around the chemical principles of earth, Salt and Metal that were promoted in both the medical school and in the foreign publications that they read. The systems created by these chemists were by no means in agreement and were often influenced by the perceived use of the system.9 The result was a string of competing mineralogical classifications. However, even though the medical professors in Edinburgh disagreed over the nuances of nomenclatural divisions, they were united in their belief that mineralogy should be founded on chemical characters. Such a view of minerals was also held by most practicing chemists in Scotland and by members of the aristocracy.10 Thus, it is worth restating Chapter 3’s point that this chemical op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 123 of the Capital Mansion House, Offices, Conservatory and Temples … and Other Effects of the Late Right Hon. Earl of Bute (London: 1795). The only copy of this document that i have been able to find is housed in the Bute Family Archives, Mount Stuart, Isle of Bute, BU/173; [anon.], A Catalogue (Part First-Third) of Duplicates of Ores, Petrifactions, Spars, Gems, Crystals, &c. Selected from the ... Collection of ... John, Earl of Bute … (London: 1793). a copy of this catalogue is housed in the British Library, St. Pancras reading rooms, 1255. c.15.(1). i must thank the Mount Stuart estate (particularly andrew McLean) for pointing these sources out to me. 11 emanuel Mendes Da Costa, A Natural History of Fossils (London: 1757). John hill, A General Natural History (London: 1748–52). 12 John Walker, Lectures on Geology, h. Scott (ed.), (London: 1966). as a boon to the interested reader, Scott’s edition (pages 223–229) contains a transcribed version of Walker’s two introductory mineralogy lectures. however, these only offer a tiny glimpse of Walker’s system because they are undated and are only the preamble to the forty to fifty curricular and extracurricular lectures that Walker gave on the topic over the course of the year. 13 others are held by the royal College of Physicians of edinburgh, the university of aberdeen, and the american Philosophical Society in Philadelphia. 14 John Walker, Institutes of Natural History (edinburgh: 1792); Classes Fossilium (edinburgi: 1787). That the former work was known in British mineralogical circles is evinced in fact that it is listed in Joseph Banks’ library: Jonas Dryander, Catalogus Bibliothecae … Tome IV. Mineralogi (London: 1799), 13. it is one of the few Scottish books in his collection. although few copies of Classes remain, an original is housed in the university of oxford. See ouM Mineral 549/14. This could possibly be the copy used by Walker’s student Thomas Beddoes when he was lecturing there in early 1790s. Like Walker, Beddoes collected minerals (with Davies gilbert) and then used them as examples in his lectures. See the ‘introduction’ in humphry Davy, Humphry Davy on Geology (Madison: 1980), xix; roy Porter, Doctor of Society (London: 1992), 13. Pr oo fC op focus was categorically different from the mineral system offered by Linnaeus in his Systema Naturae as well as those offered by the english mineralogy texts written by emanuel Mendes Da Costa and John hill.11 Walker’s system was recorded in many forms during the course of his tenure at the university of edinburgh. There are around twenty known bound manuscript volumes of student notes taken in his mineralogy lectures. unlike his geology lectures, those on mineralogy were never published.12 Most of them are housed in the special collections department of the university of edinburgh Library.13 even though he published the heads of his lectures,14 these only consisted of the actual names that he gave to his classes, orders, genera and species. This means that the empirical data that he used to form his classification categories can only be found in the notes taken by his students. Their notebooks show that even though he tried hard to differentiate minerals based upon their composition, it seems that some of the classification categories were not mutually exclusive (especially in the case of minerals with problematic compositions). This being said, many of the mineralogies in his library contained categories that occasionally vied for y 124 The Language of Mineralogy the same mineral.15 additionally, when reading these notes, it becomes quite clear that the printed texts cited by Walker, like those used earlier in his career, do not fall within the standard canon of natural history and chemistry books usually mentioned in modern secondary sources concerned with investigating the ‘origins’ of chemical or Darwinian ‘revolutions’.16 rather than being interested in theorists like Buffon and hutton,17 Walker and his medical school colleagues paid more attention to a different group of european authors – especially chemists whose works were obtainable via north Sea trade routes.18 Bearing these issues in mind, this chapter, for the most part, will use the twelve-volume set of stenographed notes taken by Sir David Pollock in Walker’s 1797 lecture series.19 of the many bound collections of notes taken by Walker’s 15 This was a problem for most mineralogists in the eighteenth century. See David r. oldroyd, Thinking About the Earth (London: 1996), 97–100. 16 often the anachronistic categories of early nineteenth century conceptions like ‘Vulcanism’ and ‘neptunianism’ are used to characterise mineralogical and geological works written from 1700 to 1800. notable exceptions to this method are: roy Porter, The Making of Geology (Cambridge: 1977); rachel Laudan, From Mineralogy to Geology (London: 1987); norma e. emerton, The Scientific Interpretation of Form (London: 1984); rhoda rappaport, When Geologists Were Historians, 1665–1750 (London: 1997), and ‘Dangerous Words: Diluvialism, neptunism, Catastrophism’, in John L. heilbron (ed), Advancements of Learning (florence: 2007), 101–31; David r. oldroyd, Sciences of the Earth (aldershot: 1998); g. L. h. Davies, The Earth in Decay (London: 1969). for a helpful treatment of the chemistry behind eighteenth-century issues deemed relevant to later ‘Vulcanists’ and ‘neptunists’, see B. fritscher, Vulkanismusstreit und Geochemie (Stuttgart: 1991). 17 over twenty years ago, r. Porter’s The Making of Geology (Cambridge: 1977), pointed out that hutton was not the centre of Scotland’s emerging discipline of ‘geology’. in his recent (and brief) essay on this book, Martin rudwick re-emphasises Porter’s claim that ‘hutton was exceptional and even anomalous’ for the Scottish context: ‘roy Porter, historian of geology’, HS, 41 (2003), 251–256. additionally, the speculative aspects of Buffon’s natural history (especially his cosmogonical account), did not resonate with the empirical epistemology of Edinburgh’s philosophers and physicians – a point that figured into Walker’s bid for the chair of natural history (against William Smellie) and subsequently into his lectures on geology. See C. W. J. Withers, ‘The rev. Dr. John Walker and the Practice of natural history’, ANH, 18 (1991), 201–220. 18 The importance of Baltic chemistry for english travellers at the beginning of the nineteenth century has recently been traced by Brian Dolan, ‘Travelling Savants: experimental Chemistry in eighteenth-Century Sweden and england’, in a. Simões, a. Carneiro and M. P. Diogo (eds.), Travels of Learning (amsterdam: 2003), 115–141. additionally, like the Scots, the Swedes placed a high emphasis upon the utility of science. See L. Koerner, ‘Daedalus hyperboreus: Baltic natural history and Mineralogy in the enlightenment’, in W. Clark, J. golinski and S. Schaffer (eds.), The Sciences in Enlightened Europe (Chicago: 1999a), 387–422. 19 Sir David Pollock (1780–1847) served as QC in the 1830s and chief justice of the supreme court of Bombay in the 1840s. he was a law student at edinburgh in 1797, but he Pr oo fC op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 125 did not graduate. his notes are preserved as John Walker, An Epitome of Natural History, David Pollock (transcriber), (1797a–j), euL Bound MS, 703.D–712.D. 20 But, there were some changes. he had originally included fusoria (Class 5) in his 1781 system. But by 1790 he had replaced it with Ponderosa and amandina. 21 John Walker, Schediasma Fossilium (edinburgh: 1781); two copies of this pamphlet-type document are housed in euL as DC.2.19 and another (with notations) as euL DC.8.20. This eighteen class system is reprinted in Walker (1966), 230–237. in 1786, he began to amend Schediasma by moving around its orders and by listing more characters for each fossil. These corrections were not that substantial and in 1787 he published these augmentations of Schediasma and as Classes Fossilium (edinburgh: 1787). Part of this was reprinted in the third edition of robert Jameson’s A System of Mineralogy (edinburgh: 1820), xxxiii–xxiv. 22 as demonstrated in John Walker, Lectures on Natural History, Vol. III, [anon.] (transcriber), (c. 1790c), Bound MS, euL DC.2.25, f. 62 and John Walker, Lectures on Natural History Vol. III, [anon.] (transcriber), (c. 1790a), Bound MS, euL DC.2.19, f. 3. 23 C. W. J. Withers has treated Walker’s supervision of the museum in ‘“Both useful and ornamental” – John Walker’s Keepership of edinburgh university’s natural history Museum, 1770–1803’, JHC, 5 (1993), 65–77. 24 John Walker, Systema Fossilium (c. 1797k), guL, Bound MS, gen. 1061. Pr oo f C students, these are by far the most detailed. yet Pollock was silent on a few issues and in these cases i refer to other sets of notes (this does not occur very often and i include an explicatory footnote when it does). on the whole, the notes of Pollock and other students show that Walker orally explained the lead characters that he used to form his classes, orders, genera and species. even so, Walker’s definitions of these characters are sometimes confusing, incomplete or illegible. These considerations, in combination with the detailed nature of the chemistry behind Walker’s mineralogy, make reconstructing his system an exciting but challenging task. even though he sometimes changed their sequential number, Walker used the same class names throughout his time as a professor.20 a comparison of his personal notes, student notebooks and the books in his library and his museum indicates that his system went through at least three stages. He created his first comprehensive version in 1781 – the year before he gave his first full natural history course. This was called Schediasma Fossilium and it consisted of eighteen classes.21 The second version of his system appeared around 1790 and the number of the classes went up to nineteen. This change was most clearly captured in manuscript copies of his students’ notebooks.22 although he began to lose his eyesight in the mid1790s, the final version appeared around 1797 when he completed the gargantuan manuscript catalogue that listed the entire contents of the mineralogy collection that was under his supervision in the university of edinburgh’s natural history Museum.23 This catalogue was named Systema Fossilium and it was organised into a system of nineteen classes created by Walker.24 op y 126 The Language of Mineralogy The Method of Mineralogy Walker gave an ‘imperium naturæ’ lecture every year in his natural history course that discussed the different types of classification methods that could be used to arrange the three kingdoms of nature.25 in this lecture he stated that there were three basic methods: natural, artificial and mixed. Although the general definitions of these methods remained the same throughout his mineralogy, botany and zoology lectures, he only intended this lecture to be a general summary of the main methods available to a naturalist. one must therefore read his lectures on botany, zoology and mineralogy as individual units to see how he adapted his methods to the data available for each kingdom. in what follows below, i take care to explicate his method of classification solely in relation to how it is represented in his mineralogy lectures. Those who wish to pursue his botanical and zoological methods will need to consult his personal notes and the botany and zoology lecture notes taken by his students during the 1780s and 1790s.26 using the chemistry that he had learned in edinburgh, Walker modelled his mature mineralogical system on Torbern Bergman’s Outlines of Mineralogy (1783),27 Johan gottschalk Wallerius’ Mineralogie (1753),28 and axel fredrik Cronstedt’s Essay Towards a System of Mineralogy (1770).29 in addition to these texts, he possessed numerous copies of their other works in his personal library.30 a reprint of one (undated) ‘imperium naturæ’ lecture can be found in Walker (1966), 220–222. 26 By the end of his career (the late 1790s), Walker’s interest in mineralogy led him to reduce the space given over to botanical and zoological lectures. His botanical classification was based closely on Linnaeus’ Systema Naturae. g. Taylor, ‘John Walker, D.D., f.r.S.e., 1731–1803. notable Scottish naturalist’, TBSE, 38 (1959), 180–203. Botany at this time in edinburgh was also closely tied to georgics. During the 1790s, Walker made an unsuccessful bid to become the professor of agriculture. C. W. J. Withers treats this in: ‘a neglected Scottish agriculturalist: The “georgical Lectures” and agricultural Writings of the rev. Dr. John Walker (1731–1803)’, AHR, 33 (1985), 132–143. for zoology, Walker advocated the use of classification characters taken from internal organs, not just those based upon external morphology. This approach is clearly evinced in Walker MSS (1797i) and (1797j). 27 Torbern olaf Bergman, Outlines of Mineralogy (Birmingham: 1783), eC 131. This was originally published as Sciagraphia Regni Mineralis, Secundum Principia Proxima Digesti (Lipsiae: 1782), and it gained further popularity via its translations (and sometimes interpretations) into english (above) and french, Manual du Minéralogiste (Paris: 1783). 28 J. g. Wallerius, Mineralogie, ou Description Générale des Substances du Regne Mineral (Paris: 1753), eC 117. 29 a. f. Cronstedt, An Essay Towards a System of Mineralogy (London: 1770), eC 407 and An Essay towards a System of Mineralogy (London: 1788), eC 408. 30 Cornelius elliot’s Catalogue (edinburgh: 1804), shows that Walker owned the following books by these authors: Johann g. Wallerius, Lucubrationum Academicarum Specimen Primum de Systematibus Mineralogicis et Systemate Mineralogico Rite Condendo (holmae: 1768), eC 5; Mineralogie, ou Description Générale des Substances 25 Pr oo fC op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 127 Pr oo du Regne Mineral (Paris: 1753), eC 4 and 117; Elementa Metallurgiae Speciatim Chemicae Conscripta atque Observationibus (holmiae: 1768), eC 122; Chemiae Physicae Pars Prima, de Chemiae Natura ac Indole in Genere Ejusdemque Historia (Stockholm: 1760), eC 320; Systema Mineralogicum (holmiae: 1772), eC 401. Torbern olaf Bergman, Physical and Chemical Essays (London: 1784), eC 92; A Dissertation on Elective Attractions (London: 1785), eC 109; An Essay on the Usefulness of Chemistry (London: 1783), eC 11 and 328; Outlines of Mineralogy (Birmingham: 1783), eC 131. richard Kirwan, Elements of Mineralogy, eC 569 – eC gives no publication details for this book, but it was most probably (London: 1784). 31 See abraham gottlob Werner’s ‘introduction’ in On the External Characters of Minerals (urbana: 1962). This was originally published as Von den Äusserlichen Kennzeichen der Fossilien (Leipzig: 1774). 32 Additionally, even had Walker been fluent in German, much of Werner’s work was published after Walker had created his mineralogical system. english translations and/or explications of Werner’s work appeared after he died. The first of these were A New Catalogue of Mineral Substances (London: 1804) and New Theory of the Formation of Veins (edinburgh: 1809). after these works appeared, several of Werner’s works were translated into english. fC even though the chemical mineralogy presented by these three authors had a profound influence over Walker and other eighteenth-century mineralogists, the impact of this ‘Swedish School’ has remained relatively unexplored in anglophone histories of chemistry and/or the nascent earth sciences. instead, attention has been given to the writings of abraham gottlob Werner (1750–1817), the aforementioned mineralogist from Saxony whose work had its strongest impact upon early nineteenth-century european geology. in particular, Werner’s external characters are usually discussed in relation to the natural characters of Linnaeus’ binomial nomenclature.31 While this approach is fine and well, it only tells half of the story. Werner also had much to say about what he called internal characters, that is, the characters associated with the composition of a given mineral. These characters were usually taken directly from chemistry and correspond to the character chemicus used by Walker and his colleagues. a close look at Werner’s writings from a chemical perspective reveals that he too was significantly influenced by ideas presented by both Wallerius and Cronstedt. indeed, he even employed the same terms and nomenclatural divisions used by these two authors, though he did choose to recalibrate their ideas in relation to the data at his disposal in Saxony. as we will see, Walker did the same thing in Scotland. yet it should be noted that Werner and Walker lived within different chemical communities and were of two different generations (Walker was twenty years older than Werner). This means that even though they often drew from the same authors, they produced different types of systems.32 Such a state of affairs explains why, though Walker was familiar with a number of Latin and french op y 128 The Language of Mineralogy Pr figure 4.1 i. Sillberg, ‘iohan gotschalk Wallerius’, (engraving), Systema Mineralogicum (Stockholm: 1772). Mineralogy as practiced in Edinburgh during the late Enlightenment was strongly influenced by the writings of J. g. Wallerius and Torbern olaf Bergman, as well as axel Crondstedt. all three of these authors were Swedish chemists and based their mineralogical systems on chemical characters. John Walker regularly cited their works in his mineralogy lectures and his library contained numerous editions of their works. oo fC op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 129 Pr figure 4.2 ‘Tobern Bergman Professor der Chemie zu upsal’, university of Pennsylvania Library. oo f C op y 130 The Language of Mineralogy edinburgh’s preference for authors like Wallerius, Cronstedt and Bergman led many of Walker’s students to become interested in Werner’s work. for example, two who were particularly fond of Walker’s course, robert Jameson and Charles anderson, went on to translate Werner’s works into english and to found the Wernerian Society of edinburgh in the years after Walker died. additionally, Thomas Beddoes, another one of Walker’s students who endeavoured to learn german, had begun to read Werner’s work in the Bergmännisches Journal during the 1790s. however, Beddoes seems to have disagreed with Werner’s geological conclusions. See ‘Observations on the Affinity between Basaltes and granite. By Thomas Beddoes, M.D.; Communicated by Sir Joseph Banks, Bart. P. r. S.’, PT, 81 (1791), 48–70. furthermore, Walker was keen to keep external and chemical mineralogical characters separated. for a very insightful article on the state of play between mineralogical methods in the 1790s, see Charles greville, ‘on the Corundum Stone from asia’, PT, 88 (1798), 403–448. 34 These distinctions have been around for quite a while – especially in mineralogy and early attempts at chemical analysis. See r. hookyaas, ‘The Discrimination Between ‘Natural’ and ‘Artificial’ Substances and the Development of Corpuscular Theory’, AIHS, 4 (1948), 640–651. 35 The failure to recognise the difference between botanical and mineralogical characters has caused much confusion in histories which address eighteenth-century chemico-mineralogical systematics. For more on artificial or natural characters, see E. M. Melhado, ‘Mineralogy and the autonomy of Chemistry around 1800’, Lychnos (1990), 229–262. 33 Pr oo fC works written by german authors, i have found no mention of Werner in any of his lectures or personal notes.33 Based on my comments on classification characters above, it can be seen that historians need to pay close attention to how nomenclatural terms were used by a given author. Although I briefly outlined Walker’s notion of a mineralogical character in the introduction to this book, i would like to address the topic in a little more detail in the following sections, with a view to highlighting the central role played by definitional acts in his classificatory methodology. As intimated above, the names of properties were held to be representative of a mineral’s structure, form or composition. Moreover, the basic nomenclatural building blocks of his system were two types of characters: natural and artificial.34 unlike most contemporary botanical arrangements (including his own), Walker did not use essential characters to classify minerals;35 and like so many naturalists of his time, he used the term ‘character’ in a way that served the needs of his own system. it is, therefore, necessary to state explicitly how he understood the nomenclatural use of the term. for him, a natural character was a property of a mineral that could be observed plainly on its external surface or by breaking it open. Characters of this type included colour, texture, fractureability and shape. As so defined, his conception of a ‘natural’ character bore a striking similarity to Bergman’s definition of an ‘external’ character: ‘the chief superficial marks of any fossil taken together, op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 131 Pr 36 avicenna, an arabian physician of the eleventh century, divided fossils into the four classes of salts, earths, metals and phlogistic [inflammable] bodies. In this division, all substances agreeing wither in external or internal character, are properly enough combined; and, as hitherto no general arrangement has been proposed preferable to this, it is in no doubt of being continued.41 Since the base of Walker’s mature mineralogy was chemistry, this meant that, like his early thoughts on the subject, it differed fundamentally from the arrangement Torbern olaf Bergman, Physical and Chemical Essays, Vol. III (London: 1791), 226. Walker had a copy of this book in his library and cited it in his lectures. 37 for instance, see John Walker, Notes of Walker’s Lectures on Natural History, [anon.] (transcriber), (1790e), Bound MS, euL DC.10.33, f. 330. 38 Bergman (1791), 226. 39 Walker MS (1790e), f. 330. 40 Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 22. 41 Bergman (1791), 227. oo f Since chemical characters formed the higher taxa, the system was based directly on material properties that were the domain of chemistry. When creating a mineralogical system, most late enlightenment chemists (Black and Bergman included) used the Earth, Salt, Mineral and Inflammable principles to create overarching classes. according to Bergman: C op The most useful System of fossils, must therefore be a mixed method, founded on their natural & Chemical Qualities combined. The Chymical properties to form generally, the leading Character of the Classes and orders. and the natural Properties the subordinate & distinctive Character of the genera & Species. a Method, & properly executed, equally usefull to the naturalist & Chymist.40 y constitute the external character.’36 indeed, student lecture notes indicate that Walker used the terms ‘external’ and ‘natural’ interchangeably.37 Because natural characters sought to represent a mineral exactly as it existed undisturbed in nature, Walker held that the way in which a mineralogist arranged these characters was by a natural method. a second type of character was an artificial character. for Walker and other chemically trained naturalists, these were taken directly from principle-based chemistry. Walker’s conception of this type of character mirrored Bergman’s definition of an internal character: ‘A collection of those properties on which the leading [chemical] principles depend, is called internal character.’38 This similarity explains why Walker used ‘chemical’ and ‘internal’ as synonyms in his lectures.39 To create his mineralogical system, Walker used chemical characters to form the classes and the orders and natural characters to form genera and species. he summarised this method in the mid 1790s in the following manner: 132 The Language of Mineralogy Primary and Secondary Characters 42 Linnaeus’s mineralogical classification appeared in the third volume of the 12th edition: Systema Naturae, Tom. III (holmiae: 1768). in his Eulogium of Linnaeus, Condorcet wrote: ‘LinnaeuS classed the minerals entirely by their external forms: the chymists have made objections to this method, which is very difficult to answer; but the naturalists, or at least the pupils of Linnaeus, might have made objections equally powerful against a system of which chymical analysis formed the first character.’ D. H. Stoever, The Life of Sir Charles Linnaeus, Joseph Trapp (translator), (London: 1794), 224. This being said, Linnaeus used chemistry (mainly acid and alkali tests) to obtain characters for the lower classification characters. But he only used them after he had run out of natural characters. however, during his early career, he had displayed a keen interest in the chemistry of minerals. This can be seen in the manuscript notes that he wrote in fahlun during 1734. It was finally printed as Vulcanus Docimasticus (uppsala: 1925). his other mineralogical exploits and publications are address in Brian g. gardiner, ‘Linnaeus’ geological Career’, The Linnean, 5 (1989), 28–44. 43 Walker MS (1797d), f. 6. 44 Walker (1966), ‘Mineralogy’, 229. Walker MS (1790e), f. 332. 45 Lefèvre (2002), 197–199. Pr oo in basing his mature mineralogical systems on chemistry, Walker followed a firmly established method. As summarised by Bergman, this approach was based primarily upon composition: ‘in methodizing fossils, compounds should rank fC popularised by Linnaeus’ Systema Naturae. This was because Linnaeus’ mineralogy was based almost entirely on natural characters (like colour and shape).42 however, since Walker disagreed with the priority that Linnaeus gave to non-chemical (external) characters, he utilised chemical characters to create a form of binary nomenclature similar to that employed by Bergman and his predecessors (Wallerius and Cronstedt in particular). he used this as the basis for a ‘Quintuple Division’,43 that is, an arrangement based on classes, orders, genera, species and varieties. Walker was appointed to the medical faculty as professor of natural history in 1779. Throughout his first decade of lecturing, he asserted that he did not create new mineralogical classes, orders or genera per se: ‘as to the names of the Classes, orders, and especially those of the genera, there are none of them new and none of them mine.’44 as Lefèvre has recently shown, such a preservation of the topmost categories was commonplace in Enlightenment classification systems.45 That being said, the apparent simplicity of Walker’s comment above on the quintuple division is hard to substantiate because neither Walker’s personal papers nor the notes taken by students in his mineralogy course give the specific criteria that he used to create many of his classes, orders and genera. additionally, as will be shown below, Walker’s later systems expanded his classes beyond the four chemical principles employed by Black, Bergman and other chemists. op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 133 46 Bergman, (1783), §14. for Bergman and Walker, a ‘fossil’ was anything that was dug out of the ground. 47 W. r. albury and D. r. oldroyd. ‘from renaissance Mineral Studies to historical geology, in the Light of Michel foucault’s The Order of Things’, BJHS, 10 (1977), 187– 215, quotation from page 197. for comparative weights and measures from this time, see T. Thomson (ed.), Annals of Philosophy, 1 (1813), 452–457 and r. D. Connor and a. D. C. Simpson, Weights and Measures in Scotland (edinburgh: 2004). The debates concerning Bergman’s use of ‘equivalent’ weights during the 1970s illustrate the linguistic and conceptual difficulties presented to modern scholars when trying to understand eighteenth-century scientific measurement. For more on the debate, see the following articles: J. A. Schufle and G. Thomas, ‘Equivalent Weights from Bergman’s Data on Phlogiston Content of Metals’, Isis, 62 (1971), 499–506; W. a. Smeaton, ‘Bergman’s “equivalents”: a Correction’, Isis, 64 (1973), 231; J. A. Schufle, ‘Reply by J. A. Schufle’, Isis, 64 (1973), 231; C. S. Smith, ‘Bergman’s “equivalents”: a further Comment’, Isis, 65 (1974), 393–394; J. A. Schufle, ‘Further Reply on Bergman’s “Equivalents” ’, Isis, 66 (1975), 404. 48 for instance, see William nicholson’s popular First Principles of Chemistry (London: 1796). The isolation and weighing of different principles (which were sometimes called ‘substances’, ‘bodies’ or ‘parts’ by Walker’s contemporaries) and the subsequent creation of compositional ratios is addressed in Sally newcomb’s ‘geology: a Balancing act’, in Manuel Serrano (ed.), INHIGEO Meeting, Portugal 2001 (aveiro: 2003) and ‘Laboratory Variables in Late eighteenth Century geology’, in Bernhard fritscher and fergus henderson (eds.), Toward a History of Mineralogy, Petrology, and Geochemistry (München: 1996), 81–97. 49 Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 22–24. he made similar statements throughout his lecturing career. for instance, compare the above statement to the following: ‘[T]he characters of the Classes & orders must be formed on Chemical principles. While those of the Genera, Species and Varieties seem to depend chiefly upon their natural marks.’ Walker MS (1790e), f. 330. See also Walker MS (1797d), f. 35. Pr oo f C op y under the most abundant ingredient.’46 in this case, ‘abundance’ was determined by weight. for the mid-eighteenth century, albury and oldroyd have explained this gravimetric method in the following manner: ‘if, for example, substance ‘xy’ contained more ‘x’ than ‘y’, then it should belong to the genus ‘x’.’47 By the end of the century, however, gravimetrically based ratios were employed to create entire classes, not simply genera. The unit of measurement in most cases was the ‘grain’ and composition was listed in parts per one hundred. This was commonly practiced in both chemistry and mineralogy texts of the time.48 Walker’s commitment to chemical classification did not change throughout his teaching career and he summed up this belief about five years before he died. In 1797, he reaffirmed that chemistry should be used to form ‘the leading Character of the Classes and orders … a Method, & properly executed, equally useful to the naturalist and Chemist.’49 This statement shows that this method of classification worked from the top down. using this approach, the general structure of Walker’s system remained relatively unchanged. although he made minor adjustments throughout his career, on the 134 The Language of Mineralogy whole, his changes mainly concerned genera and species, and not classes and orders. Pr figure 4.3 oo ‘Chemical Signs explained: acids. alkalis. Metallic Calces’ (engraving), in Torbern olaf Bergman, A Dissertation on Elective Attractions (London: 1785). although John Walker preferred to write out the written name mineralogical specimen in his lectures, his personal notes sometimes use some of the chemical symbols featured above, many of which were modifications of those used at the start of the century in the affinity tables of the French chemist Étienne françois geoffroy. fC op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 135 Walker followed the eighteenth-century tradition of subdividing chemical ‘principles’ into ‘Primary’ and ‘Secondary’ categories.50 Like Bergman, he held that there were five Primary Earths.51 he also believed that there were two Primary Salts and six Primary Metals: Primary Earths Calcareous argillaceous Magnesia Terra Ponderosa Siliceous Primary Salts acids alkalis Primary Metals iron Tin Copper Silver Lead gold Bergman argued that these principles were not ‘metaphysical’ because they demonstrated observable empirical properties. Beretta touches upon this point when discussing Bergman’s chemia sublimior. See Beretta (1993), 134–149. These ‘properties’ were also closely linked to Bergman’s conception of chemical affinity. See Alistair M. Duncan, Laws and Order in Eighteenth-Century Chemistry (oxford: 1996), 136–145 and 148–153. 51 as intimated in Chapter 3, there were several debates concerning the exact number of Primary Earths. Although Wallerius and Cronstedt had influenced Walker’s early mineralogical education on this topic, the 1780s saw him accept the five Primary earths of Bergman: Calcareous, argillaceous, Magnesia, Terra Ponderosa and Siliceous. Bergman (1783), § 85. These substances are designated ‘pure’ earths in the ‘Chemical Signs explained’ table included in Bergman (1785). 52 Duncan has argued that there was a ‘strong probability’ that Bergman was influenced by Cullen and Black. See Duncan, (1996), 127–129 and 146–147. Pr 50 oo f Most of Walker’s mineralogy lectures included instructions on how to use acids and heat to ascertain the composition of a mineral, and there are sections where he combined his own experimental knowledge with that of colleagues like Cullen, Black and Thomas Charles hope. This being said, it is unclear how much his acceptance of ‘Primary’ categories was dependent upon experiments that he performed on his own. During this time, just about every naturalist had to use data that had been recorded (usually in print) by someone else. on the whole, student notebooks show that he cited a significant amount of data taken from the writings of Wallerius, Bergman, William Watson, Karl Wilhelm Scheele, richard Kirwan and Joseph Priestley – all authors who were frequently consulted in the medical school. Furthermore, his affinity for Bergman was no doubt linked to the fact that Bergman’s chemistry harmonised with the work of Cullen and Black.52 using the characters generated by chemistry to arrange minerals was not without its difficulties, and Walker repeatedly stated this in his lectures. One of the biggest problems was that non-standardised solvents and reagents (usually acids C op y 136 The Language of Mineralogy and alkalis) made it very difficult to consistently determine the exact percentage of the chemical substances that formed a given mineral’s composition. a further complication was that Primary earths were sometimes so strongly bound to each other that they could not be split apart into primary classification characters. for those stones consisting of two or more Primary earths ‘intimately united’, Walker followed the Bergmanian practice of creating a sub-chemical category of ‘derivative’ earths. Bergman held that the force that bound them together was a highly localised, non-mechanical expression of chemical affinity; or in his words, Derivative earths had ‘a mutual attraction to each other, and form combinations more intimate than mechanical ones.’53 Walker accepted this definition and considered several chemical substances to be Derivative, or, as he sometimes stated, Secondary: Secondary Earths Steatite amiandina Schista gypsum Phosphorus apyrite Mica Secondary Salts neutral acid-earth alkali-earth Vitriol as will be shown in more detail in the sections below, all of the classes of his system were not based solely on one ‘character’ associated with an overarching chemical principle. if he had based his system solely on principles, there would only be four classes, that is, Earths, Salts, Metals and Inflammables. In reality, Walker used six different types of ‘lead’ chemical characters to form his classes.54 The first was a principle itself and this is why he named Class 15 ‘Salts’, Class 16 ‘Inflammables’ and Class 19 ‘Metals’.55 The second was a primary representation of the principle; hence Class 2 (Calcareous), Class 4 (Ponderous) and Class 7 (Siliceous). next there were the classes based on the secondary representations of the principle: Class 3 (gypseous), Class 5 (Phosphoric), Class 8 (Steatitical), Class 10 (Zeolitical), Class 11 (Micaceous), Class 17 (Mundicks) and Class 18 (Semimetals). a fourth lead character was a mineral’s inability to burn and this produced only one category, Class 9 (Apyrites), and a fifth was the presence of iron, Class 6 (amandina). for classes 12 to 14, Walker took a different tack in selecting the lead character. These rocks were generally much Bergman, (1783), § 83 and (1791), 244. i use the word ‘lead’ here based on Walker’s use of a ‘leading’ character in his lectures. Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 22–24. 55 There is a full chart of Walker’s system as it existed in 1797 in appendix V. 54 53 Pr oo fC op y Pyrites Semimetals Secondary Metals Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 137 Walker’s Mineralogical System The Earthy Composition of Stones Pr 56 57 Walker continuously tinkered with the definitions that he assigned to the characters that he used to classify minerals. although i do mention some of these recalibrations in the following sections, it is my primary intention to simply explain the chemical characters that he used to construct the classes of his mature system, thereby establishing a firm comparison point for future studies on the variations that occurred either in his work or in that of his contemporaries. additionally, in what follows, I use Walker’s mineralogical appellations to refer to the stones classified in his system; but readers interested in their modern equivalents may wish to refer to appendix i as they read along. Classes 2 to 11 in Walker’s system were as follows:57 Bergman (1783), § 86. Class 1 consisted of different types of soils. Since this arrangement of soils was basically a smaller version of other chemical categories used elsewhere in Walker’s system, i set this class aside and do not discuss it in detail. he held that ‘earths’ (Class 1: Terra) that is, soils, could not be satisfactorily classified. This being the case, he does attempt to arrange their orders based on chemical characters. for instance, he propounds that ‘This is the Class which can have no Place in a Chymical Method; but it is necessary to retain the earths in a separate Class for the Purposes of natural history.’ Walker MS (1797d), f. 41. in this case, the ‘Purposes of natural history’ was no doubt georgics. This suggests that it is quite likely that aspiring farmers audited the first part of his lectures without staying on for the rest of the course. Such a scenario explains why there are three different sets of lecture oo f C op larger than the minerals mentioned above. in fact, they were quite massive and were part of what Walker called the earth’s ‘primary strata’. for these rocks, the lead character was the type of cement (a chemical formation) that held them together: Class 12 (Petrae), Class 13 (Saxa) and Class 14 (Concreta). Though Walker’s system was quite comprehensive, his lectures did not clearly explain how he selected the lead chemical character of each class. from a chemical standpoint, using principles and their primary and secondary manifestations was well grounded on the work of Bergman and others. for instance, in his Outlines, Bergman listed the five ‘Primitive Earths and then noted: ‘And we must believe these to be primitive, until it shall appear by proper experiments that they may be separated into others, still more simple, or changed into one another by art.’56 Similar statements about Primary and Secondary manifestations of Salts, Earths, Inflammables and Metals can be found in the work of Cullen, Black and other chemists being read in the medical school (Bergman, Wallerius and Cronstedt in particular). So even though Walker’s naming of classes (not to mention orders, genera and species) was somewhat innovative in many cases, it was firmly grounded in chemical practice. y 138 The Language of Mineralogy Class 2: Calcareous Class 3: gypseous Class 4: Ponderous Class 5: Phosphoric Class 6: amandina Class 7: Siliceous Class 8: Steatitical Class 9: apyrous Class 10: Zeolitical Class 11: Micaceous notes (in different handwriting) on Class 1 alone in Walker MS (1790e), ff. 332–292. as will be addressed in Chapter 5, the lecture notes taken by Walker’s students in his mineralogy lectures clearly show that Classes 2 to 11 were generally found in secondary strata. 58 an informative work on the chemical foundations of industry and agriculture in enlightenment Scotland is a. Clow & n. L. Clow, The Chemical Revolution (London: 1952). Walker’s chemical contributions are mentioned throughout the book. See also Withers (1985). 59 This was qualified by the fact that they could be ‘converted into quicklime by fire’. Walker MS (1797d), f. 160. earlier in the 1790s, Walker had hinted that presence of aerial acid was also a characteristic of these stones, going as far to assert that, ‘of all the Calcareous earths, chalk contains the largest proportion of aerial acid. Mr. Kirwan found no less than 40 per cent in it.’ Walker MS (1790e), f. 343. Because Walker does not give specific composition here, it is hard to tell what percentage of Calcareous Earth or aerial acid is needed to determine his conception of a Calcareous Stone. in general, there was no consensus on this point at this time. it is for this reason that Walker cites different Calcareous Stone chemical compositions from various mineralogies for every order. 60 M. D. eddy, ‘Set in Stone: Medicine and the Vocabulary of the earth in eighteenthCentury Scotland’, in D. M. Knight and M. D. eddy (eds.), Science and Beliefs (aldershot: 2005), 77–94. Pr oo fC although, the lead character of each class was either a Primary or Secondary earth, the exact quantity of each stone’s ‘earthy’ component was not always recorded in the class notes of Walker’s students. usually, composition was listed in order of abundance. The character that had the highest weight was listed first and the rest were listed in descending order (this was often done without any numbers being given to explain the exact percentage of each earth). When Walker gave his lectures, he took care to point out the industrial and pharmacological uses of these stones. To this goal, he gave his students instructions on where to find such minerals in the Highlands and Lowlands. Since Scotland’s physicians applied their mineralogical knowledge not only to medicine (especially materia medica) but also to industry and agriculture, it is no coincidence that most of Walker’s classes were of relevance to these subjects.58 i will, therefore, address jointly each class in relation to its chemical composition and its commodificatory role(s). The main component of a Calcareous Stone (Class 2) was (Primary) Calcareous earth.59 This type of stone was of crucial importance to the medical school’s interest in limewater, a solution formed from limestone which was used to dislodge and/or dissolve bladder stones (also called calculi).60 This ailment (along with gout and venereal disease) ran rampant among op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 139 for more on the subject matter of experimental pharmacology, see a. h. Maehle, Drugs on Trial (amsterdam: 1999). 62 Walker MS (1797e), f. 7–8. 63 William Smellie (ed.), Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol II (edinburgh: 1771), 767. 64 Walker MS (1797e), ff. 29 and 85. however, it seems that Walker could not determine whether the other component was sulphur (Wallerius) or ‘acidum opatosum’ (Scheele). See the first volume (§§ 172; 176) of Wallerius’ Systema Mineralogicum (holmiae: 1772) and the first volume (§ 23) of Cronstedt’s 1788, System of Mineralogy (London: 1788). These two authors are also cited in the section on zeolite in Walker MS (1790e). 65 Jan V. golinski, ‘a noble Spectacle: Phosphorus and the Public Cultures of Science in the early royal Society’, Isis, 80 (1989), 11–39. 66 Walker MS (1797d), f. 29. 67 Bergman (1783), § 121, thought it was argillaceous earth. g. a. Scopoli addressed the subject in Principia Mineralogiæ Systematicæ et Practicæ (Vetro-Pragae: 1772), eC 209; his approach to classification, however, is explained in his Introductio ad Historiam Naturalem Sistens Genera Lapidum, Plantarum et Animalium (Vienna: 1772). for J. B. M. Bucquet’s views, see Introduction à L’étude des Corps Naturels Tirés du Règne Minéral (Paris: 1771). notably, this book does not appear in eC. even though Walker mentions Bergman, Scopoli and Bucquet in his main lecture section on Zeolitical Stones, he does not cite them in the bibliographical (further reading) section listed at the end of Pollock’s notes. The main authors cited for Zeolitical earths in that section are, once again, Wallerius and Cronstedt. See Walker MS (1797f), ff. 201–207. 61 Pr oo f C the aristocracy and gentry and was therefore the bread and butter of the future physicians and surgeons who attended Walker’s lectures.61 gypseous Stone’s (Class 3) lead character was gypsum, a Secondary earth formed from Calcareous earth that had been combined with vitriolic acid.62 as the 1771 edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica (an edinburgh publication) succinctly stated: ‘The gypsums are much used in plaster, for stuccoing rooms, and casting busts and statues’.63 all of these applications were clearly useful for any practically minded physician in the service of a patron. Phosphoric Stone (Class 5) took its name from phosphorus, a Secondary earth derived from Calcareous earth and sulphur (these were also naturally occurring in contrast to other forms of phosphorous made out of urine).64 as golinski has shown, this sort of stone had been a ‘noble spectacle’ in Britain since the seventeenth century, that is, phosphorous was a useful conversational piece for chemists (who were often physicians) seeking to impress patrons or other natural philosophers.65 as an avid reader of the Philosophical Transactions, Walker was no doubt aware of this tradition and emphasised that, when heated without a flame, these stones gave off a ‘beautiful Phosphoric Light’.66 Walker’s comments on Zeolite, a Secondary earth and the lead character for Zeolitical Stone (Class 10), were more complicated. Without naming page numbers (which commonly occurs), Pollock’s notes cite the work of three authors on this topic: Torbern Bergman, Johann anton Scopoli and Jean-Baptiste-Michel Bucquet.67 each of these authors held different positions on Zeolite’s chemical composition that were most likely known to op y 140 The Language of Mineralogy Walker MS (1797f), f. 9. Walker had been contemplating the composition of this stone since his 1766 travels in the hebrides (at the time he thought that it might be a source for talc) and his earlier lecture notes show that he was unsure of Zeolite’s exact composition. Walker MS (c. 1797k), f. 7; Walker (1822), 90. 69 Staffa was located off the western coast of Scotland and, as mentioned in Chapter 3, Walker had visited it during his early travels. for more on Smithson’s interest in Staffa and Zeolite, see heather ewing, The Lost World of James Smithson (new york: 2007), 93. 70 According to Walker, ‘The Fossils of this Class, are chiefly composed of the Terra Ponderosa, or Barytes’. Bergman, (Birmingham: 1783) addresses Ponderous earth in §§ 87–91. 71 This is further qualified: ‘This class comprehends the Bodies which strike Fire with Steel, and are composed of Siliceous earth.’ Walker MS (1797e), f. 117. 72 Walker MS (1797e), ff. 161–165. This section also refers to franz Carl achard’s Chemische Untersuchung Verschiedener Edelgesteine (Berlin: 1778). The specific version that Walker consulted is not stated. 73 for Scottish glass, see the chapter on this subject in Clow & Clow (1952). 74 Walker MS (1797e), f. 185. 68 Pr oo Walker because he had been contemplating the composition of Zeolite since the 1760s.68 in the end, he seems to have rejected Bergman, Scopoli and Bucquet and concluded that Zeolite was formed from Calcareous earth and Siliceous earth. his longstanding interest in Zeolite suggests that he made it a class in his system because of his familiarity with its composition and because of its popularity with Britain’s chemists and mineralogists. for instance, when James Macie Smithson, future founder of the american Smithsonian institute, travelled to the island of Staffa in 1784, he and the rest of his party were keen to collect samples of it.69 Similarly, Walker probably included Ponderous Stones (Class 4) on account of their scientific relevance, especially to the medical school. The lead character was the (Primary) Ponderous earth that had been proposed by Bergman in 1774.70 This substance had generated a good deal of controversy and debate and its inclusion in Walker’s system confirmed, yet again, his dedication to Bergman’s writings. Class 6 contained Amandina Stones, and it seems that the lead classification character was iron (garnets are part of this class). however, some of the chemical compositions demonstrate that the ferrous component was quite low. Walker probably thought that iron produced the reddish colour of the rocks and so he therefore included them in this class. The name of Siliceous Stones (Class 7) came from (Primary) Siliceous earth, which was basically sand.71 The most obvious point of interest for this class was that it included gems and diamonds.72 aside from sand’s use in glassmaking,73 Siliceous Stones were valued by several industrial practices in Scotland. Sandy gravel, for instance, was used to make artificial phosphorus and was also one of the key ingredients in cement. Related to Siliceous Stones were apyrous Stones (Class 9). Pollock’s notes on this class feature a table that shows that they contained a high percentage of Siliceous earth.74 Steatitical earth, which was a Secondary earth formed from Magnesian earth fC op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 141 Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. II (edinburgh: 1771b), 626–627. The making of porcelain was also a topic treated in the Philosophical Transactions at the end of the eighteenth century. for example, see Josiah Wedgwood, ‘an attempt to Make a Thermometer for Measuring the higher Degrees of heat, from a red heat up to the Strongest that Vessels Made of Clay Can Support’, PT, 72 (1782), 305–326. 77 Walker MS (1797f), f. 19 78 The major scientific journal in the middle of the century was Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary (published in 1754, 1756 and 1771). The end of the century saw the foundation of the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. for more on eighteenth-century medical journals in Scotland, see f. a. Macdonald, ‘reading Cleghorn the Clinician: the Clinical Case records of Dr. robert Cleghorn, 1785–1818’, in Charles W. J. Withers & Paul B. Wood (eds.), Science and Medicine in the Scottish Enlightenment (east Linton: 2002), 255–279. edinburgh’s medical and scientific print culture are also treated in R. B. Sher, ‘Science and Medicine in the Scottish enlightenment: The Lessons of the Book Trade’, in Paul B. Wood (ed.), The Scottish Enlightenment (rochester: 2000), 99–156. 79 for instance, the surgeon David MacBride built on Black’s magnesia alba experiments and argued that fixed air (carbon dioxide) was the ‘cementing principle’ that held together animal and vegetable bodies. Such a position was directly related to earth’s structure in edinburgh because several of its leading chemists (including Black) held that certain types of limestone were composed of compressed shells. D. MacBride, Experimental Essays (London: 1764), 254–258. See also eddy (2005). 75 76 Pr oo f C op and Siliceous earth (both Primary earths), was the lead character for Steatitical Stones (Class 8). During his early travels across Scotland, Walker was continually on the lookout for forms of steatite which could be used to make porcelain (this stone was also known to exist in Devonshire and Cornwall). as the Encyclopaedia Britannica pointed out, steatite ‘afforded the finest earthen-ware ever made.’75 Steatitical Stones were therefore important for those in Walker’s course who were interested in this industry.76 The same held for Micaceous Stones (Class 11). Their lead character was mica, which was ‘Magnesia, combined with that of alum.’77 These Stones were found in elginshire, nairnshire and Kincardineshire and were sometimes associated with ceramic production. The lead characters that Walker used to form classes 12 to 14 were taken from the different types of cement that held them together. At first glance, using cement as classification character might seem a bit odd. But it is here were we can see how the chemistry of edinburgh’s medical school, as practiced in relation to pharmaceuticals and emerging industrial practices, had direct application to natural history. Since the early part of the century, laboratory experiments on the ‘cement’ of bladder stones had been a reoccurring activity in the school. This research was published in Edinburgh’s scientific journals78 and began to be taken up by chemically-trained naturalists interested in the earth’s form and structure,79 as well industrially-minded antiquaries interested in the construction of ancient y 142 The Language of Mineralogy James anderson, for example, addressed the cement of ancient buildings in his Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs, Vols. I–III [Third edition], (edinburgh: 1784). During the 1770s and 1780s there was also a debate as whether humans or nature were responsible for the cementation that held together several ‘rock forts’ in the highlands. See alexander fraser Tytler, ‘an account of Some extraordinary Structure on the Tops of hills in the highlands; with remarks on the Progress of the arts among the ancient inhabitants of Scotland’, TRSE, 2 (1790), 338–369. 81 Bergman (1791), 376–386. 82 More specifically, he was referring to Joseph Black’s ‘Experiments Upon Magnesia Alba, Quicklime, and Some other alcaline Substances’, EOPL, 2 (1756), 157–225. 83 Bryan higgins, Experiments and Observations Made with the View of Improving the Art of Composing and Applying Calcareous Cements and of Preparing Quick-Lime (London: 1780), 54–55. Walker also owned antoine-Joseph Loriot’s A Practical Essay on a Cement, and Artificial Stone (London: 1774), eC 203. higgins, irish by birth, held an MD from Leiden, ran a school of practical chemistry in greek Street, Soho and was known for his writing on mineral wells: Synopsis of the Medicinal Contents of the Most Noted Mineral Waters (London: 1788). for more on higgens, see his entry in the ODNB. 84 as will be explained in Chapter 5, Walker called this ‘foundation’ primary strata. 85 The description is virtually the same as that given for ‘Petra’ in the definition section at the beginning of the lecture notes. Walker MS (1797f), f. 10. for the structure of Petra Stones, see Walker MS (1797f), ff. 25–26. 80 Pr oo fC Walker defined Petrae Stone (Class 12) as both ‘heterogeneous’ and ‘Simple’. They were massive ‘rocks … [in] which the naked eye cannot observe more than one sort of Particles’,85 a description which shows that they were a type of op Class 12: Petrae Class 13: Saxa Class 14: Concreta y buildings.80 The fact that medical chemistry was being applied in industrial and geological contexts during this time is evinced in several books that Walker had in his library. for example, Bergman’s Physical and Chemical Essays addressed ‘Progress for Burning Bricks’81 and Brian higgins treated similar topics in his Experiments and Observations. Drawing from ‘the chaste and philosophical productions of Dr. Black’,82 higgins performed experiments on cementation that not only had direct application to the construction of buildings, but also to chemical composition of strata. at one point, he treats both natural and man-made aggregated calcareous bodies as if they shared the same chemical composition.83 Building on his knowledge of cementation, Walker held that classes 12 to 14 were the large rocks that formed the lowest observable layer of the earth and the foundation on which all other stones rested.84 The names for these classes were as follows: Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 143 self-aggregated cement.86 Concretion Stone (Class 14), existed on a smaller, more local scale and included concretions of Earths, Water, Fire (Inflammables) and from Metals.87 Class 13 was Saxa Stone. Walker held that, ‘This Class forms the greatest Proportion of the Mass of Matter in this globe, and though it is a subject of much importance, it is the least cultivated Part of Mineralogy.’88 furthermore, he took care to point out that previous chemical mineralogical systems had reduced these stones to an appendix.89 Saxa Stone, he suggested, was composed of three distinguishable ‘Parts’: substramen90 (or ground), gluten91 (or Cement) Class 12 had four orders. order 2 (Whetstones) was composed of Siliceous earth and earth of alum; order 3 (Schistic) was made of quartz, mica and shorl; order 4 (Siliceous) was named after Siliceous earth. order 1 (Quadrines) consisted of ‘bodies’ that were ‘disposed in the earth in Quadrated Masses’ and were ‘raised in cubical figures.’ These are chemically significant because their cubical shape would have been held to be the product of a chemical reaction. as these shapes resembled large crystalline structures, Walker thought that they were essentially the result of a bygone chemical process. Walker MS (1797f), f. 30. See also his 1760s comments on stone blocks in the hebrides in John Walker, The Rev. Dr. John Walker’s Report on the Hebrides of 1764 and 1771, M. M. McKay (ed.), (edinburgh: 1980), 112, 215. 87 There were four orders: ‘ordo i. Terrestria, or Concretions formed from in the earth. order ii. aquea. Concretions formed in Water. order iii. ignigena. Concretions formed by fire; and lastly, order iV. Metallica, Metallic Concretions.’ Walker MS (1797f), 114. 88 Walker MS (1797f), f. 55. 89 ‘it is very evident that this class could never have [a] place in the chemycal System of Fossils, and accordingly we find, that those writers who have attempted to draw up a Chemical System, add the Class of Saxa as a sort of appendix, which could not be properly arranged in the course of the work.’ Walker MS (1797f), ff. 55–56. for instance, at the end of his Outlines of Mineralogy (Birmingham: 1783), § 244, Bergman introduces the topic of concreted rocks, but then states: ‘Such compositions may well be excluded from the present work, but, upon account of their extensive physical, economical, and metallurgical uses, i propose to give a slight sketch of them.’ 90 The OED’s only recorded usage of substramen is rev. James headrick’s View of the Mineralogy, Agriculture, Manufactures and Fisheries of the Island of Arran (edinburgh: 1807), 56. 91 The OED’s first geological usage of ‘gluten’ is John Pinkerton’s Petrology, Vol. I (London: 1811), 530. Walker’s usage in 1797 lectures obviates that it was clearly being employed much earlier. it is most likely that the word was imported from its eighteenthcentury usage in botany and zoology (which are recorded in the OED). additionally, Walker employed the vernacular equivalent of this word in the field notes that he took in the hebrides earlier in his career. he used it to describe the composition of Porphyry on the island of Tiree. This means that the term was being used for mineralogical purposes during the 1760s. See Walker (edinburgh: 1980), 191. 86 Pr oo f C op y 144 The Language of Mineralogy and concretions92 (or Charge):93 ‘The Substramen and the gluten compose the cementing or uniting Matter, and the Concretions are the Matter cemented or united.’ The only difference between substramen and gluten was their mass. Substramen was ‘copious’, ‘thereby rendering the Concretions at a Distance from one another.’ gluten was ‘sparing’ and ‘the Concretions are near together’. Walker’s description of how gluten and substramen held concretions together, therefore, was clearly influenced by the experiments of Black and Cullen and by other authors (higgins for example) that he had read on the subject. Salts, Inflammables and Metals Class 15 contained Salts. as the name indicates, the lead character was the Salt Principle itself (that is, not a Primary or Secondary manifestation of the principle). Walker’s interest in this type of substance once again fingers the disproportionate priority that histories of chemistry often give to the implementation of the new french nomenclature. While much attention has been given to pneumatic chemistry, scholars have tended to overlook the central role that Salts played in eighteenth-century chemical mineralogy.94 This is indeed unfortunate since they were a major influence on Lavoisier’s intellectual development and in 1807 Aikin’s popular Dictionary of Chemistry and Mineralogy asserted that: ‘The chemistry of salts, taken in the most extended sense, forms by far the largest part of the whole science.’95 As with Cullen’s mid-century tripartite definition of Salts (acid, alkali and neutral),96 aikin’s Dictionary reiterates that they are substances that can be dissolved in water. it then goes on to state that contemporary chemists (circa 1800) applied the term ‘to all the crystallisable acids or alkalis, or earth, or combinations 92 also used in a geological sense in rev. John Playfair’s lllustrations of the Huttonian Theory of the Earth (edinburgh: 1802), 246. 93 The quotations that occur throughout the rest of this paragraph are taken from Walker MS (1797f), ff. 59–63. 94 one of the best books on this subject is f. L. holmes, Eighteenth-Century Chemistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley: 1989). 95 for Lavoisier and Salts, see a. Donovan, Antoine Lavoisier (Cambridge: 1996); especially the chapter on Salts. See also ‘Salt’ in a. aikin and C. r. aikin, A Dictionary of Chemistry and Mineralogy, Vol. II (London: 1807), 284–285. Bergman’s chemistry was also heavily based on saline analysis. See his A Dissertation on Elective Attractions (London: 1785), and J. A. Schuffle, ‘Torbern Bergman, Earth Scientist’, Chymia, 12 (1967), 56–97, esp. 87–90. 96 See appendix 2 and William Cullen, ‘a Cullen Manuscript of 1753’, Leonard Dobbin (ed.), AS, 1 (1936), 138–156. it should be noted here that William Withering, Cullen’s student, included Cullen’s definition of ‘Salt’ in his 1783 translation of Bergman’s Mineralogy. Withering held Bergman’s definition to be inadequate: ‘I shall, therefore, offer another, given by Dr. Cullen:—viz. ‘Saline bodies are sapid, miscible with water, and not inflammable.’ Bergman (1783), § 20. Pr oo fC op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 145 Primary Salts order 1: acids order 2: alkalis Secondary/Derivative Salts Pr 97 aikin & aikin, (1807), 284–285. note that the ‘oxyd’ distinction based on the new nomenclature is being used alongside terms traditionally associated with principle-based chemistry. 98 Walker MS (1797g), ff. 13–14. The genera were aerial, Vitriolick, nitrous, Muriatick, Sparry, Boracic and Phosphoric. 99 Cullen (1936), 144. 100 Joseph Black Lectures on the Elements of Chemistry, Vol. 1 (edinburgh: 1803a), 347–499. Black was also a student of Cullen. 101 This was a trend at this time. See Bergman on metallic salts in his (1783) § 20. 102 John Walker, ‘an account of a new Medicinal Well, Lately Discovered near Moffat, in annandale, in the County of Dumfries. By Mr. John Walker, of Borgue-house, near Kirkudbright, in Scotland’, PT, 50 (1757), 117–147. oo f Interestingly, the first three of his saline orders were the exact divisions taught to Walker by Cullen in 1750s.99 Black’s 1803 Lectures also used these three divisions to classify all of the Salts that he presented to his students.100 although Walker’s classification was similar to Aikin’s, Walker seems to have been a bit more innovative because he also created separate orders for metallic Salts (vitriols),101 earthy acids and earthy alkalis. Moreover, it is interesting to note that placing metallic Salts in this acidic category was distinctly different from his 1757 Philosophical Transactions paper on hartfell Spa. There he argued that Salt of iron was alkaline.102 C order 3: neutrals (acid + alkali) order 4: acid-earths (acid + earth) order 5: alkali-earths (alkali + earth) order 6: Vitriols (acid + Metal) op y of acids with alkalis, earths or metallic oxyds. hence the common and useful distinction alkaline, earthy and metallic.’97 although Walker did not cite aikin in his lectures, his system demonstrates that he combined this late eighteenth-century view with that of the mid part of the century. By the 1790s he held that there were two types of Salt: Primary and Secondary. These two divisions were conceptually similar to the role played by Primary and Secondary earths. But instead of using Secondary Salts to form classes, Walker used them to form orders. his Primary Salts came in two forms: acids and alkalis. These comprised the first two saline orders. He stated that acids had five genera and that these required ‘no Explanation, and indeed these more properly belong to the Chymist.’98 alkalis had two genera: natron and Volatile alkali. Secondary Salts were combinations of Primary Salts with either themselves, Metals or earths. These combinations formed the last four orders of Walker’s saline class: neutrals, acid-earths, alkaline-earths and vitriols: 146 The Language of Mineralogy Walker maintained a firm interest in Salts throughout his whole adult life. In addition to general chemistry books, he read several specialised treatises on the subject. The index of the library that he kept during the 1760s (Index Librorum, euL, DC.2.38) contains several Philosophical Transaction articles on Salts. additionally, eC contains works that address the manufacture of common salt: n. grew, A Treatise of the Nature and Use of the Bitter Purging Salt (London: 1697), eC 21. J. Collins, Salt and Fishery (London: 1682), eC 257; W. Brownrigg, The Art of Making Common Salt (London: 1748), eC 565. a. Cochrane, The Present State of the Manufacture of Salt Explained (London: 1785), eC 493. Brownrigg and Cochrane’s work also was known in continental europe. gerhard Stalla, Salz in Bayern, Eine Biliographie (augsburg: 1995), 9. 104 a good example of this practice can be seen rev. William Laing’s An Account of Peterhead, its Mineral Well, Air and Neighbourhood (London: 1793). in addition addressing the medical benefits of the well, Laing (who also held an MD) based much of his chemical analysis on the work of Torbern Bergman. for more on the therapeutic context of these wells in Scotland, see a. Durie, ‘Medicine, health and economic Development: Promoting Spa and Seaside resorts in Scotland, c. 1750–1830’, HM, 47 (2003), 195–216. 105 William Cullen, Clinical Lectures, Delivered in the Years 1765 and 1766 (London: 1797), 73–74. 106 Walker’s notes on Joseph Priestley’s Observations on Different Types of Air (London: 1772) are contained in John Walker, Essays, Transcripts and Other Papers II (c. 1770), Bound MS, euL DC.1.58 f. 44. There were many editions of Priestley’s book and eC 99 states that Walker owned a 1772 edition and his personal notes suggest that he possibly owned another later one. Walker also had read (c. 1782) Karl Wilhelm Scheele’s 103 Pr oo fC The fact that Walker was publishing on the classification of Salts as far back as the 1750s illustrates that he had a long-standing interest in the saline composition of mineral waters.103 as shown in Chapter 2, local spas and wells were a standard testing ground for saline theories that were also applicable to pharmacology and natural history.104 overall, the medicinal use of these wells was popular at this time and lasted well into the nineteenth century. for instance, the 1797 republication of Cullen’s 1765/66 Clinical Lectures promoted the pharmacological use of wells that contained ‘metallic substances’ because of their ‘tonic power’.105 Cullen’s book, like many publications at the end of the century, utilised saline analysis when testing the composition of such waters. Thus, as a member of the medical faculty, Walker, like Black, included a saline class in his mineralogical system because Salts were still a vital part of contemporary chemical practice – especially in therapeutics and experimental pharmacology. in edinburgh, saline analysis had also become connected to the study of ‘airs’, specifically in reference to how water could be impregnated with them. This connection was related to the fact that both natural and artificial aerated waters were prescribed by Edinburgh’s physicians for stomach and digestion related ailments. it was probably for this reason that Walker took manuscript notes on Joseph Priestley’s Observations on Different Kinds of Air and Karl Wilhelm Scheele’s Chemical Observations and Experiments on Air and Fire during the 1780s.106 op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 147 Chemical Observations and Experiments on Air and Fire (London: 1780). See John Walker, Essays, Transcripts and Other Papers III (c. 1780), Bound MS, euL DC.1.59, f. 11. 107 for Walker’s notes on elliot, see Walker MS (c. 1770), f. 42. These are based on John elliot, An Account of the Nature and Medicinal Virtues of the Principal Mineral Waters of Great Britain and Ireland, and Those Most in Repute on the Continent (London: 1781). for his notes on Bergman, see Walker MS (c. 1780), f. 40. These are based on Torbern Bergman’s Physical and Chemical Essays (London: 1784). 108 interest in the mineral wells at Selzer, Bath and Pyrmont stemmed from Bergman’s studies on them in the early 1770s. See the translation of Bergman’s On Acid of Air, Excerpt from K.V.A, 1773 (Stockholm: 1956). 109 J. B. Secondat, Observations de Physique et D’histoire Naturelle sur les Eaux Minerales de Dax, de Bagneres & de Barege (Paris: 1750), eC 19. T. Short, General Treatise on the Different Sorts of Cold Mineral Waters in England (London: 1766), eC 314. D. Monro, A Treatise on Mineral Waters (London: 1770), eC 229. a. Sutherland, An Attempt to Ascertain and Extend the Virtues of Bath and Bristol Waters by Experiments and Cases (London: 1764), eC 294. W. Simpson, Hydrological Essayes (London: 1670), eC 469. 110 note his treatment of ‘hard Water’: ‘These pit springs will not make a lather with Soap; the reason is that they always either contain an earthy or metallic salt, and hence they decompose the soap by the acid in the saline matter attracting the alkali of the soap and leaving its oleaginous part disengaged.’ Walker (1966), ‘hydrography Lecture’, 121. 111 That said, Walker was a local expert on the chemical qualities of peat moss. i address this topic in the next chapter. John Walker, ‘an essay on Peat, Containing an account of its origin, of its Chymical Principles and general Properties’, PETHSS, 2 (1803), 1–137. Pr oo f C op Walker’s personal manuscripts also reveal that he took notes on the saline composition of mineral waters from the works of John elliot (who based his work on Priestley) and Bergman.107 indeed the preface to elliot’s book was subtitled ‘directions for impregnating water with fixed air’ and Walker’s notes on Bergman were entitled ‘Precipitants for Mineral Waters’. The latter even included a chart that lists which Salts were present in water taken from the spas at Selzer, Bath and Pyrmont.108 Correspondingly, Walker’s library was stocked with related works by Baron Montesquieu, Thomas Short, Donald Monro, alexander Sutherland and William Simpson.109 he not only used saline analysis in his mineralogy lectures, but throughout all of his other lectures and publications. a good example of this occurred in his hydrography lectures where he cited saline experiments to demonstrate the chemical composition of the oceans, rain, snow and springs.110 Like Salts, the lead classification character for Inflammables (Class 16) was a ‘principle’, that is, the Inflammable Principle. It had five orders (Airs, Sulphurs, Bitumens, Coals and electric[al]) and it is unclear whether Walker held that all these substances were Primary representations of the principle itself.111 as the concept of an ‘aer’ touched on various aspects of his mineralogy (especially in relation to aerial acids and mineral waters), Walker’s reading of Priestley’s Observations and Scheele’s Experiments most likely influenced his thoughts on the y 148 The Language of Mineralogy J. hutton, Considerations on the Nature, Quality, and Distinctions, of Coal and Culm (edinburgh: 1777), eC 128. 113 John Walker, Letter to Colonel Dirom, Quarter Master General of Scotland, on the Discovery of Coal (edinburgh: 1800). a copy of this pamphlet is housed in euL, D.S.h.8.15/5. See also John Williams’ section on coal in: The Natural History of the Mineral Kingdom in Three Parts (edinburgh: 1789), eC 279. 114 g. agricola, De Re Metallica Libri XII (Basileae: 1657), eC 181. C. e. gellert, Metallurgic Chymistry. Being a System of Mineralogy in General and of All the Arts Arising from this Science (London: 1776), eC 100. g. Jars [the elder], Voyages Métallurgiques (Lyon: 1774), eC 514. 115 e. Vaccari has recently treated how mining contributed to enlightenment conceptions of the earth: ‘Mining and Knowledge of the earth in eighteenth-Century italy’, AS, 57 (2000), 163–180. accounts of travels made by naturalists to both homeland and foreign mines, moors and mineral wells, though often hard to find, provide a wealth of information for historians interested in the classification systems. Linnaeus, with whom Walker corresponded in the 1760s, was the archetypical example of such a traveller. his travels are treated in W. Blunt, Linnaeus: The Compleat Naturalist (Princeton: 2001) and L. Koerner, Linnaeus: Nature and Nation (Cambridge, Mass.: 1999b). 116 Traditionally, pyrites (also called mundicks) included rocks that sparked when struck against steel or other hard bodies. See ‘Pyrites’ article in aikin & aikin (London: 1807). This mineral distinction is also used to describe marcasites and spars in n. grew’s Musaeum Regali Societatis (London: 1681), which is not in eC, but no doubt would have been available to Walker via one edinburgh’s many libraries. 112 Pr oo fC op matter. additionally, many of the chemical mineralogies in his library emphasised an air’s ability to decompose exposed stones or its capacity to conduct electricity. Moreover, the attention that Walker paid to ‘Coals’ also had chemical aspects to it. Its very place in his classification system was dependent upon its ability to burn – which was a chemical quality. although he did own books that treated the chemistry of coal composition,112 his published letter to Colonel Dirom (1800) indicates that he was just as interested in its physical placement in strata.113 Walker’s last three classes (17–19) dealt with the subject of metals. aside from the metallurgical references made in his mineralogy lectures (which were numerous), his library contained older texts like agricola’s De Re Metallica and more recent works like gellert’s Metallurgic Chymistry and Jars’ Voyages Métallurgiques.114 other sources for this area were the visits that he made to Scottish mines early in his career and the experiments being conducted by fellow edinburgh chemists like Black.115 The lead character for Metals (Class 19) was the Metal Principle and its orders were groupings of Primary Metals based on malleability: durable (iron and copper), flexible (lead and tin) and fixed (silver and gold). The lead characters of the two other ‘metallic’ classes were Secondary Metals: Semimetals (Class 18) and Mundicks (Class 17 – also called Pyrites).116 y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 149 The orders of these classes were based on chemical distinctions common in eighteenth-century chemistry: mineralized and calciformed:117 Mundicks (Class 17) order 1: Sulphureæ (mineralized) order 2: arsenicals (mineralized) order 3: ferreo (calciformed) order 4: amandina (calciformed) Semimetals (Class 18) order 1: Sulphureæ (mineralized) order 2: arsenicals (mineralized) order 3: fluida (?) order 4: Dubia (?) Conclusion Pr 117 for example, see Wallerius’ section on metals and semimetals in his Systema Mineralogicum (holmiae: 1772). See also J. r. Partington’s comments on this aspect of Wallerius’ thought in A History of Chemistry, Vol. III (London: 1962), 169–172. Walker defines ‘calciformed’ as ‘The Form of Calx, which is where the Metal has been reduced from its metallic or reguline State to a Calx by a particular Solvent. The most general form of this Sort is that of an ochre’; whereas ‘mineralized’ was ‘Where it [the metallic substance] is combined either with Sulphur or arsenic’, Walker MS (1797g), ff. 155–56. 118 The language of pharmacology was taken directly from principle-based chemistry. Most pharmacopoeias published in the city even had sections that defined chemical substances and explained experimental procedures. for a modern introduction to the ingredients that were used in early modern drugs, see J. Worth estes, Dictionary of Protopharmacology (Canton: 1990). oo f This chapter has shown that Walker’s mature mineralogical system was based on characters provided predominantly by principle-based chemistry. in focusing on this topic, i have touched on a side of chemical mineralogy that is often overshadowed by secondary literature interested in excavating the ‘forerunners’ of Lavoisier, especially his experiments on ‘airs’. however, a simple glance at the chemically related articles and chapters in most British, german, and Swedish books and journals being written during the middle and later decades of the eighteenth century (including the Philosophical Transactions) shows that C op Knowledge of metals and semimetals was of direct importance to mining. Physicians were often approached by land owners to inspect mines and to give advice on assaying. as mentioned earlier in Chapter 3, Walker’s career abounds with examples of the practice. he used his mineralogical knowledge to inspect the Earl of Hopetoun’s mines and to become a scientific advisor to the Earl of Bute, and this experience allowed him to write the letter to Colonel Dirom mentioned above. finally, metals played a key role in edinburgh’s experimental pharmacology. They were used in many drugs (expectorants and anthelminthics for example) and featured into therapeutic practices being developed in Edinburgh’s Royal Infirmary.118 y 150 The Language of Mineralogy Charles Blagden to Bertrand Pelletier, november 1784, draft, Blagden Letter book, yale university. also quoted in the massive tome of C. Jungnickel and r. McCormmach, Cavendish (Lewisburg: 1998), 358–359. This book rightly points out that Cavendish had a substantial interest in mineralogy and geology. See Chapter 6, ‘Mercury’, and Chapter 7, ‘earth’, 393–460. 120 how the Latin, Swedish, french and german versions of these books ended up in edinburgh would make an interesting study in itself, and would help uncover the routes by which scientific knowledge was transferred between different linguistic contexts. To this end, C. Warren’s recent work in this area is a firm foot forward: ‘Charles Elliot’s Medical Publications and the international Book Trade’, in Charles W.J. Withers and Paul Wood (ed.), Science and Medicine in the Scottish Enlightenment (east Linton: 2002), 215–254. The ‘Short Title-List of Charles elliot’s Medical Publications’ on pages 237 to 254 also contains a good number of chemistry books. for a brief look at Swedish books translated into english, see Swedish Museum of national antiquities, The Heritage from Newton to Linnaeus (Stockholm: 1962). 121 Black (1803b), 20. Black then goes on to give a rudimentary mineralogical arrangement on pages 20 to 169. These sections are more concerned with enumerating experiments that 119 Pr oo experiments that used the principles of earth, Salt, fire, Water and Metal were more numerous than those that investigated air. in fact, even pneumatic chemists transferred the language of mineralogical composition to the study of ‘aerial liquids’. for instance, in a 1784 letter written by Charles Blagden to the french translator of henry Cavendish’s 1780s eudiometry experiments, Blagden used the following mineralogical analogy to explain the ‘standard’ scale that Cavendish had developed to classify the purity of the air: ‘Standard … means properly that fixed measure to which others are compared, but in a more general sense is used by us to express the proportion which any thing bears to a fixed measure: thus if a mixture was made of 3 parts of gold & one of base metal, we might say that the standard of the mixture was 3/4.’119 Walker’s final system consisted of nineteen classes and drew from his own knowledge of chemistry, the expertise of medical school colleagues and from a pool of publications influenced by continental thinkers.120 even though mineralogy was often mentioned in the medical school’s chemistry courses, Walker’s lectures were the only ones that offered a comprehensive system. although Black lectured on limited aspects of mineralogy and geology, he was more interested in discussing basic classification issues that were directly relevant to an introductory chemistry course – a practice that he frankly admitted. When his students wanted to pursue the connections between chemistry and mineralogical systematics, he told them to consult Wallerius, Cronstedt, Bergman, William Withering and richard Kirwan. Should the writings of these and other authors need to be explained in detail, Black specifically referred them to Walker by stating, ‘my colleague, the Professor of natural history, will give you information of all the particulars. in this [chemistry] course we have not the time to follow the subject so far, but must confine our attention to the most remarkable and distinguished chemical varieties which occur in nature.’121 fC op y Systematic Mineralogy: Arranging the Fabric of the Globe 151 employ minerals than with working out the specific characters of classification. 122 This is even the case for James hutton, whose 1785 royal Society of edinburgh papers on his theory of the earth drew from the concepts of bodily circulation that he advocated in his 1749 Leiden medical thesis. early in the century, the english author William hobbs summed up a similar approach (c. 1716) when he wrote: ‘it appears, by what has been Said, That the earth cannot be an animated Body, without an internal Heat and motion, or pulsation: we Shall therefore endeavour to prove that those Properties or Quallifications, are to be found in the Earth, as certainly as in any other Animall.’ The Earth Generated and Anatomized by William Hobbs, roy Porter (ed.), (ithaca: 1981), 61. 123 it should perhaps be noted here that the names used in most late eighteenth-century chemical mineralogies, including Walker’s, were drawn primarily from material properties associated with a given stone, thereby capitalising on chemical naming practices that were slowly starting to draw medicine, industry and academia away from names engendered by the geographical origin or the therapeutic usage of a substance. for the contingency of early modern naming practices in plant and animal chemistry, see Klein and Lefèvre (2007). 124 for chemistry, a good place to start would be robert Boyle’s ‘simple’ and ‘compound’ distinctions used by Cullen in the 1750s and Macquer’s primary and secondary ‘principles’ in his Dictionary of Chemistry (London: 1777). The former distinction was brought forth into mineralogy via Cullen’s conception of a ‘simple’ and ‘structured’ stone. additionally, several eighteenth-century chemists, Domenico guglielmini and Bergman for example, used the concept of ‘primary’ (primitive geometrical form) and ‘secondary’ to classify crystals. See r. hookyaas, ‘Torbern Bergman’s Crystal Theory’, Lychnos (1952), 21–54. Pr oo f C Throughout this chapter i have repeatedly emphasised that Walker operated within a context that was influenced by the chemically-trained physicians who taught in edinburgh’s medical school. The experiments performed there were often applicable not only to therapeutics and pharmacology, but also to the mineralogical composition of geological strata and Scotland’s manufacturing and mining industries. Because of their chemical training, edinburgh’s physicians were able to make analogical comparisons between stones taken out of the ground and bladder stones taken out of the human body. on a larger scale, the role played by such medicallyorientated chemical experiments in enlightenment theories of the earth remains largely unexplored.122 Like higgins’ book, the chemical language of Walker’s mineralogy lectures was the same as that which was being used in edinburgh laboratories and suggests that this time period saw no need to differentiate between calcareous mixtures formed in the earth, by masons or in a laboratory crucible.123 Such a situation is relevant to nascent geological practices because it also implies that Walker and his contemporaries saw little chemical difference between the ‘cement’ of highland stratigraphical formations and the ‘concretions’ of the human body. Methodologically speaking, i have drawn attention to the fact that Walker’s mineralogical system depended upon two recurring taxonomical distinctions: primary and secondary. in general, the idea of ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ divisions played an important role in eighteenth-century natural philosophy. in fact, further treatments of the use of these distinctions would shed much light on a wide variety of early modern classification systems (both for nosology and natural history).124 from a op y Pr oo fC op y figure 4.4 ‘Single elective attractions: in the Moist Way; in the Dry Way’ (engraving), in Torbern olaf Bergman, A Dissertation on Elective Attractions (London: J. Murray, 1785). The table was originally published as one comprehensive foldout, but i have split it in half so that the reactions can be seen clearly. above are experiments conducted in the ‘moist’ (wet) way and below are those conducted in the ‘dry’ way. although many of the combinations on this table were disputed in Edinburgh, Bergman’s work on affinity was cutting edge research during the 1770s and 1780s. Pr oo fC op y 154 The Language of Mineralogy philosophical perspective, the primary and secondary manifestations of earths, Salts and Metals bear a striking resemblance to Locke’s primary and secondary ideas. Such a situation would have been favourably received in edinburgh since Cullen discussed John Locke’s An Essay Concerning Human Understanding in his lectures125 and since different versions of Locke’s epistemology were prevalent in Scotland.126 as James McCosh stated in the nineteenth century: ‘The Scottish metaphysicians largely imbibed the spirit of Locke; all of them speak with profound respect; and they never differ from him without expressing regret or offering apology.’127 yet, as McCosh went on to write, ‘the Scottish school never adopted the full theory of Locke’ and this lead to a wide variety of interpretations. Working out just how many of these views trickled into natural history and chemistry in Scotland is a task that remains to be fulfilled. Pr 125 a. L. Donovan, Philosophical Chemistry in the Scottish Enlightenment (edinburgh: 1975), 42–44. 126 although it could be argued that these distinctions were gleaned independently via ancient and early modern taxonomical arguments that were often read in the form of aristotle’s Categories. for reference, see John Wilkins’ An Essay towards a Real Character, and a Philosophical Language (London: 1668), or even robert Boyle’s numerous comments on classification in Peter Shaw’s collected edition of his works, The Philosophical Works of the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq. (London: 1738). 127 James McCosh, The Scottish Philosophy, Biographical, Expository, Critical, from Hutcheson to Hamilton (London: 1875), 28–29. here McCosh used the term ‘metaphysician’ to denote philosophers like francis hutcheson, David hume, Thomas reid, etc., whom he held to be key thinkers of the Scottish enlightenment. oo fC op y Chapter 5 ordering the earth: The Chemical foundations of geology Introduction We have seen that Walker’s chemical conception of minerals was shared by edinburgh’s literati as well as those who taught or studied in the medical school. The emphasis that such an environment placed upon material manipulation, combined with Walker’s own interest in systematics had a profound effect upon the way in which he approached the subject of geology. it is therefore the purpose of this chapter to explain the extent to which the logic of his chemical and mineralogical practices shaped how he understood the earth’s larger structure and composition. Throughout the chapter i emphasise that his geology was a product of his mineralogy and not vice versa. Since his geology blended the data of systematics with the evidence of civil history, the first section of this chapter unpacks several philosophical assumptions that guided his approach to the subject. in particular, i argue that his interest in classifying natural objects led him to be extremely suspicious of what he perceived to be unverifiable cosmological theories. as a consequence, long periods of terrestrial time were simply not a suitable topic for responsible scientific discussion. In pursuing this topic, my work falls in line with a number of recent works that aver, in the words of Martin rudwick, that eighteenth-century mineralogy formed the ‘core and foundation of the science of the earth.’2 The second section then explains how Walker obtained his geological data from chemical, physical and historical ‘monuments’. here i address how 1 2 Pr oo hugo arnot, The History of Edinburgh (edinburgh: 1788), 405. Martin J. S. rudwick, Bursting the Limits of Time (Chicago: 2005), 60. See also: g. L. Davies, The Earth in Decay (London: 1969); David r. oldroyd, Sciences of the Earth (aldershot: 1998); rachel Laudan, From Mineralogy to Geology (Chicago: 1987). related points are also made in norma e. emerton, The Scientific Reinterpretation of Form (ithaca: fC op Under Hydrography, or the natural history of the waters of the globe, he [Dr Walker] considers the phenomena of the ocean, its tides, its saltness, &c; the origin of springs, of rivers, lakes, &c. Under the head of Geology he treats of the natural history of the earth in general, its mountains, continents, and islands, its inequalities and strata; the phenomena of volcanoes, earthquakes, &c.; with observations on the various theories of the earth.1 y 156 The Language of Mineralogy chemistry played an important role in the investigation of such monuments and how it allowed him to suspend certain types of temporal questions, especially those regarding the age of ‘primitive’ strata. i end by detailing how his emphasis upon physical and historical monuments encouraged a chronological approach to the earth’s age. The Method of Geology ‘Omnipotent Power’ at the end of the eighteenth century, there were two prevalent methodologies used to order the data provided by the enterprise of geology. The first was the definition and division approach. as i will show below, those who used this method usually suspended causal questions and held that the underlying order of the world could be ascertained only by carefully cataloguing its contents. The techniques and practices that guided the day-to-day acts of categorisation necessitated by this method, however, still remain murky, especially since most studies of the time period tend to treat Linnaeus’ Systema Naturae as the normative representative of eighteenth-century systematics.3 The second type of method was more theoretical. it sought to describe and causally explain the properties and phenomena created by natural objects. historians have often used Buffon’s multi-volume Histoire Naturelle as a representative example of this approach. The systematic methods of chemistry and mineralogy used by Walker and his colleagues in the medical school led them to be extremely sceptical of this type of methodology, especially since their conception of the earth was closely linked to their understanding of minerals and empirical methods of classification. When Walker created his mineralogical system, therefore, it was easy for him to suspend questions about the earth’s age and the specifics of how it formed because his classification of natural (external) or artificial (chemical) characters operated within a non-historical framework. This was not only the case for late eighteenth-century Scots, but for a great many of the sources cited in the lectures of edinburgh’s medical school. Walker’s main concern was to obtain descriptions of an object’s current composition, form or location. asking what an object had been in the past or what it could be in the future were questions saved for the time when nature would be (hopefully) more thoroughly catalogued. This advancement of natural history through the collection of empirical information was supported by most naturalists 1984) and William h Brock, ‘Chemical geology or geological Chemistry?’, in L. J. Jordanova and r. Porter (eds.), Images of the Earth (Chalfont St. giles: 1979), 147–170. 3 The philosophical foundations and the spread of Linnaeus’s system are detailed in F. Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaeans (utrecht: 1971); r. Desmond, Kew (London: 1995); a. T. gage and W. T. Stearn, A Bicentenary History of the Linnean Society of London (London: 1988). Pr oo fC op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 157 Pr oo figure 5.1 ‘John Walker, D. D. M.D.’, etching by John Kay, 1789. Walker as he was seen by his contemporary John Kay. at the time of this etching Walker had recently published his Classes Fossilium (1787) and was in the process of organizing his 1792 bid for the Chair of agriculture. fC op y 158 The Language of Mineralogy Pr 4 J. Thomson, Account of the Life, Lectures, and Writings of William Cullen, M.D, Vol. II (edinburgh: 1832b), 45. 5 The exponential increase in late eighteenth-century colonial natural history specimens is addressed in Londa Schiebinger, Plants and Empire (Cambridge, Ma: 2004), and Kapil raj, Relocating Modern Science (Delhi: 2006). 6 immanuel Kant, Elements of the Critical Philosophy (London: 1798), eC 419. David hume, Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion (London: 1779), eC 324. This was probably the second edition. 7 ironically, hume’s Dialogues and William Derham’s Physico-Theology (London: 1714), eC 325, are listed back-to-back in elliot’s Catalogue of Walker’s library. oo f of the day, including Cullen, who once stated: ‘in short, i think everybody acquainted with the progress of natural history must know that the attempts in a system and the study of particulars have mutually promoted and supported each other.’4 however, since late eighteenth-century europe witnessed an explosion of colonial specimens and natural history texts, most naturalists believed that the prospect of finding a perfect system did not seem foreseeable in the near future.5 Since cataloguing and classifying a natural object’s artificial or natural characters was the starting point for Walker, the relevance of time and change were inherently suspended within his classificatory methodology. Even so, like Linnaeus, he hoped that artificial taxonomies would one day give way to a true underlying order. This cosmological predisposition stemmed from the belief that such a system was made by a god who was perceived to be orderly. Walker’s methodology was, therefore, inextricably linked to a teleological and epistemological mindset that permeated eighteenth-century scientific dialogue. It had a particularly strong presence in edinburgh at the time and therefore needs to be discussed in more detail. Much has been written on the interaction between eighteenth-century empiricism and natural history. Like many of his edinburgh contemporaries, Walker’s philosophical commitment to the viability of classification was not noticeably affected by the writings of David hume or immanuel Kant. This was in spite of the fact that he owned the second edition of hume’s Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion and a copy of Kant’s Elements of the Critical Philosophy.6 The latter was one of the first translations of Kant’s work into English and it was printed too late (1798) to affect the philosophical underpinnings of Walker’s classification system. additionally, the cultural credence given in Scotland to Thomas reid’s commonsense philosophy insulated most natural historians and philosophers against humean scepticism. even so, it must also be noted that Walker simply took it for granted that god had made the world. This meant that proofs for god’s existence were superfluous in a mineralogy lecture. Thus, even though he owned works of natural theology, he only cited their empirical observations, not their proofs for the existence of god.7 Such a practice was not unique to Walker, and C op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 159 8 There were also larger trends in British medicine at the end of the eighteenth century which sought to promote empirical methodologies. See ulrich Tröhler, ‘To Improve the Evidence of Medicine’ (edinburgh: 2000). 9 The geological contours of this context are outlined in: Peter Bowler, Evolution (London: 1989); Martin J. S. rudwick, ‘The Shape and Meaning of earth history’, in D. C. Lindberg and r. L. numbers (eds.), God and Nature (London: 1986) 296–321; John h. Brooke, Science and Religion (Cambridge: 1993), especially Chapter 7. for Scotland, see Paul B. Wood, ‘The natural history of Man in the Scottish enlightenment’, HS, 27 (1989), 89–123, see esp. page 102. These teleological proclivities were often heavily influenced by the ‘ordered’ conception of nature as promoted by the sixteenth century theologian and reformer Jean Calvin in his Institutes of the Christian Religion (London: 1961). 10 for more on Paley’s argument, see the introduction and endnotes in William Paley, Natural Theology, Matthew D. eddy and David M. Knight (eds.), (oxford: 2006). 11 John Walker, The Rev. Dr. John Walker’s Report on the Hebrides, M. M. McKay (ed.), (edinburgh: 1980), 111. 12 See the section entitled ‘a general View of its Literary history, in John Walker, Notes and Lectures on Natural History, Vol. I, T. Birch (1789a), Bound MS, euL gen. 50, f. 55. Pr oo his commitment to arranging the natural ‘facts’ is present in most of the natural history literature produced by the Scottish enlightenment.8 from a larger cultural perspective, Walker’s methodological approach was underpinned by the teleological view of the natural world that was prevalent in Britain throughout the eighteenth century.9 accordingly, he believed that natural laws had operated constantly since the formation of the earth. This being the case, he did not stress teleology in his lectures. in fact, there are few references to a divine power. even though he was an active Presbyterian minister and was elected Moderator of the Church of Scotland in 1790, i have not found any indication that Walker placed strong emphasis on the design argument as presented in William Paley’s Natural Theology.10 instead, the power of god was an assumed premise that guided his thoughts over his entire career. for example, during the 1770s, several entries in his Kings MS alluded to a creator and to a ‘great’ cause that had aligned the hebrides.11 it seems, therefore, that he held that the past history of the globe had experienced a rather turbulent reshaping and that this was caused by divine intervention. Based on the few references to god in his lectures, it seems that he believed that studying the natural world led to a more informed understanding of how god had ordered the universe at some unspecified point in the past. Most student copies of his lectures record him as saying, ‘from this survey i hope you will be sensible how much this Science [natural history] is misrepresented, when it is treated as a trivial and unprofitable study. Nothing surely is more adapted to inform the human mind, or more fitted for giving us a just and sublime idea of the Creator, or more enlarged views of his perfections and providence.’12 his reticence to specify the connections between god and nature was most probably linked to his desire to steer clear of theological controversy in his public lectures. But his private papers reveal a much clearer position on the matter. In particular, during the last five years of his fC op y 160 The Language of Mineralogy John Walker, Occasional Remarks by the Revd. Dr. Walker Prof. of Natural History at Edinburgh (c. 1798), Bound MS, euL DC.2.40, f. 118. 14 The epistemological context of mineralogy, geology and hydrography in eighteenthand nineteenth-century Sweden is addressed in Tore frängsmyr, ‘Between the Deluge and the ice age’, in John L. heilbron (ed), Advancements of Learning (florence: 2007), 133– 152. 15 Louis Bourguet, Lettres Philosophiques sur la Formation des Sels et des Crystaux (amsterdam: 1729), iL 43. Walker explicitly cites Bourguet in his Lectures in Geology (Chicago: 1966), 172; (Scott, the editor of Walker’s lectures, incorrectly spelled his name as ‘Bourguer’). Bourguet was a Swiss Calvinist who held that his cosmological theorizing was based firmly upon empirical facts. However, Buffon’s use of his work (particularly on the angled nature of mountains) sometimes placed it in a negative light, especially for those reading the english editions. See Kenneth L. Taylor, ‘natural Law in eighteenth-century geology: The Case of Louis Bourguet’, Actes du XII Congres International d’Histoire des Sciences, 8 (1974), 72–80. Turning to Élie Bertrand, though historians have been keen to cite his Mémoires sur la Structure Intérieure de la Terre (Zurich: 1752), his Dictionnaire Universel des Fossiles Propres, et des Fossiles Accidentels (avignon: 1763), eC 119, was just as popular at the turn of the century. 13 Pr oo life, he penned his thoughts about various topics that he deemed important. These manuscript papers were then collected and bound under the title of Occasional Remarks. on a page with a 1798 watermark, he wrote an entry entitled ‘Theory of the Earth’. There he stated, ‘It is my firm persuasion, and not upon Slight grounds, that at some distant period the earth has undergone changes which could not be the effects of those laws of nature by which the œconomy of the Terraqueous globe is at present regulated. and further that those changes so vast and universal could only be accomplished by the extraordinary interposition of that omnipotent POWER by which the Globe was at first created.’13 This is the full text of the entry and he does not make such a statement in his university lectures. Such an underlying belief formed the foundation for many theories of the earth promulgated by eighteenth-century thinkers trained in reformed pedagogical settings. in mid-century Sweden, for example, Linnaeus recognised that the mineralogical evidence suggested that the earth had a much longer history, but he was unsure how to link such a suspicion to the authority of the Bible. Torbern Bergman, Linnaeus’ student and a strong influence on Walker, did not believe that such a link was necessary, therein treating the Bible more a moral guide and less as a scientific authority.14 a similar mindset appears in the works of Swiss Calvinists like Louis Bourguet and Élie Bertrand, both of whom are mentioned in Walker’s lectures and whose works were in his library.15 yet, even amongst such reformed authors, there were epistemological gradations. for instance, although Walker and fellow medical school professors like Joseph Black marvelled at the brilliant creativity of authors like Bourguet and Bertrand, they usually told their students that theoretical speculation over the chemical formation of the earth was scientifically irresponsible, because the period in which the earth had undergone changes most likely operated under a different set of laws. Such an epistemological situation left fC op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 161 little room for cosmological speculation.16 To formulate all-encompassing theories of the earth, even if it was from a teleological perspective, strayed too far from the empirical evidence. The facts needed to be gathered so that an assessment could be made at a later date. Such an approach operated within a teleological framework while placing no restrictions upon the methodology Walker and his colleagues used to classify natural objects. ‘Established Facts’ The priority Walker gave to verifiable, empirical facts places him firmly within the Lockean epistemological tradition characteristic of philosophers during the Scottish enlightenment and the ‘rigorously Baconian, empiricist methodology’ that emerged in Britain and parts of europe during the end of the eighteenth century.17 in his Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1689), Locke stated that the human mind was a tabula rasa at birth and that external ideas originated from empirical stimuli only. as an a posteriori system, these external ideas were the mental building blocks by which the mind constructed internal ideas. When applied to natural history, this system often gave epistemological priority to the characters of natural objects that could be clearly described or empirically measured. as the century progressed, Locke’s empirical epistemology was harmonised with newton’s hypotheses non fingo and Bacon’s emphasis upon data collection. as shown in the previous chapters, it was this highly empirical form of methodology which guided Scottish chemistry and mineralogy. even though some english, french and german writers diverged from a strict Baconian empiricism during the early to mid part of the century, Scottish writers seem to have been largely immune to the speculative cosmology produced by The idea that the ancient earth operated under a different set of physical laws is a notion that continued well into the nineteenth century. The most notable champion was Lord Kelvin, a Scot, who used thermodynamics to counter the vast stretches of time proposed by Darwinian thinkers. See Joe D. Burchfield, Lord Kelvin and the Age of the Earth (London: 1975). 17 for Locke’s impact on Scottish chemistry, see a. L. Donovan, Philosophical Chemistry in the Scottish Enlightenment (edinburgh: 1975), 56–62. for his use of natural history in his philosophy, see D. Carey, ‘Locke, Travel Literature, and the natural history of Man’, SC, 9 (1996), 259–280. The Baconian mindset within the emerging field of British geology, especially the close examination of strata, is examined roy Porter, ‘george hoggart Toulmin’s Theory of Man and the earth in the Light of the Development of British geology’, AS, 35 (1978), 339–352. The contemporaneous european side of the story is laid out in John h. heilbron, ‘Jean-anrdré Deluc and the fight for Bacon around 1800’, in heilbron (2007), 77–99. Baconianism continued to play a strong role in early nineteenthcentury academic settings that taught mineralogy and in new metropolitan societies like the geological Society of London. See the initial chapters of gordon L. herries Davies, Whatever is Under the Earth (London: 2007). 16 Pr oo f C op y 162 The Language of Mineralogy Pr oo authors like Buffon. instead, they took a more nominalistic stance.18 Thus, the methods used by the Scots for geology strongly favoured personal observation and eschewed hypothetical speculation. This situation is clearly evinced in the lectures of Walker’s medical school colleagues. Joseph Black’s chemistry course, for example, offered polite, but firm, criticisms of Buffon’s theory of the earth. although he admired the sheer magnitude of Histoire Naturelle, Black held that it was too speculative. in his words, ‘This splendid system has in some parts of it the air of sublimity and grandeur, especially as it is embellished by the eloquence of Mr Buffon. But is certainly shews a degree of presumption and temerity in the author of it.’19 from a Lockean perspective, arranging natural objects into a system was more desirable on account of the ‘external idea’ status of the characters and species employed by the systematiser. as evinced in Walker’s chemical and mineralogical work, this logical approach to classification was openly recognized to be artificial. He made explicit this sentiment when explaining his method of classification to his students: ‘The members of this division are entirely arbitrary; but it is at the same time most commodious. it is here as in true Logic.’20 This epistemological foundation is important. Walker not only utilised it when listing the properties of natural objects in the kingdoms of nature, but he also used it to describe the properties and phenomena of meteorology (‘the atmosphere’), hydrology (‘the waters of the globe’) and geology (‘the fabric of the globe’).21 These three divisions detailed ‘the natural history of the globe in general as marked by Hippocrates’ and constituted the first half of the lectures in the Edinburgh natural history course that he taught. The second half treated the three kingdoms of nature, that is, ‘imperium naturæ’. Sandwiched in between these two divisions was a section on methodology. Walker realised that even though his methodology was ‘most commodious’ for the ‘imperium naturæ’, it could not accommodate all of the empirical data included in the hippocratean lectures. for this reason, the latter lectures were governed by the Scottish version of Lockean epistemology outlined above. This meant that he was keen to detail observable properties and 18 i have treated the philosophical underpinnings of this position in ‘The Medium of Signs: Nominalism, Language and Classification in the Early Thought of Dugald Stewart’, SHPBBS, 37 (2006), 373–393. 19 Joseph Black, Lectures on the Elements of Chemistry, Vol. II (edinburgh: 1803b), 18. for related discussions see: Paul B. Wood, ‘The Science of Man’, in nicholas Jardine, et al. (eds.), Cultures of Natural History (Cambridge: 1996), 197–210, and Wood’s ‘introduction’ to Thomas reid, Thomas Reid on the Animate Creation, Paul B. Wood (ed.), (edinburgh: 1995); See also Phillip r. Sloan’s ‘Buffon, german Biology, and the historical interpretation of Species’, BJHS, 22 (1979), 109–153 and his ‘John Locke, John ray, and the Problem of the natural System’, JHB, 5 (1972), 1–53. 20 Walker (1966), ‘imperium naturæ, or empire of nature’, 220. 21 Ibid., ‘introduction Lecture’, 18; 20; 21. fC op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 163 Pr oo ‘System Mongers’ 22 23 Walker’s epistemological convictions created a large gulf between the practices that he used in systematic arrangement and theories of the earth that were too speculative to be supported by empirical evidence. as he told his students, ‘i would not wish to be thought to deliver any thing like a Theory, but merely a natural Ibid., ‘hydrography Lectures’, 150. M. neve and r. Porter, ‘alexander Catcott: glory and geology’, BJHS, 34 (1977), 37–60. Quotation taken from page 41. 24 Walker (1966), ‘Meteorology Lectures’, 71. 25 Ibid., ‘Meteorology Lectures’, 113. 26 Torbern Bergman’s approach to geology, it should be noted, was very similar to Walker’s. See H. D. Hedborg, ‘The Influence of Torbern Bergman (1735–1784) on Stratigraphy: a résumé’, in C. J. Schneer (ed.), Toward a History of Geology (London: 1969), 186–191. fC phenomena. For instance, when discussing the ocean, he gave figures on depth, salinity, temperature and the height of tides. Such an empirical approach to the hippocratean topics proved to be more complex when addressing occurrences like typhoons, whirlpools, waterspouts, and disappearing springs – things that almost necessitated a basic causal explanation. When discussing such phenomena, Walker took care to list the empirical ‘characters’ available to him. Consider his statement about springs: ‘in order to form any idea of the cause of springs we must take a view of their phenomena, and of the established facts we possess in their history.’22 This quotation reveals a critical point to be made about his Hippocratean lectures. Once he finished describing the known characters of a certain phenomenon or property, he did not make any conjecture about causation unless he believed the facts logically warranted such a conclusion. This position was most probably engendered by late eighteenth-century British reaction against the many theories of the earth that had sprung up earlier in the century – a situation which, as neve and Porter put it, obliged naturalists ‘to polemicize directly for or against particular theories, or at least to think within the concepts and expectations created by the previous generation of theories.’23 Thus, if there was a deficiency of facts, Walker simply ended the discussion and moved on to the next topic. Because of this epistemological commitment, his hippocratean lectures are replete with statements like: ‘This subject would well deserve our notice did it afford us any necessary and well ascertained facts, which however, unhappily it does not’24, or ‘But these are merely theoretical suppositions which we do not understand and for which there is no foundation.’25 in short, he was highly sceptical of theoretical speculation. Such a stance was common in the medical school and amongst the Scandinavian chemists that are cited frequently in his mineralogy lectures.26 op y 164 The Language of Mineralogy Pr 27 28 Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 180. Walker’s library contained John Keill’s An Examination of Dr. Burnet’s Theory of the Earth (oxford: 1698), eC 463. The above quotation was taken from the 1734 (London edition), page 31. Keill was particularly unhappy with the Burnetian school of diluvianism because he felt that ‘the flood-makers have given the Atheists an Argument to uphold their cause’, page 18. Walker’s library also included John Beaumont’s Considerations on a Book, Entitled the Theory of the Earth (London: 1693), eC 355, and William Worthington’s, The Scripture Theory of the Earth Throughout all its Revolutions (London: 1773), eC 403. 29 alexander fraser Tytler [Lord Woodhouselee], Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Honourable Henry Home of Kames … Vols. 1 & 2 (edinburgh: 1807), appendix no. ii, 56–66. This letter is housed in naS gD24/1/571/164–170. 30 Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis, Essay de Cosmologie (Leiden: 1751). Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 89, 216. When reviewing the book for the Philosophical Society, oo history of the earth.’27 Such an aversion to theory effectively negated the possibility of proposing hypotheses that included long spans of time and change. Within this type of empiricism, one of the most common rhetorical tools used to discredit a rival’s argument was to label the author a ‘theorist’. This had been common since the late seventeenth century. for instance, during the 1690s John Keill levied such a charge against Thomas Burnet’s position on the formation of the earth’s outer crust. he asserted that, ‘after this fashion has the Theorist [Burnet] formed his antediluvian habitable world, which doth not much differ from the Cartesian method of making the earth, only Des Cartes, being somewhat wiser than the Theorist, would not allow the outward crust …’.28 Keill was keen to attack Burnet’s theory because he held that Burnet’s method did not utilise ‘the acknowledged principles of natural philosophy’, that is, there was insufficient empirical proof (either from scripture or from nature) to support Burnet’s conclusions. Thus what Burnet thought to be reasonable, Keill thought to be merely theoretical. In a similar vein, Walker’s geology was influenced by the Scottish version of empiricism as filtered through the analytic methodologies employed in the medical school. in a letter written from his home in Moffat on 29 february 1776, Walker summed up his opinion of theorists to his patron Lord Kames: ‘i perfectly agree with your Lordship, concerning the bulk of the french and german writers. i know how liable they are to run to the excess of riot … in germany the human understanding is not yet perfectly enlightened in respect to nature … The errors of the french proceed not so much from the country as the people.’ he then goes on to emphasise his dissatisfaction with french cosmologists: ‘Those very qualities which make them shine in other parts of literature, make them bad theorists. from Des Cartes down to Buffon, france has certainly produced the worst system mongers that ever put pen to paper, and more of them, too, than any other country.’29 This disrespect for the french theorists even allowed Walker and his edinburgh contemporaries to discredit the ‘system mongers’ who wanted to use their method to prove the existence of god. for instance, both Walker and Cullen criticised Maupertuis’s Essai de Cosmologie (1751) for its theoretical approach.30 This sentiment was not fC op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 165 Cullen did not mince his words: ‘The work is partly metaphysical, partly mathematical; in either respect it falls improperly under my cognizance, and works of this kind i shall hereafter put into other hands.’ John Thomson Account of the Life, Lectures, and Writings of William Cullen, M.D, Vol. I (edinburgh: 1832a), 138. 31 See William Whiston, A New Theory of the Earth (London: 1696), eC 290; John Whitehurst, An Inquiry into the Original State and Formation of the Earth (London: 1778), eC 433. 32 hutton’s 1785 paper laid the foundation for what would become his Theory of the Earth with Proofs and Illustrations (edinburgh: 1795). as physical secretary of the newly formed royal Society of edinburgh, Walker would have been responsible for recording the paper. his library also contained a copy of it. See James hutton, Abstract of a Dissertation Read in the Royal Society of Edinburgh ... April, 1785 (edinburgh: 1785), eC 371. Walker would have been interested in hutton’s works because, though theoretical, they were based on principle-based chemistry. 33 even though Buffon sought to base Histoire Naturelle upon the known empirical ‘facts’, his theoretical sections were generally subject to much criticism within the Scottish context. Paul B. Wood, ‘Buffon’s reception in Scotland: The aberdeen Connection’, AS, 64 (1987), 169–190. See also Walker’s treatment of Buffon and subterranean heat in his ‘geology Lectures’, 200–201. 34 Walker (1966), ‘Meteorology Lectures’, 116. Pr oo f C just applied to writers who lived across the english Channel. Walker also had stern words for the theories advanced by english writers, particularly William Whiston’s A New Theory of the Earth and John Whitehurst’s An Inquiry into the Original State of the Earth.31 Such a position also explains why Walker’s lectures ignored the geological theories of his contemporary James hutton, despite the fact that he had presided over the 1785 sessions in which hutton’s paper had been read to the royal Society of edinburgh. Like Whiston, hutton was simply too theoretical.32 nowhere is Walker’s aversion to ‘system mongers’ more apparent than in his treatment of Buffon in his geology lectures. for Walker, Buffon’s cosmology typified two things that most irritated him; firstly, unconfirmed and therefore potentially erroneous, information, and secondly, a love for theoretical systems. his disapproval of theoretical cosmology can be clearly seen in his treatment of Histoire Naturelle. in addition to virtually ignoring the book’s theory of the earth, he was fond of citing Buffon’s empirical mistakes.33 in his discussion of climate, Walker asserted that the northern hemisphere is warmer than the southern. he then went on to say: ‘This opinion however has been lately combated by Buffon who affirms that the Southern hemisphere is equally warm with the North. I shall now enumerate those instances which throw sufficient light on the subject to shew that Buffon’s opinion was a mistake; and first I shall mention these authenticated facts with regard to the Southern hemisphere which we owe chiefly to the late circumnavigators.’34 Walker’s interest in only the ‘authenticated facts’ clearly insinuated that Buffon, on this matter at least, was not utilizing confirmed op y 166 The Language of Mineralogy information.35 interestingly, there are some instances where Buffon is not criticised. one is in the ‘Mountains’ section of his geology lectures where Walker discusses the mountaintop angles in parallel mountain ranges. There he avers that Buffon’s ‘System’, in accordance to reliable observations concerning mountaintop angles, correctly assumes that the tops of the alps had been formed by water.36 utilizing Buffon in such a manner shows that Walker viewed the frenchman’s numerous works as nothing more than source books for empirical observations.37 although he likes to single out Buffon, he followed a similar approach to other sources which used erroneous information or which proposed theories based on unconfirmed data. Indeed, hardly any author escaped the gaze of his critical eye. Geological Monuments of Time Preliminary Considerations 35 Sloan addresses Buffon’s epistemology in his aforementioned article (1979). See also his ‘The Buffon-Linnaeus Controversy’, Isis, 67 (1976), 356–375 and ‘Buffon Studies Today’, HS, 32 (1994), 469–477. 36 Walker (London: 1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 172. for Buffon’s comments on this topic see Proofs article iX, ‘of the inequalities upon the earth’s Surface’ in most editions of his Histoire Naturelle. 37 This was generally how Buffon’s work was viewed by the ‘new generation of naturalists’ during the last decades of the eighteenth century. Martin J. S. rudwick, The Meaning of Fossils (London: 1972), 93–95. 38 John Walker, Lectures on Natural History, Vol. IV, anon. (transcriber), (c. 1790b), Bound MS, euL DC.2.19, f. 3. 39 although space prevents me from addressing this subject further, it should perhaps be mentioned that chronological methods of arrangement (both for artefacts and naturalia) played a significant role in civil and natural history from the Renaissance up to the early nineteenth century. Several authors have treated this subject, but the work of anthony grafton is particularly notable. See his Defenders of the Text (Cambridge, Mass: 1991) and Joseph Scaliger, Vol. 2 (oxford: 1993). Pr oo in a section entitled ‘Desiderata’ given in geology lectures during the 1790s, Walker briefly asks two questions regarding the age of the earth: ‘1.st of what year to fix its formation. 2.nd how far its Chronology can be ascertained by the physical data, for these are very probably certain monuments by which we may Judge of this matter.’38 This was one of the few places where he posed such questions and his treatment of them was brief. unsurprisingly, he did not venture to answer the first question. The second question is strictly concerned with tracing ‘Chronology’, that is, a linear progression of events that could be directly linked to empirical evidence.39 in light of the statistical mindset that dominates many of the natural sciences nowadays, this approach might seem a bit foreign. But up to the beginning of the nineteenth century, conceptions of the earth’s age fC op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 167 Pr 40 r. rappaport, ‘Borrowed Words: Problems of Vocabulary in eighteenth-Century geology’, BJHS, 15 (1982), 27–44, quotation taken from p. 1. The practice was continued up into the nineteenth-century. See Chapters 4 and 5 of rudwick (2005) and his ‘Transposed Concepts from the human Sciences in the early Work of Charles Lyell’, in L. J. Jordanova and roy S. Porter (eds.), Images of the Earth (Chalfont St. gilles: 1979), 67–83. 41 Davies has asserted that Deluc was ‘the most widely experienced British geologist of his day’. Davies (1969), 137. 42 Jean andré Deluc, Geological Travels, Vol. I (London: 1810), 1. The italics are Deluc’s. See also his An Elementary Treatise on Geology (London: 1809). This was an english edition of work that Deluc had written during the 1770s through the 1790s. Walker mentions Deluc’s name in his lectures, but does not state his source. Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 167. for more on Deluc’s geological views at this time, see his Lettres Physiques et Morales sur l’Histoire de la Terre et de l’Homme (The hague: 1779–80). oo f were largely based on the same timescales that had developed within the field of civil history. Because of their fidelity to textual precedents, these histories were seen as a highly empirical enterprise. It was, therefore, not uncommon to find chorographies and travel accounts which blended civil and natural history into a single narrative. Thus, during the eighteenth century, the modern day fields of archaeology, palaeontology, geology, mineralogy, theology and classics were most often placed within the timescales offered by civil and ecclesiastical histories. Mineralogy often played a pivotal role in linking up these emerging fields because not only did it attempt to classify fossilised organic remains, but also because it tried to find precedent for such objects in classical works and in natural histories of other countries. in answering the ‘Chronology’ question posed above, Walker gave four ‘monuments’ to aid his students in tracing the earth’s age: the ‘Saltness’ of the ocean, beds of peat moss, ‘extraneous fossils’, and the population and progress of humankind. as rappaport has noted, this usage of geological ‘monuments’ was quite common. More specifically, ‘Most historians of geology are aware that early naturalists often referred to fossils as “medals” of the flood, that the term “monument” was frequently applied to both rocks and fossils, and that even such words as “documents” and “archives” had some currency in geological contexts.’40 indeed, Jean andré Deluc,41 a source for Walker’s lectures, readily employed the term ‘monuments’ in his work. for instance, in his popular Geological Travels, he wrote, ‘in the Elementary Treatise of Geology lately published, i have set forth and discussed all the fundamental points of natural philosophy and natural history which concern the History of the Earth, presenting them in such a manner as i thought most proper for clearly pointing out the most essential monuments of that history.’42 When examining Walker’s comments about his four monuments in other parts of his lectures, it becomes apparent that he believed that the evidence they offered about the earth’s age was either inconclusive or could only support a chronology that did not exceed a few thousand years. he had based such conclusions on chronologies featured in historical accounts written from C op y 168 The Language of Mineralogy classical times up through the enlightenment and on data that he associated with a natural object’s artificial (chemical) and natural characters. The following sections investigate how these sources of data, in combination with the general strictures of his methodology and epistemology, influenced his conception of the earth’s structure. Character Chemicus and Chronology over four decades ago, rappaport echoed the work of hooykaas in calling for studies which sought to address the underestimated impact that mineralogical classification had upon nascent eighteenth-century ‘geology’. She stated that, ‘research into this area might well begin with a survey of the systems of such influential writers as Wallerius, Cronstedt, Bergman, Werner, and others, with emphasis upon the place each mineralogist assigned to minerals and rocks important to the geologist.’43 Because some of Werner’s work is similar to modern conceptions of geology, his mineralogical writings have received some recent attention from historians of the earth sciences.44 aside from the works of Laudan and oldroyd, however, little research has been done to demonstrate how the chemical mineralogy of Wallerius, Cronstedt and Bergman influenced geology.45 Since Walker’s mineralogy was closely based on the works of these three Swedes, his lectures provide an excellent source for examining their influence outside of Sweden, as well as how geology was understood in Scotland. at the end of the eighteenth century, most chemical mineralogists held that minerals and stones were formed by concretion, congelation, crystallization and petrification – processes which necessitated an aqueous medium. Additionally, the layered nature of strata hinted further at the existence of a large inundation of water. This led many mineralogists and theorists alike to conclude that the material evidence and the accounts of ancient texts pointed to a deluge that had happened in the past. unlike many early modern cosmologies which sometimes inserted empirical evidence into broadly encompassing mechanical theories, the diluvialism of later eighteenth-century chemical cosmologists was often based 43 rhoda rappaport, ‘Problems and Sources in the history of geology, 1749–1810’, HS, 3 (1964), 69. for reijer hooykaas’ views on the matter, see the following articles: ‘The Concepts of “individual” and “Species” in Chemistry’, Centaurus, 5 (1958) 307–322; ‘The Discrimination Between “Natural’” and “Artificial” Substances and the Development of the Corpuscular Theory’, AIHS, 4 (1948), 840–858; ‘Torbern Bergman’s Crystal Theory’, Lychnos (1952), 21–54. 44 however, it must be said that these works usually treat Werner’s ideas in relation to how they influenced the nineteenth century and not how they were actually understood by contemporaries who had a good working knowledge of chemistry. 45 Porter and Gillispie briefly touch upon this issue. See Roy Porter, The Making of Geology (Cambridge: 1977). C. C. gillispie, Genesis and Geology (Cambridge, Mass.: 1996). Pr oo fC op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 169 rachel Laudan, From Mineralogy to Geology (London: 1987), 62–69. The history of diluvialism at this time is treated in r. huggett, Cataclysms and Earth History (oxford: 1989). Some of Walker’s books on this topic were: J. J. Scheuchzer, Herbarium Diluvianum (Lugduni Batavorum: 1723); g. a. Scopoli, De Hydrargyro Idriensi Tentamina Physico-Chymico-Medica (Lipsiae: 1771), eC 486 (nB: the British Library has one of the very few extant uK copies); a. Calcott, A Treatise on the Deluge (London: 1768), eC 322. for more on Calcott, see neve and Porter (1977). 48 Melvin e. John, ‘Some notes on Dr. Scheuchzer and on Homo Diluvii Testis’, in C. J. Schneer (ed.), Toward a History of Geology (London: 1969), 192–213. See also Scheuchzer (1723). 49 all quotations from Walker in this paragraph are taken from his ‘hydrography Lectures’, Walker (1966), 128–130. 50 e. halley, ‘a Short account of the Cause of Saltness of the ocean, and of Several Lakes that emit no rivers; with a Proposal, by help Thereof, to Discover the age of the World’, PT, 29 (1715), 296–300. Like most of his references, Walker only cites halley’s argument and not the printed source. This work is briefly addressed in Rudwick (1972), 93. This system would be used again by John Joly in 1899. 51 halley (1715), 300, 299. halley’s article was actually written to clear himself of allegations that accused him of denying the finite age of the world. Even though he says that further evidence might demonstrate the earth to be ‘older than many have hitherto imagined’, he candidly admits the argument is of no practical use because it requires ‘great 47 Pr oo f 46 C upon laboratory and field experiments. These seemed to indicate that a flood was the most empirically sustainable option for explaining the surface of the earth (a point that is often lost on account of the attention that histories of chemistry give to pneumatic, as opposed to saline, testing methods).46 This perceived need for an aqueous medium in the formation of strata also harmonized well with the concept of a universal flood propounded in the Bible. In light of this context, it should not be surprising to learn that Walker’s personal library had no shortage of books on this topic.47 Many of these works, Scheuchzer’s for example, were standard sources for most eighteenth-century naturalists.48 The fact that the earth might have once been an aqueous solution made it very easy for chemists to draw analogical similarities between the flood and the saline experiments that they were conducting in the field and laboratory. A good example of how chemical analysis formed an epistemological framework for the earth’s chronology can be seen in Walker’s discussion of ocean salinity levels. in his hydrography lectures he introduces the topic of ‘whether the saltness of the sea was coeval with the globe? or whether it is only a work of time?’.49 This use of salinity levels to determine the age of the world had been made popular by edmond halley during the early eighteenth century.50 assuming that the sea was originally composed purely of fresh water, halley argued that the increase of the sea’s salinity could be used to calculate the earth’s age. using the basic method of halley’s argument,51 Walker’s hydrology lectures cite several examples to demonstrate that ‘no fact has been brought to prove that the Saltness of the oceans has increased any degree.’ This assertion meant op y 170 The Language of Mineralogy intervals of time to come to our Conclusion.’ This is treated in a. Cook, Edmond Halley (oxford: 1998). 52 This being the case, Boyle still held that the ‘access of salt’ gained from these sources was quite small. robert Boyle, Tracts Consisting of Observations about the Saltness of the Sea (London: 1673–4), eC 136, 22. 53 regarding the salinity test, William Smellie’s 1771 edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. III (edinburgh: 1771), 572, states: ‘With regard to the saltness of the sea-water, it is very rationally judged to arise from great multitudes both of mines and mountains of salt, dispersed here and there in the depths of the sea. Dr. halley supposes that it is probable the greatest part of the sea-salt, and of all salt lakes … is derived from the water of the rivers which they receive.’ Citing halley, Buffon asserts the same positions in his ‘of rivers’ chapter in Natural History (1828), 71. 54 for earlier discussions concerning the division of strata, see nicholas Steno, The Earliest Geological Treatise (1667) (London: 1958) and a. L. Moro, De’ Crostacei e Degli Altri Marini Corpi che si Truovano su’ Monti (Venezia: 1740). The stratagraphical divisions employed by Walker were used up through the first decades of the nineteenth century. On this point, see humphry Davy’s Elements of Agricultural Chemistry (London: 1813), 167– 179, and r. Siegfried and r. h. Dott (eds.), Humphry Davy on Geology (Madison: 1980). additionally, see Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology (London: 1875), 58–59. Porter (1977), 160–165. a. geikie, The Founders of Geology (London: 1905), 194–195. 55 Bertrand held that there were three ‘classes’ of strata, the first being a ‘primitive’ layer that functioned as a ‘universal bottom’. Marguerite Carozzi and albert V. Carozzi, ‘elie Bertrand’s Changing Theory of the earth’, Archives des Sciences, 37 (1984), 265–300, see esp. pages 271–275. 56 Bergman followed a similarly cautious approach. his three layers were called Uråldrige (Primitive), Flolågrige (Secondary) and Hopvräkta (Tertiary). hollis D. hedberg, Pr oo fC op that the sea was not very old and it opposed the equally well-known position of robert Boyle who held that the sea had gained salt from ‘rains, rivers and other Waters.’52 To prove that the ocean did not obtain its salinity from rivers, Walker states that since river water is 1/4,000 part sea salt, it would take 6,400 years for the ocean to reach a level of 1/500. however, avers Walker, ‘we know that the waters of the Sea contain in many cases 1/30 part of salt.’ Since this statement was offered as a counterexample, it clearly indicates that he did not accept the long timespan needed for the rivers to supply the salt that would allow the ocean to reach its current salinity level. furthermore, he did not believe in extensive riverbed erosion, which was a necessary factor if such a large amount of salt was to be washed into the sea.53 Since chemistry shaped the methodological and empirical foundation of Walker’s mineralogy, it also affected his conception of geological strata. Like many of his contemporaries, he divided strata into three principal classes that were often called primary, secondary and tertiary.54 Some of his sources, Bertrand for example, sought to explain how mountains arose from these layers.55 Walker was a bit more cautious about such causal speculations, thereby falling in line with the Scottish and Swedish chemists who influenced his mineralogical writings.56 y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 171 ‘The Influence of Torbern Bergman (1735–1784) on Stratigraphy’, Cecil J. Schneer (ed.), Toward a History of Geology (London: 1969), 186–191, see pages 187–188. 57 Based on his mineralogy lectures, Walker probably thought that the chemical affinities of the stones in primary strata were stronger than those which were in the stones of secondary strata. Such a hierarchy would have been analogous to the arrangement of mineralogical substances on Bergman’s affinity table. Since Walker does not directly address how elective affinity influenced mineral composition, future studies will need to explore this issue in relation to other writers who are in his canon. a good starting point for this investigation would be hookyaas (1958). 58 his lectures on Saxa rocks state that, ‘Primitiva Stratis’ is ‘verticalibus disposita: extraneorum expertia. Primative rocks. Mountains rocks.’ The Saxa section is most clearly treated in John Walker, An Epitome of Natural History (1797f), David Pollock (transcriber), gen 708D, ff. 59–63. 59 Walker often uses the words ‘primary’ and ‘primitive’ interchangeably. he states that primary mountains mainly consisted of quartz, feldspar, jasper, soap-rock, lapis olaris (soap stone), amianthus (white asbestos), asbestos, slate, touch stone (black jasper), porphyry, serpentine, granite, whin rock and basalts – all of these being composed of schorl and mica. Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 174. 60 Walker’s library also contained other books on this topic. See J. Pringle, A Discourse on the Attraction of Mountains (London: 1775), eC 166; P. S. Pallas, Observations sur la Formation des Montagnes (St. Pétersbourg: 1779), eC 223 (even though this went through at least four editions, the only known extant uK copy is held by the British Library). 61 This concept of stone formation via liquid solidification was conceptually similar to ‘chemical effluvia’ that many early modern mineralogists thought was responsible for forming metals and other types of minerals in situ. This area deserves much more attention. Pr oo f C op More specifically, Walker based this threefold division upon the Primary Earths and Secondary (derivative) earths that chemists used to create the classes of mineralogical systems. he held that primary strata were ‘primary’ because they contained concentrations of (1) indurated Primary earths57 and (2) Saxum Conglomeratum and Saxum Conglutinatum (that is, the cement that he associated with Saxa rocks).58 This compositional criteria, in combination with the lack of organic (plant or animal) remains and the possibility of both horizontal and vertical inclines, convinced Walker that primary strata were the oldest of the three classes. Mountains composed of these strata were therefore the most ancient and were called primary, or primitive, mountains.59 Moreover, primary strata and mountains were the core upon which all other geological formations were built.60 in his mineralogy lectures Walker taught his students that the most abundant stone found in primary strata was Saxa Stone, which, as discussed in Chapter 4, was categorised as Class 13 in his system. even though he does not explicitly state it, his mineralogical and geological lectures strongly infer that he probably thought that Saxa Stones were formed in a chemical soup that existed at some point in the past. earlier in the century, this chemical solution was often equated with the original chaos that genesis states to have existed before the world took a recognisable shape.61 Many of Walker’s sources address this topic. Whitehurst, for example, called this y 172 The Language of Mineralogy chemical solution a ‘universal dissolvent principle’62 and John ray held that, ‘By the word chaos the ancients understood a huge Mass of heterogeneous Bodies, or the Principles and Seeds of natural Bodies confusedly and disorderly mingled together in one lump.’63 additionally, robert Jameson, Walker’s protégé and edinburgh’s next Professor of natural history, voiced a similar opinion in 1802: The primitive rocks, of which granite is the oldest, were formed during that period which Werner terms the chaotic, when the earth was still covered to a great height with water, and before organization had commenced. Their structure shews that they have been deposited from a state of chemical solution, and the diminishing of the newer strata, that the water has sunk gradually and calmly.64 for a brief commentary on Boyle’s position on this topic, see B. Kaplan, ‘“Divulging of Useful Truths in Physick’” (Baltimore: 1993), 111. 62 Whitehurst (1778), 9. Davies (1969), 142, calls it a ‘primordial fluid’. 63 John ray, Miscellaneous Discourses Concerning the Dissolution and Changes of the World (London: 1692), eC 466, 151. 64 robert Jameson, ‘on granite’, A Journal of Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, and the Arts, 2 (1802), 225–233. Quotation taken from page 225. The prevalence and influence of this chemical solution is frequently ignored by historians because it is viewed through the neptunian and Vulcanism debates that are most often used to categorise late eighteenthcentury mineralogists. 65 The only extensive treatment of the chemical aspects of this fluid that I have been able to find in secondary literature is Davies (1969), 142–144, who merely summarises richard Kirwan’s position on the matter. 66 rhoda rappaport, ‘geology and orthodoxy: The Case of noah’s flood in 18thCentury Thought, BJHS, 11 (1978), 1–18, see especially page 14. Bergman also held that large inundation of water was responsible for strata formation; however, he was loathe to equate this inundation with the Biblical flood. See his Physisk Beskrifning ofver Jord-Klotet (uppsala: 1766). This was translated into german in 1769 as Physicalische Beschreibung der Erdkugel (greifswald: 1769). This german version went through several editions. Aside from trying to portray Bergman as a proto-Karl Popper, J. A. Schufle’s discussion of Bergman’s concept of the flood and providence are of note in ‘Ariadne’s Thread: Scientific Criticism versus Philosophical Criticism’, New Mexico Journal of Science, 19 (1979), 23– 35. For the textual evidence of floods in the eighteenth century, see Rhoda Rapport, When Geologists Were Historians, 1665–1750 (ithaca: 1997). Pr oo fC for Walker, this primitive chemical solution was, however, different from the biblical deluge and seems to have been subject to the slightly different laws of nature that he believed to be in operation in the ‘distant period’ mentioned in his Occasional Remarks.65 This chemical bifurcation of aqueous upheavals is consistent with the general intellectual climate in both Britain and Sweden at this time.66 it also explains why Walker and so many other contemporary naturalists held that basalts and other minerals that contained or resembled crystals were most probably formed in water and not by heat. indeed, his mineralogy lectures state op y Pr oo fC op y figure 5.2 ‘Junction of the Primary and Secondary Strata near Loch ransa’, in robert Jameson, Description of Mineralogical Travels Through the Hebrides (edinburgh: 1813). Jameson, Walker’s student and successor to the natural history chair, readily utilized the primary and secondary classification of strata taught to him by his mentor. Loch Ransa (‘Lochranza’) is located on the north tip of the isle of Bute. 174 The Language of Mineralogy 67 ‘The Basaltes have been accounted a Volcanic Production, but of this we have not any satisfactory proof whatsoever.’ John Walker, An Epitome of Natural History, David Pollock (transcriber), (1797f), Bound MS, euL gen. 708D f. 93. in this belief he was supported by many authoritative mineralogists, including Bergman. See Schuffle (1967), 77. Walker held that basalts were probably indurated schistic earth that were divided into columns by mechanical means. 68 Specifically, its situs is listed as stratis primitivis in his 1797 lectures. Walker MS (1797f), f. 87. 69 J. Strange, ‘an account of a Curious giant’s Causeway, or group of angular Columns’, PT, 65 (1775a), 418–423. J. Strange, ‘an account of Two giant’s Causeways, or groups of Concretions’, PT, 65 (1775b), 5–47. r. e. raspe, ‘a Letter from Mr. r. e. raspe, f.r.S. to Mr. Maty, M. D. Sec. r. S. Containing a Short account of Some Basalt hills in hassia’, PT, 61 (1771), 580–583. 70 Walker also hints that secondary strata could possible be composed of Saxa Agregatum because he includes the following statement in his Saxa Stone lectures: ‘Secundaria Stratis depressis disposita: Matrices Extraneorum. Secondary rocks. horizontal Covers’. Walker MS (1797f), ff. 59–63. 71 Walker states that secondary mountains mainly consist of limestone, shell marle, marble, portland stone, alabaster, gypsum, ironstone, sandstone, mill stone and coal. Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 174. Sometimes, he used his knowledge of stratigraphical divisions to give both scientific and economic advice. Writing to the Quarter Master of Scotland in 1800, he asserted: ‘in searching for Coal, especially in Scotland, a proper knowledge of the distinction between PriMiTiVe and SeConDary strata is highly necessary.’ John Walker, Letter to Colonel Dirom, Quarter Master of Scotland, on the Discovery of Coal (edinburgh: 1800), 4. Pr oo fC op that basalts were not igneous,67 and were a form of primary strata.68 Though there were many other opinions about basalts that were based on prima facie natural characters,69 his were based on evidence supplied by chemistry and mineralogy (that is, chemical characters) and implicitly upon the concept of chronological time that he associated with such approaches. Walker’s secondary strata were looser consolidations of Primary earths which were formed by a deluge, and which he did not attempt to link to the noachian flood. He knew a lot about the chemical composition of these strata because they contained many of the stones contained in Classes 2 to 11 of his mineralogical system. Secondary strata were also positioned on a horizontal incline and contained organic remains.70 accordingly, mountains composed of secondary strata were called secondary mountains.71 Since stones from these strata included recombined fragments of primary strata, their composition was more chemically heterogeneous or fissile. However, even though Walker intimated that they were formed in an aqueous solution, he cited examples to demonstrate that this process could not have been guided by specific gravity. Based on his implicit acceptance y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 175 Character Naturalis and Chronology as his mineralogy lectures indicate, Walker obtained a mineral’s character naturalis by looking at its situs, substantia, consistentia, figura, structura, partes, qualities and ‘aer’. This not only worked well for mineralogy, but it also was helpful when discussing the ‘monuments’ of hydrography and geology from a 72 It may be possible that he did not specifically address this issue because several eighteenth-century ‘theorists’ liked to use chemical affinity for their own devices. For instance, Whitehurst (1778) used the principles of ‘conformity’ and ‘affinity’ in his theory. In fact, he even includes a long quotation from Pierre Joseph Macquer’s Elements of the Theory and Practice of Chymistry (probably the 1764 London edition) to support his position. 73 Some of these theories were based upon experiments done upon human calculi. however, these only took a few years to form and therefore suggested that rocks could grow at the same rate over a relatively short period of time. See W. D. i. rolfe, ‘William and John hunter: Breaking the great Chain of Being’, in W. f. Bynum and r. Porter (eds.), William Hunter and the Eighteenth-Century Medical World (Cambridge: 1985), 305–308. Cullen thought that calculi were made up of ‘crystalline’ substances (see Chapter 2). The impact of these human concretions upon the chemical conception of minerals and geology needs to be addressed in more detail. for more on how seventeenth century physicians thought calculi were composed of sand, see the sections on the removal of kidney stones in Brian nance, Turquet de Mayerne As Baroque Physician (amsterdam: 2001). Pr oo f C of Bergman’s affinity tables, it is possible that he thought that chemical attractions somehow influenced the formation of secondary strata.72 Chemical analysis of the minerals contained within the primary and secondary strata did present some restrictions on studying the relevance played by time in their formation. at the base of Walker’s mineralogy were the Primary earths. These by definition were impervious to temporal questions. Furthermore, chemistry could only determine composition. ascertaining how Primary earths actually became minerals was more difficult and thus subject to criticism. Based on the chemical data, Walker asserted that secondary strata had been formed by water. The chemistry behind this assertion was informed by his use of humid analysis and was based on the evidence for consolidation and the derivative or fissile nature of the minerals in secondary strata. yet, with primary strata, chemical analysis only provided enough information for discussing mineralogical composition. although wet and dry analysis allowed some mineralogists to propose likely causes for consolidation,73 Walker thought that there was not enough data to determine how Primary earths were united into the indurated minerals that composed primary strata. This chemical conviction, again, effectively eliminated temporal questions associated with the formation of the strata. This being the case, one of the only chemical tests mentioned in Walker’s hippocratean lectures that could even attempt to shed empirical light on the earth’s age was the one that involved the ‘saltness of the ocean’. But we have already seen how he felt this test actually hinted that the salinity level of the ocean did not support the notion that the current surface of the earth was exceptionally old. op y 176 The Language of Mineralogy classificatory perspective. A good example of this approach occurs in his lectures on mountains. using natural characters as a guide, he lists ‘seven species’: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Conical Peaked rounded ridgy Table faced acuminated he then states that ‘every hill on the globe may be reduced to one or other of these shapes’.74 This sort of taxonomical arrangement of the geological ‘facts’ was followed by many of the authors that he mentions in his lectures. for example, regarding this type of geological classification, Deluc states: ‘If this method be duly considered, it will, i hope, be allowed, that, provided the facts, generalized under each head can be certified by the whole assemblage of descriptions which respectively concern them, all the conclusions then deduced are incontestable.’75 Walker believed the characters of geological monuments provided several clues to the chronology of the earth’s age. he did not, however, think that such data provided enough evidence to propose a timescale that exceeded more than a few thousand years. Two good examples of his stance on this matter can be seen in his treatment of natural characters found in the ocean and in strata. The material evidence seemed to indicate that the ocean and primitive strata were in a state of stasis. he addresses oceanic stasis in his hydrography lectures, particularly in the section on the ocean’s ‘access’ and ‘regress’. he begins by disagreeing with aristotle and Linnaeus, who both held that the ocean was in a gradual state of recession. he states, ‘it appears not however that as far as history or tradition goes that either the access or recess of the ocean have been considerable.’76 The word ‘considerable’ is important to note because Walker cites examples from Britain, holland, Tuscany, and Venice where the sea has risen and examples from Bernice and ravenna where it has fallen. it appears that he saw these as minor oscillations in relation to the depth of the ocean. Walker’s geological lectures demonstrate that he also felt that the composition of primitive mountains was static and he reiterated that they were distinctly different from secondary mountains.77 he explained to his students that, ‘notwithstanding the degree of evidence which we have, you will find several writers and even 74 75 Pr Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 170–171. Deluc (1810), 4. 76 Walker (1966), ‘hydrography Lectures’, 126. 77 There were many naturalists at this time who held a similar position. Deluc, Philip howard, John gough and William richardson (just to name a few) all denied the possibility of extensive denudation. for more on the ‘Denudation Dilemma’ at this time, see Davies (1968), 113–128. oo fC op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 177 Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 176. Ibid., ‘geology Lectures’, 173. The italics are my own. 80 Ibid., ‘geology Lectures’, 175. 81 Ibid., ‘geology Lectures’, 176. The Encyclopaedia Britannica ‘STraTa’ entry states: ‘The time when these several strata were laid, was doubtless at the beginning of the world; unless, with some great naturalists, as Steno, Dr. Woodward, &c. we suppose the globe of the earth to have been dissolved by the deluge.’ (1771b), 636. 82 Walker hints at this in the end of his hydrography lectures, ‘every part [of the globe] is thus supply’d with water, and if there are any little inequalities they serve only to shew the great wisdom [with which] the whole is conducted. There we may behold the footsteps of that divine power which every where pervades the works of nature.’ (Walker: 1966), ‘hydrography Lectures’, 164. Compare to the Smellie (1780) translation of Buffon’s ‘on nature’ chapter in Natural History: ‘omnipotent god! whose presence supports nature, and maintains harmony among the laws of the universe.’ his entire chapter is replete with such references. 79 Pr 78 oo f some very late writers who endeavour entirely to abolish the distinction between primitive and secondary mountains. But it is one which I am confident is founded in nature, and therefore must continue to stand its ground.’78 furthermore, as discussed in the previous subsection, his treatment of strata was based upon the chemically grounded epistemology of his mineralogical system; a point that he was keen to emphasise with statements like: ‘i come now to a distinction in Mountains, to which i beg your particular attention, because of its great moment in the Science of Mineralogy, and in the natural history of the earth; it is that distinction by which mountains are divided into primitive and secondary.’79 He specifically believed there was only enough physical evidence to assert that primary mountains were formed by a ‘uniform Cause’ that at some point involved a large chemical solution. Likewise, he did not hold that they were a product of sporadic matter, that is ‘all those fossils [e.g. rocks or minerals] … which are included or embedded in any stratum.’80 overall, his treatment of primary mountains in his lectures did not broach the topic of cosmogony and did not give an exact timescale for their formation. he also did not attempt to explain the specific connection between the mountains and the ‘uniform Cause’ that had evidently formed them, nor did he refer to events that took place before their existence. Moreover, based upon his reading of the evidence he held that primary mountains and strata were formed at the same time as the globe (that is, the whole earth) and that, like the ocean, they had been in a relative state of stasis ever since. in his words, ‘it would appear in general that the mountains of the globe are coæval with it, and it is fanciful to suppose that this globe ever wanted them, or that they have been formed in the course of succeeding ages.’81 as we have seen earlier, his method was firmly supported by a teleological mindset and would have implicitly seen god initiating such a uniform cause.82 even though Walker believed that the actual material composition of primitive mountains had not changed since their formation, he admitted that it was reasonable to think that, at first glance, it might appear that primitive mountains had been gradually worn down. But upon closer examination of the facts, he saw C op y 178 The Language of Mineralogy Such an assertion might seem curious to the modern reader who has not travelled through the highlands or hebrides. however, the colourful lichens that form on Scotland’s indurated rocks are indeed quite hard and, as i found, quite resistant to being removed by the hand of a would-be collector. 84 Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 173–174. Buffon maintained a similar opinion in article Vii, ‘of the formation of Strata, or Beds, in the earth’ in his Natural History, ‘The vapours exhaled from the earth produce rain, dews, thunder, lightning, and other meteors. The vapours, therefore, are mixed with particles of water, air, sulphur, earth &c … The purest rain-water deposits a quantity of this mud; and, when a quantity of dew is collected, and allowed to corrupt, it produces a greater proportional quantity of mud, which is fat, unctuous, and of a reddish colour.’ Buffon (1780), 44. 85 Walker (1766), ‘geological Lectures’, 156. richard Kirwan used a similar argument against hutton’s theory. richard Kirwan, Geological Essays (London: 1799). 86 Here Walker cites the ‘River Avon’ as a specific example. He is most probably referring to the eponymous tributary of the river Spey that runs out of the highlands. There is a chance, however, that he might be referring to the river avon in Bristol. he had travelled there early in his career and it is also mentioned in Jean andré Deluc, Geological Travels, Vol. II (London: 1811), 224–226. 87 Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 175. Walker uses the word ‘æra’ to connote large spans of human time like the ‘roman era’ or the ‘Modern era’. for instance, ‘a body which was there dug out of the peat moss had on its feet antique sandals, which plainly shew’d it to be of the roman æra’; see Walker (1966), 199. 88 ‘There is another remarkable and well established distinction between primitive and secondary mountains, which is that the primitive contain no extraneous fossils.’ Walker 83 Pr oo fC this as erroneous. he argued that mountains did not perceptibly lose their height because their summits were ‘hard rocks covered with crustaceous Lichens.’ Such tough combinations were able to resist the possible erosive effects of wind and rain.83 Moreover, for Walker, the terrestrial matter deposited at the bottom of a mountain was not a product of the mountain’s primary rock. he suggested that the superadded mass came from matter deposited by rainwater or the remains of plants growing on the slopes.84 his views on river channels promoted a similar view of stasis. he argued that, over the course of time, rivers do not cut down into strata: ‘it appears then upon the whole that the channels of the rivers have not been fortuitously formed, and especially in all rocky countries, they have most probably been at least coeval with the rivers themselves.’85 To support this position, he cited the paths of highland rivers and rivulets.86 Building on the two different aqueous upheavals mentioned in the previous section of this chapter, Walker held that natural characters of geological monuments indicated that primary and secondary strata were formed at different times. he stated that, ‘Mountains of this globe have been formed by one general and uniform Cause, and that the primitive and secondary mountains have been formed at two very different æras.’87 on this point, he reminded his students that ‘extraneous fossils’, that is, organic remains in the ground, existed in secondary strata, but not in primary strata.88 he thought that this showed that secondary strata were coeval op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 179 with the existence of life and were, therefore, younger than primitive strata. on the whole, his comments about secondary strata are more general when compared to the amount of information devoted to explaining primitive and tertiary strata.89 This was most likely because rocks and stones of secondary strata fell between the conceptual importance necessitated by primitive strata and the relative availability of data afforded by tertiary strata. Thus, Walker’s system placed secondary strata within the temporal brackets provided by primary strata and tertiary formations. Within such a system, he used extraneous fossils as a device to fine-tune a chronological age of the earth that was no more than several thousand years.90 as mentioned in my earlier discussion of rappaport, the use of fossils as ‘temporal documents’ was commonly practiced. This usage is well illustrated by Bergman when he wrote the following about petrefactions: ‘We may, and ought, to consider them as medals deposited by the hand of nature, in memory of the more remarkable changes on the surface of the earth, and from which the time and order of the work, may, in some measure, be judged of, whilst other monuments are silent.’91 naturalists of Walker’s generation could use extraneous fossils in this manner because they did not believe in complete extinction (although, based on peat bog excavations and roman records, Walker does entertain the idea of local extinction).92 Since he believed that there were areas of the earth that were still waiting to be explored, he held that all extraneous fossils had a living corollary, either already known or yet to be discovered in the uncharted wilds of other continents or in the vast depths of the sea. A final note must be made regarding Walker’s comments on volcanic strata.93 among the most common sources about volcanoes were the books and (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 175. 89 This was no doubt because of time constraints. in his mineralogy lectures, Walker gives a significant amount of attention to the specific minerals that compose secondary strata. 90 Walker MS (c. 1790b). This timescale was quite common at the time. for instance, William Smith, famous for his stratigraphical map, did not attach any significant age to strata early in his career. it was only after he moved to London and encountered the geo-theological ideas of John farey (c. 1806) that he began to change his position. hugh S. Torrens, ‘Timeless order: William Smith (1769–1839) and the Search for raw Materials,1800–1820’, in C. L. e. Lewis and S. J. Knell (eds.), The Age of the Earth (London: 2001), 61–83. for Smith’s later views, see his A Delineation of the Strata of England and Wales with Part of Scotland (London: 1815). 91 he goes on to say that they can be used to interpret the ‘unbounded empire of the sea’, which clearly demonstrates that he thought fossileous strata were formed by the flood. Torbern Bergman, Outlines of Mineralogy (Birmingham: 1783), §265. 92 See his comments on the former presence of the elk in Scotland and the Scotch pine in england. Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 196–198. 93 Because of the connection often made between earthquakes and volcanoes, a significant amount of attention was given to this subject after the Lisbon earthquake in 1755. it served as a commonplace for most natural historians when discussing subterranean Pr oo f C op y 180 The Language of Mineralogy Human History and Chronology issues. for the immediate reaction to the Lisbon earthquake, see the many letters printed in the 1755 editions of the royal Society’s Philosophical Transactions. Walker also owned the following books that addressed this topic: J. Bevis, The History and Philosophy of Earthquakes from the Remotest to the Present Time (London: 1757), eC 213; P. Lozano, A True and Particular Relation of the Dreadful Earthquake which Happen’d at Lima, (London: 1748), eC 291. in addition to these sources, Walker owned B. f. de Saint-fond’s Minéralogie des Volcans (Paris: 1784), eC 310. 94 William hamilton, Observations on Mount Vesuvius, Mount Etna and other Volcanoes (London: 1772). hamilton was the British envoy, in naples, to the court of King ferdinand iV from 1764 to 1800. Walker owned the french version of the book, Observations sur les Volcans des Deux Siciles (Paris: 1781), eC 293. Walker also had a copy of francesco Sereo’s The Natural History of Mount Vesuvius (London: 1743), eC 226. 95 The series of volcanic eruptions that occurred in iceland during 1783 and 1784 (and the reaction to them by the British, Dutch, and icelanders) is addressed in K. oslund, ‘imagining iceland: narratives of nature and history in the north atlantic’, BJHS, 35 (2002), 313–334. 96 Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 176. 97 See also J. Mitchell, ‘Conjectures Concerning the Cause, and observations upon the Phænomena of earthquakes’, PT, 51 (1760), 566–634. 98 a lucid treatment of this interaction is Joseph M. Levine, Dr. Woodward’s Shield (London: 1991). See also the chapters on language and archaeology in Kim Sloan (ed.), Pr oo fC Civil and religious history played a prominent role in early modern geological discourse. Such a situation created a unique space where antiquarians, naturalists, novelists, philosophers, poets, and even dilettantes could use classical texts to competently discuss various aspects of the human condition and history of the natural world.98 This point is perhaps most clearly addressed in the work of op Philosophical Transactions articles of the famous antiquarian and vulcanologist Sir William hamilton.94 Walker had indeed read these works and he specifically mentions hamilton’s 1771 and 1779 observations of Vesuvius in his geology lectures. additionally, he gave his own observations of the 1783 phenomena associated with the hecla eruption in iceland and cited classical and modern works on the subject.95 Based on such information and the nuances of his own methodology, he held that volcanoes were a type of tertiary strata.96 he thought this because volcanic eruptions were events that still could be witnessed, thereby making them a more recent formation consistent with the criteria he assigned to tertiary strata. Such a position was, once again, based directly on physical ‘monuments’ that could be seen above ground and not upon theories (either about volcanoes or earthquakes) which hypothesised untestable causes of events taking place below ground.97 On a deeper level, he held that the classification of such newly formed strata should be based on mineralogical evidence in any case. y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 181 Enlightenment (London: 2003) and in r. g. W. anderson et al. (eds.), Enlightening the British (Cambridge: 2003). 99 rappaport (1978), 15. rappaport (1997) examines this context in more depth. See also Chapter 4 in rudwick (2005). Such antiquarian interests also extended to local natural history, as evinced in the articles written most scholarly journals of the time, including the Essays and Observations Physical and Literary and, later, the Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. 100 r. hookyaas, Religion and the Rise of Modern Science (edinburgh: 1972), 115– 116. 101 Keill, (1734), 179–197. Keill goes on to criticize Whiston’s exegetical account of the earth’s formation on pages 306–310. also see Whitehurst’s use of ‘Phonecian’, egyptian and greek, (1778), 9–13, and Whiston’s extensive treatment of the ‘mosaick’ creation, (1796) pages 1–94. 102 P. Cockburn, An Enquiry into the Truth and Certainty of the Mosaic Deluge (London: 1750), eC 404, 3. Walker’s library also contained: T. robinson. New Observations on the Natural History of this World of Matter (London: 1696), eC 224. 103 Keill (1734), 134. Pr oo f rappaport, who has argued that, ‘Quite early in the century, professional historians had tackled the question of credibility of ancient legends and oral traditions. They had concluded that tradition could transmit accurately—in outline, if not in detail— any event that was large, dramatic, and public.’ 99 She goes on to aver that, ‘Such critical precepts applied in all their force to the flood.’ Furthermore, discussions of the flood (and other upheavals) at the time blended into what Hookyaas has called a ‘Mosaic philosophy’.100 a classic example of how biblical exegesis was used in this area can be seen in the debates over the formation of the earth’s crust that took place between two of Walker’s sources: Keill and Burnet. early in the debate, Keill had intentionally tried to steer clear of the Mosaic account whilst poking holes in Burnet’s natural philosophy. however, when Burnet suggested that Keill’s exegetical skills were lacking, Keill issued a response that contained a plethora of references to greek, hebrew, Latin and Syriac sources.101 Debates of this nature often hinged on whether or not one accepted the account given in genesis and it was for this reason that Patrick Cockburn, a prominent author later in the century, stated the following in his An Enquiry into the Truth and Certainty of the Mosaic Deluge: ‘in this enquiry, therefore, we shall consider the character of Moses only as a historian. not to pay the same regard to Moses as we do the Greek or Roman historians would be contrary to both reason and justice.’102 The end result of such debates was that ancient sources were frequently used to supplement empirical observations. as Keill aptly put it, ‘There are two sorts of arguments that may be brought against the Theory, the one depends only on the principles of reason and Philosophy, and the other on the authority of the writings of Moses.’103 Walker fit firmly into this context and his lectures, letters and personal notes confirm that he was a keen antiquarian. Like most naturalists of this time, his mineralogy lectures show that he was particularly well versed in the works of Pliny. it should therefore not be surprising to learn that he continued C op y 182 The Language of Mineralogy Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 189; 204. notably, he opposed the view that gaelic was not a written Language. See ‘Donald Mcnicol [of Lismore] to Walker’, 22 March 1775, euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 40–43. Walker was also interested in the language of ireland; see John Walker Essays, Transcripts and Other Papers III, (c. 1780), Bound MS, euL DC.1.59, f. 63. 106 for instance, in a letter to Mrs agatha home Drummond (the wife of Lord Kames) regarding his 1771 hebrides expedition (naS gD 24/1/496–503a/629–630), dated 29 february 1772, Walker takes care to highlight several of the mythological sites he visited, some of the more notable being fingal’s residence (he gives the etymology of the gaelic name Selma), the Sunny Spot of Darthule and hill of the fingalians in glencoe. he also references James Macpherson’s The Works of Ossian (London: 1765). This dual interest in Scottish mythology and geology was also held by foreign travellers who toured the highlands. 107 John Walker, Lectures on Natural History, Vol. iii, [anon.] (transcriber), (c. 1790a), Bound MS, euL DC.2.19 f. 263. for more on the early modern use of ancient monuments as historical markers, see Peter Burke, ‘images as evidence in SeventeenthCentury europe’, JHI, 64 (2003) 273–296. 108 Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 182. 109 John Walker, Lectures on Natural History III, [anon.] (transcriber), (n.d.), Bound MS, euL DC.2.20, ff. 4–6. 105 Pr oo 104 fC to cite him and several other classical historians in his geology lectures.104 not only was he extremely knowledgeable of greek, hebrew and Latin texts, he also spent a good deal of time studying the ancient languages, customs and mythology of the Scottish people.105 His field notes and correspondence demonstrate that he applied his knowledge in this area to the geological formations that he encountered while on his expeditions to the hebrides and highlands.106 Similarly, his interest in european antiquity allowed him to cite entertaining examples from human history throughout all of his natural history lectures. Walker’s mineralogy, hydrology and geology lectures drew from archaeological accounts that detailed the composition of ancient constructions like statues, obelisks and buildings. he used these examples to demonstrate the durability or degeneration of select stones and minerals. for the most part, he mentioned these types of specimens in relation to his conception of primitive and secondary strata outlined above. a noteable occurance of this practice can be seen in his use of the statue of Somnus in rome to demonstrate that basalts are the ‘most durable of all stones and most undoubtedly are the best adapted for works of art intended for duration.’107 in general, the mingled presence of human artefacts and animal remains in secondary strata convinced Walker that they were coeval with human existence. This eventually led him at one point in his lectures to suggest that salt deposits were a form of secondary strata based on a report of a man who found a ship’s keel buried at 50 fathoms (300 feet) in a Polish salt mine.108 he also noted that excavated fossil shells sometimes contain crystals – which implicitly made it possible for them to be the same age as the oldest secondary strata.109 op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 183 Pr 110 111 even though Walker did have a great amount of experience with observing different types of strata, his geology lectures and published writings demonstrate that tertiary strata were more appealing to him. These were formed from substances like river silt, shell marl, peat bogs, lava and mountain erosion.110 as in his lectures on primary and secondary strata, he usually discussed the composition of tertiary strata without introducing the element of time. a good example of this occurs in his lecture on coral islands. There he first states that coral grew up from the bottom of the ocean and then collected soil which created an environment where plants and animals could live. He then mentions that Pacific coral islands often formed around deposits of primary rock, thus hinting that the coral base was not a cause in itself. accordingly, he does not give any indication of how long this process took.111 But there were several instances where he dated tertiary strata based on human artefacts. it is in these sections of his lecture notes where we find the clearest examples of how he used such objects as ‘temporal markers’. In general, he referred to human history because reports on the properties of so many natural objects and phenomena were often sparse to non-existent during this time, and because of the epistemological priority his methodology gave to personal observation. Thus, looking at examples of how he used human history to date tertiary strata gives the clearest picture of his conception of time’s involvement in geological and hydrological change. i shall examine his dating of two types of tertiary strata: sedimentation and peat. in the section on islands in his geology lectures, Walker avers that a sedimental isthmus can form and then connect an island to the mainland, thus making a peninsula. he then gives an example set against the backdrop of human history to illustrate the time element involved in such a process. he states that the island in the nile Delta that once contained the ancient lighthouse of alexandria had become a peninsula by modern times, thereby indicating a formation period of a few thousand years.112 his calculation of the overall sediment deposit of the nile since the Greeks is even more enlightening. Based on figures given by Herodotus, he states: ‘the Delta has in the course of 3284 years increased 14 cubits in height, and indeed if we are inclined to allow its formation from the sediment of the nile, this is a very moderate degree of quickness.’113 Considering that the english cubit was 18 inches, this would mean that the Delta had grown by 252 inches (21 feet), which is roughly 1/13 inch every year. herodotus was one of the earliest sources of natural for his discussion of peat moss, see: Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 189–199. Ibid., ‘geology Lectures’, 179–180. 112 Ibid., ‘geology Lectures’, 177–179. These types of mathematical calculations were commonly used in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. halley was quite keen on calculating the volumes of lakes and rivers based on precipitation and rainfall. his observations in this area were cited and discussed well into the late eighteenth century. for instance see Matthew Dobson’s, ‘observations on the annual evaporation at Liverpool in Lancashire’, PT, 67 (1777), 244–259. 113 Walker (1966), ‘hydrography Lectures’, 157–160. oo f C op y 184 The Language of Mineralogy 114 Walker’s discussion of other tertiary strata such as Stapple and Sea Sand also demonstrate a similar atemporal conception of time. Walker (1996), ‘geology Lectures’, 189–190 and 192–193. 115 Two of his most popular works on peat moss were ‘an account of the irruption of Solway Moss’, PT, 62 (1772), 123–127; ‘an essay on Peat, Containing an account of its origin, of its Chymical Principles and general Properties’, PETHSS, 2 (1803), 1–137. 116 The relation between early modern archaeology and ‘geology’ is treated in M. r. goodrum, ‘The Meaning of Ceraunia: archaeology, natural history and the interpretation of Prehistoric Stone artefacts in the eighteenth-Century’, BJHS, 35 (2002), 255–269. 117 Walker (1966), ‘geology Lectures’, 197. 118 Walker also discusses peat in a shell marl essay. it seems he believed that marl formed on top of peat was made from shells, but marl formed underneath was not. Thus, the time element involved in making shell marl falls within the perimeters of peat moss development outlined in his lectures. See ‘The history of Shell Marle’ (c. 1770), in John Walker, Essays on Natural History and Rural Economy, (edinburgh: 1808). for unknown reasons, Scott includes parts of this essay in his 1966 edition of Walker’s lectures even though it was published posthumously and even though it was an essay, not a lecture. Walker briefly addresses shell marl in his posthumous An Economic History of the Hebrides and Highlands of Scotland (London: 1812), 141–142. 119 There were many biblically-based ages of the world available in eighteenthcentury Britain. generally, calculations based upon the Vulgate provided a 6,000 year age, while calculations based on the Septuagint provided a 7,000 year age. The 6,000 year Pr oo fC history for Walker and this measurement demonstrates that Walker’s conception of the rate of tertiary change over three thousand years was minimal. This sentiment is demonstrated elsewhere, particularly in Walker’s discussion of peat moss.114 Walker was a known authority on peat moss and i have already noted how he used peat bogs in conjunction with roman records to discuss local extinction.115 in his geology lectures, he stated that various artefacts from the past had been found buried in peat moss: a roman camp kettle at six feet in flanders moss; Saxon coins and a silver crucifix at six feet in Lochart Moss; Roman gold at three feet in annandale.116 Taking note of the depth of these artefacts is important because he held that nearly all of europe’s peat moss deposits had started to grow around the same time. on this subject, he asserted that, ‘There is likewise a surprising similarity in the depth and extent of peat mosses in different parts of the world where they exist, which shews that they have been all nearly coæval. in general peat mosses are found from 5 up to 20 feet in depth all over the world.’ he goes on to state that, ‘in Scotland our deepest mosses are generally about 12 feet. i have indeed seen them 18 feet deep but this more rarely happens.’117 he gave the average figure of twelve feet because he was aware that local conditions both accelerated and retarded the growth process. These numbers indicated that it had taken around 1,700 years for six feet of moss to cover a roman artefact. Thus, if the average depth of peat moss in Scotland was twelve feet, the average age of Scottish peat moss was about 3,400 years old,118 a figure which did not exceed chronologies provided by classical histories or by scripture.119 op y Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 185 Conclusion To sum up this chapter, John Walker’s conception of geology was based upon the methods of definition and division that he inherited from chemistry and mineralogy. This methodology was built upon an epistemology which was shaped by the empiricist mindset that dominated the Scottish enlightenment. even though the majority of his geological sources were not Scottish, the background assumptions about chemistry, mineralogy and method were. These influenced his perception of natural history and guided his selection of the ‘facts’. his reading of works on the subject was, therefore, highly critical of hypothetical theories and he saw no viability in unverifiable systems that necessitated long periods of time. Building upon this outlook, he used chemical and textual evidence as well as data provided by natural ‘monuments’. Based on the a priori status of Primary earths and the lack of evidence regarding the cause(s) of induration, chemical analysis fell short of the empirical standard needed to determine the age of primary strata conclusively. Moreover, since Walker’s material and historical analyses of the minerals in primary strata suggested that their composition was static, he was forced to look at secondary and tertiary strata to help him determine the age of the earth. The data taken from these strata only allowed him to address events that were no more than a few thousand years old. yet, no matter how long the chronology of secondary or tertiary strata proved to be in the future, he believed that the very physical placement of primary strata made it the chronological starting point. This assumption effectively gave a priori status to primary strata within a system that espoused an a posteriori methodology. Thus, primary strata, though undateable, always formed the temporal base of any proposed geological timescale. as further evidence was discovered, the base, like a bookend, could slide either forward or backwards, but it always remained at the end. Due to the emphasis often placed upon the development of stratigraphy, naturalists like Walker are often sidelined in studies that address the nascent earth sciences. indeed, they are casualties of the ‘revolutions’ historiographic tradition that focuses on the progenitors of geology as it is known today. for naturalists who lived during the enlightenment, this chapter has shown that, rather than using modern geological assumptions to judge the works of the eighteenth century, it is sometimes just as beneficial to start first with chemistry, to continue on to mineralogy and then to finally end with the emerging field of geology. Such a ‘bottom up’ approach sheds more light upon the first ‘geologists’ who used chemistry and mineralogy to create a new field of enquiry. Additionally, it clarifies how Scots like Walker used ‘primeval fluids’ to explain the genesis of primary time frame, as promoted by archbishop James ussher, became much more popular in the nineteenth century after it had been included in the seventeenth edition of the King James Bible. Ussher’s chronologies first appeared in Annales Veteris Testamenti (Londini: 1650) and Jacobi Usserii armachani Annalium pars posterior (Londini: 1654). Pr oo f C op y figure 5.3 ‘geological Strata’, in humphry Davy, Elements of Agricultural Chemistry, in a Course of Lectures for the Board of Agriculture (London: 1813). Walker’s three strata model (primary, secondary and tertiary) was used well into the second decade of the nineteenth century by chemically trained naturalists throughout europe. Pictured above is Davy’s mineralogical interpretation of the model that appeared in his popular text on agricultural chemistry. Ordering the Earth: The Chemical Foundations of Geology 187 strata that was not the product of the Noachian flood. Finally, concentrating on the epistemology and methodology of chemical-mineralogy makes it easier to judge the larger impact that edinburgh’s medical school had upon Scottish conceptions of the earth’s form and structure during the 1780s and 1790s. Pr oo f C op y Pr oo fC op y Conclusion Summary it has been the purpose of this book to reconsider the chemical language that John Walker and his contemporaries used to understand the earth’s composition and structure. This was done by comparing his work to sources available to him at various stages of his career. In addition to examining the definitions, methods and practices that allowed him to classify the material world, i argued that his conception of mineralogy and geology were based upon chemistry. Chapter 1 summarised his career as a naturalist and university professor. Like a number of the literati in his generation, he entered the university as a divinity student and then began to dabble in natural history during his studies. after he was ordained, he maintained his contacts with Edinburgh’s scientific community and forged links with influential intellectuals and patrons who lived in the Lowlands. These social connections enabled him to create a network that included correspondents in the British isles, mainland europe, india, the Caribbean and north america. in 1779 he skilfully orchestrated his appointment to the university of edinburgh’s regius Chair of natural history, a professorship that was linked to the medical school. in this capacity he taught hundreds of students over the course of the next two decades. his lectures were popular and attracted attendees not only from all levels of Scottish society, but also from europe and many of Britain’s colonies. as the names listed in appendix Vii reveal, many of these students went on to have significant impact on science, publishing, politics, religion and the arts during the end of the eighteenth century and well into the Victorian era. Chapter 2 outlined Walker’s early chemical education. it began by detailing the courses that he took at the university of edinburgh during the late 1740s and then went on to show that he studied chemistry with William Cullen during the 1750s. 1 Pr oo John Walker to Joseph Black, 1798, euL gen. 874/iV ff.51–52. fC op y I have real Reverence for the Genius of Lavoisier, though not unsensible to his Defects. He in great Measure sinks the Discoveries of his Predecessors, and even of his Coadjutors, & affects to make the whole appear too much as his own. He artfully words the History of the Science, & gives a plausible and polite Reason for it. Yet it is greatly to be wished for. The Rise & Progress of Pneumatic Chymistry to the present Time, if well executed, would form the most useful & valuable Piece of Scientific History I know. Neither he nor his colleagues, amidst all their high merits, can I view as great Adepts in the Art of Nomenclature.1 190 The Language of Mineralogy Cullen taught him to approach experimentation using the methods and instruments associated with the chemical ‘principles’ of Water, earth, Salt, Metal and fire. This approach had its roots in the Becher-Stahl School of chemistry and had been modified to fit within Edinburgh’s empiricist milieu. Moreover, at the time, chemistry in edinburgh was strongly focused on saline-based experimentation and this led Walker to publish an article on the topic in the 1757 edition of the Philosophical Transactions. it examined the composition of the hartfell Spa, a chalybeat spring, and concluded that its water contained acids as well as alkalis. Based on this article and upon the books listed in his 1761 Index Librorum, i showed that his knowledge of chemistry was sound and that his experiments were connected to the larger culture of pharmacological and industrial experimentation that existed in edinburgh’s medical school. Saline analysis in edinburgh depended upon a wide variety of agents derived from minerals and this affected Walker’s view of ‘fossils’, that is, stones. Chapter 3 gave an account of how his interest in both chemistry and mineralogy played a significant role in his early career. The main sources for this chapter were the notes contained in his manuscript Index Librorum and in his Adversaria (commonplace book). The first part of the chapter concentrated on his chemistry teacher, William Cullen, and explained how he had used chemistry in the 1740s and 1750s to form nomenclatural categories that were conducive to mineralogical classification. This approach was adopted by many of his students, including Joseph Black and Walker. More specifically, Walker’s earliest recorded attempt to systematically arrange stones was based on composition and used the chemical characters associated with earths (vitrescible, calcareous, talcy and argillaceous), Salts, Metals and Inflammables. Even though he read mineralogical works like those of Carl Linnaeus and emanuel Mendes da Costa that gave preference to non-chemical classification characters, his training made him partial to the systems employed by leading chemists like Cullen, axel frederick von Cronstedt and Johann gottschalk Wallerius. in order to classify minerals, however, Walker needed to have his own specimens. he acquired these via travel, patronage and his correspondence networks. By travelling the greater part of Scotland, he was able to collect stones and to establish himself as a mineralogical authority. This earned him the respect of edinburgh’s medical school and placed him in contact with landowners who then introduced him to their own natural history correspondents. Walker was appointed Professor of natural history in 1779 and he began to lecture in 1782. although his syllabus included meteorology, hydrology, botany and zoology, he took particular pleasure in mineralogy and, by extension, geology. During the 1780s and 1790s, he turned the research that he had conducted over the past thirty years into a classification system that he used to order both his lectures and the mineralogical specimens housed in the university of edinburgh’s natural history museum. Based on student notes taken in his lectures and from the syllabi that he had printed throughout his time as a professor, Chapter 4 showed that, like his earlier work, his mature mineralogical system was based firmly on chemistry. Pr oo fC op y Conclusion 191 Pr oo Throughout the chapter i emphasised that much of the evidence that he used to craft his later system once again came from texts that addressed chemical matters, especially those relevant not only to medicine, but also to industry and mining. in terms of his geological thought, the most important of these stones were those in the Saxa class, which included granite and other rocks that made up the ‘Mass of the Matter of the Globe’. When it came to creating classification terms, Walker imported the names associated with the ‘Primary’ and ‘Secondary’ manifestations of Earths, Salts, Metals and Inflammables. The name of each class signalled the substance that formed the largest percentage of all the minerals contained in the class. Following on from his early training, his mature classification system, therefore, was also based on composition, with the dominant substance functioning as, in Walker’s words, the ‘lead’ character. Chapter 5 explored how Walker’s mineralogy directly influenced his conception of the new field of ‘geology’. Frowning on conjecture, he followed the lead of his edinburgh colleagues and dismissed the theoretical speculations of cosmologists like René Descartes and the Comte de Buffon. As a result, he firmly held that the form and composition of the terraqueous globe had to be based upon empirically observable ‘facts’. Looking at the earth through this perspective allowed him to build upon his formidable knowledge of mineralogy. Like many naturalists of his day, he divided the earth’s surface into three basic types of strata: primary, secondary and tertiary. following his Scottish and Swedish sources, primary strata contained a higher percentage of indurated minerals that were comprised of Primary earths bound together with an extremely strong form of cement that seemed to have originated from a saline fluid that had flooded the earth at an indeterminable point in the past. Since primary strata contained no dateable extraneous (organic) remains, his interpretation of geological time in relation to these rocks was necessarily based on the evidence provided by chemistry and mineralogy. Secondary strata contained minerals held together by weaker affinity bonds and contained extraneous fossils, the latter of which acted as ‘dateable’ monuments that were interpreted by referring to ancient accounts of the earth’s formation. Tertiary strata contained minerals and extraneous fossils that were often fissile; as such, this type of strata was the easiest to date, as their subterranean monuments usually mapped directly onto classical chronologies that were based on eyewitness accounts. ‘Adepts in the Art of Nomenclature’ aside from addressing the central role played by chemistry in the mineralogy of Walker and his contemporaries, this book has also touched upon a variety of points relevant to the study of the nascent earth sciences as they were practiced during the Enlightenment. The first is that the chemical principles which Walker used to obtain mineralogical and geological characters were derived from earths and Salts. Though these two principles played a central role in eighteenth-century fC op y 192 The Language of Mineralogy chemical experimentation, only a small fraction of the secondary literature in the history of chemistry addresses this subject. Some of the authors who have treated this area were mentioned throughout the previous chapters. But the deficiency of research on this topic suggests that there is a notable historiographical gap between chemistry as practiced in early modernity and the history of chemistry as envisioned by modern historians. The reason for this gap can be attributed to the widespread interest in pneumatic chemistry’s involvement with the new french nomenclature and Lavoisier’s conception of oxygen. even though it is true that late eighteenth-century french chemists did use ‘airs’ to create a nomenclature that eventually proved to be more expedient, this does not negate the fact that their contemporaries placed more value on ‘fluids’ that were saline than those that were aerial. This point is well illustrated by the fact that leading eighteenth-century chemists spent much of their time conducting experiments both on and with saline substances. Torbern Bergman, for example, devoted the bulk of his later years to concentrating on Salts and assigned the pneumatic experimentation to his assistant Karl Wilhelm Scheele (1742–86). one of the few places where saline experimentation has received noteworthy attention is in the history of medicine – particularly in the area of pharmacology. The reason for this being that enlightenment therapeutic practices were based upon a form of neohumouralism that sought to balance bodily liquids. in Scotland systematic chemistry was taught as part of medical courses and, even though the social aspects of saline ‘cures’ have been studied by historians like Porter and risse, little has been done to address the impact that medical rationales had upon the nomenclature that was used to classify minerals. nor have there been many studies which seek to address the effect that such a medically orientated context had upon the naturalists who approached the earth as a physician would approach a patient’s body – especially in relation to the most accessible and obvious representations of the earth’s ‘humours’, that is, the oceans, rain and spas. as Walker’s own mineral well research reveals, chemistry was used to ‘diagnose’ the types of minerals found beneath or around local spas and to analyse the ocean’s salinity levels in relation to the earth’s age. The use of saline solutions in this manner is a particularly notable point when one considers Barbara Duden’s suggestion that modern historians have interpreted early modern diagnostic language as being metaphorical when it actually might have been meant more literally by eighteenth-century midwives, physicians and apothecaries.2 Many more connections in this area could be made, especially regarding the medical use of Salts, Earths and Metals influenced how naturalists perceived mineral formation, precipitation, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. The potential source material for these topics, however, is vast. one of the advantages of this book is that it focused primarily on one person. in order to study how the medical 2 Barbara Duden, The Woman Beneath the Skin, Thomas Dunlap (translator), (Cambridge: 1991). Pr oo f C op y Conclusion 193 Pr 3 4 2002). 5 The significance of manuscript sources is of course dependent upon the forms of print produced by different contexts in which chemical communities were placed. Late eighteenth-century France, for example, produced a significantly higher number of printed documents that complicate the traditional Chemical revolution narrative. To this goal, books, articles, tables, and metrological charts have been put to good use in the following studies: Marco Beretta, The Enlightenment of Matter (Canton:, 1993); B. BensaudeVincent, ‘a View of the Chemical revolution through Contemporary Textbooks: Lavoisier, fourcroy and Chaptal’, BJHS, 23 (1990), 435–460. ursula Klein and Wolfgang Lefèvre, Materials in Eighteenth-Century Science (Cambridge, Mass.: 2007). oo context of chemistry influenced the nascent earth sciences, a more wide-ranging revaluation of chemistry texts, both printed and manuscript, will have to be pursued. Moreover, such a study will remain a challenging task until the history of chemistry is reconfigured to embrace the plethora of unexplored sources, methods and beliefs that eighteenth-century chemists used to analyse substances and to classify their contents – both in the lab and in situ. Such a reconfiguration will no doubt have to take manuscripts more seriously. overall, most of the sources that have sustained the Chemical revolution model over the past two centuries have been articles and books, especially those which touch upon key topics that connect with Lavoisier’s promotion of the new nomenclature and his oxygen theory of combustion. But as book historians have shown in recent years, published texts are the end products of very long composition and editorial practices that sometimes obscure the complicated and contingent processes used by authors to develop their own ideas. for example, holmes’ work on Lavoisier’s notebooks revealed that that his conclusions sometimes did not fit the evidence that he was getting in the laboratory.3 Likewise, Principe and newman’s work on the manuscript notebooks of robert Boyle and george Starkey has challenged the idea that Lavoisier’s gravimetric exactitude was without significant early modern precedent.4 going beyond canonical names like Lavoisier and Boyle, this study used letters, loose leaf notes, commonplace books, and student notebooks to excavate the nuts and bolts of chemical classification as relevant to mineralogy. It showed that Walker’s chemistry was closely tied to a number of concerns related to health and the economy that had longstanding connections to the systematic arrangement of substances into the categories provided by principle-based chemistry. although Lavoisier’s matter theory attracted the interest of Walker and his contemporaries, they had serious reservations about the nomenclature that came along with it. Since many of edinburgh’s medical professors did not publish their lectures, or the manuscript essays and letters that they wrote at various points of their careers, the story of the Scottish reception of the new nomenclature cannot be told in full without digging around in manuscript collections.5 These sources f.L. holmes, Antoine Lavoisier (Princeton: 1998). William r. newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire (Chicago: fC op y 194 The Language of Mineralogy reveal that the Chemical revolution, that is, the acceptance of the theory and the nomenclature promoted by Lavoisier, was less than revolutionary for those living in Scotland during the 1780s and 1790s; both in terms of the evidence presented in support of the change and in terms of the language employed by chemists. a case in point occurs in the 1798 letter from Walker to Black quoted at the beginning of this chapter. There he stated: i have real reverence for the genius of Lavoisier, though not unsensible to his Defects. he in great Measure sinks the Discoveries of his Predecessors, and even of his Coadjutors, & affects to make the whole appear too much as his own. he artfully words the history of the Science, & gives a plausible and polite reason for it. yet it is greatly to be wished for. The rise & Progress of Pneumatic Chymistry to the present Time, if well executed, would form the most useful & valuable Piece of Scientific History I know. Neither he nor his colleges, amidst all their high merits, can i view as great adepts in the art of nomenclature.6 Pr 6 7 John Walker to Joseph Black, 1798, euL gen. 874/iV ff. 51–52. Joseph Black, Experiments upon Maganesia Alba, Quicklime, and Some other Alcaline Substances (edinburgh: 1944), 30–31. The original version of this paper was published as Joseph Black, ‘experiments upon Magnesia alba, Quick-Lime, and other alcaline Substances’, Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary, 2 (1756), 157– 255. oo had this letter been read previous to this book’s work on Walker, it would be easy to dismiss his view as chemically ignorant or as simply incommensurable with a relatively quick and necessary paradigm shift. however, as i have shown, he knew a great deal about chemistry, especially how its nomenclature could be used to craft an enormous mineralogical system. Moreover, he was part of a larger community that took a sceptical stance on Lavoisier’s attempts to initiate a new language of chemistry. This view is presented throughout the manuscript notes taken by Black’s students in his chemistry course, but it was perhaps best expressed in the widely cited paper on fixed air that he wrote just after he finished his studies at edinburgh: Quick-lime therefore does not attract air in its most ordinary form, but is capable of being joined to one particular species only, which is dispersed thro’ the atmosphere, either in the shape of an exceedingly subtile powder, or more probably in that of an elastic fluid. To this I have given the name of fixed air, and perhaps very improperly; but i thought it better to use a word already familiar in philosophy, than to invent a new name, before we be more fully acquainted with the nature and properties of this substance, which will probably be the subject of my further enquiry.7 fC op y Conclusion 195 although chemists continually added and subtracted the various properties associated with substances, it was essential that they used an established nomenclature that made sense to their peers, students and, if they published, their readers – even when they thought that they had isolated a new substance. Such consistency was not only a feature of the laboratory, but also of the arrangements of minerals in systematic natural history and the related fields of farming, mining and pharmacology. Much of the story of how this happened, again, lies in manuscript sources, particularly letters, notebooks and student lecture notes. it is my hope that the present study has drawn more attention to the potential of such sources – not only for the history of chemistry, but also for the history of systematic natural history in enlightenment Britain. ‘Mass of the Matter of the Globe’ over the course of this book i have repeatedly noted that a large percentage of the mineralogy books that Walker had in his library or which he cited in his lectures are not the same as those mentioned in works that treat the history of the earth sciences. Indeed, many mineralogists who influenced Walker’s thoughts in this area remain ensconced in obscurity. yet, aside from being cited in the lectures of edinburgh’s medical professors and in the transactions of the edinburgh’s Philosophical Society and the royal Society of edinburgh, the names of these seemingly esoteric sources were also cited frequently in the royal Society of London’s Philosophical Transactions, the correspondence of Joseph Banks, and the many Latin based journals and books published in france, germany and Scandinavia. additionally, many of Walker’s mineralogy sources went through numerous editions in Britain alone. even so, the mineralogical works that shaped his canon receive little to no attention from historians – despite their relevance to the history of science, medicine, agriculture, economics, industry and technology. Perhaps the simplest explanation for this situation is that histories of the earth sciences often focus on the foundations of geology, that is, a subject that did officially not exist in the Edinburgh natural history syllabus until Walker introduced it in 1782. Prior to this time, most of the texts that treated the earth’s structure were subsumed under the subject of mineralogy, which was often the domain of the chemistry and materia medica professors in medical schools or instructors in mining academies in Scandinavia or central europe. This was not only the case at the beginning of the century, but continued right up to the time that Walker died; a state of affairs that is well evinced by the detailed discussions of select minerals and strata contained in the chemistry lectures given by Joseph Black from the 1770s to 1790s. Since Walker held strata to be chemical formations, he used this perspective to frame his own observations, his interpretation of travel accounts and the theories of the earth that he read. The presence of such a conceptual hierarchy clearly explains why he had only limited use for ‘theoretical’ authors Pr oo f C op y 196 The Language of Mineralogy Pr oo 8 like Buffon, or even John Whitehurst. When lecturing on geology, therefore, he basically culled empirical observations from their books and used them as he saw fit within his own system. another reason why Walker’s mineralogical sources have received little attention is because they do not fit within the evolutionary historiography frequently laid upon early modern works that treat the composition or structure of the earth. This approach seeks to identify the writers who proposed theories that tried to explain the physical causes of volcanoes, strata and extraneous fossils in relation to historical time. aside from the fact that many of these eighteenthcentury forerunners were philosophically radical francophones,8 Walker’s work suggests that such alleged proto-evolutionary authors received little credence in edinburgh because their theories could not be supported by direct observation or manifest empirical examples. Such a context is most probably what led James hutton, an attendee of Walker’s lectures, to maintain his own mineralogical collection and to cite evidence that lined up with the chemistry being pursued in edinburgh’s medical school.9 When considered in light of the sources mentioned in Walker’s geological lectures, it quickly becomes apparent that hutton’s pre-1795 discussions of the earth’s crust drew from the same chemical epistemology that shaped Walker’s views on the composition of strata. Such similarities, however, are easily missed when hutton’s work is removed from its intellectual context and placed within historiographies that seek primarily to project Victorian notions of deep time, or even evolutionary palaeontology, onto the enlightenment. When Walker’s geology is removed from such Victorian preconceptions and placed in conversation with the sources being read and debated in eighteenthcentury edinburgh, a different image emerges. instead of interpreting his geology through the works published by authors like Buffon and John Playfair (or even later authors like Charles Lyell and Charles Darwin), it becomes a much more organic pursuit, one which had strong links to the larger remit of medicine and industry. When concepts of strata and extraneous fossil formation are viewed within this context, the chemical composition of the individual stones, minerals and spas quickly becomes equally, if not more, important. Such an approach reveals that objects formed within the human body were not seen merely as analogues or metaphors of objects found in nature. in many cases, their chemical content allowed for direct ontological comparisons to be postulated. for example, The disproportionate emphasis placed on the intellectual agenda of the encyclopaedists in histories of the eighteenth century is addressed with verve in roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (Durham: 1991). 9 Indeed, after publishing the article that first laid out his theory, Hutton further developed several of his geological concepts by publishing three more articles on mineralogy. See James hutton, ‘Theory of the earth’, TRSE, 1 (1788), 209–304; ‘observations on granite’, TRSE, 3 (1793), 77–85; ‘of the flexibility of the Brazilian Stone’, TRSE, 3 (1793), 86–94. fC op y Conclusion 197 Pr oo 10 Walker taught his students that most of the rocks contained in primary strata were held together by a ‘glutenous’ cement. his understanding of this substance, however, was imported from chemical experiments in the medical school that used the word interchangeably to describe hardened ‘limy’ substances in the human body and in strata that contained Calcareous earth. Likewise, the saline-based neohumoural experiments performed upon bodily fluids were often the same as those used on the ‘earthly fluids’ found in local mineral wells. Whether it was bladder stones or just simply stones, Walker believed that animate and inanimate bodies were made out of the same substances. no matter how many times he divided stones and organisms into classification categories, therefore, the underlying material composition of all material objects was ultimately reducible to the language of chemistry. This view was held by most of his colleagues and it allowed professors and literati to debate the plausibility of theories that sought to explain or describe phenomena in relation to the evidentiary repository of facts contained in the various systems created and taught in the medical school. Taking such a context into consideration, it is much easier to understand why Walker, Black and others politely dismissed hutton’s ideas as expressed in his royal Society of edinburgh papers and in the two volumes of his Theory of the Earth (1795). indeed, the pronounced disagreements over the theory surfaced only in the years after Walker and his generation had either passed away or had become too ill to have any real influence. Moreover, the core of the debate traditionally associated with the ‘Vulcanists’ versus ‘neptunists’ model occurred in the years surrounding Playfair’s republication of hutton’s Theory of the Earth in 1805. This version removed many of the chemical descriptions of minerals and kept the sections that fell more in line with Playfair’s desire to frame the formation of the earth in a manner that conformed to the quantitative models that were the domain of natural philosophy, not chemistry as it had been taught in the medical school for the past eight decades. although this move resonated with later geologists and physicists who went on to write about the history of the earth sciences in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it did not appeal to many of the naturalists of Walker’s generation who had studied chemistry in medical and industrial settings.10 This group resisted Playfair’s interpretation of hutton’s theory during the first decades of the nineteenth century and more research needs to be done on the place and relevance of experimental chemistry in an intellectual an excellent example of a modern geologist-turned-historian, especially for the history of the earth sciences in Scotland, is Sir archibald geike. he wrote a number of books that became standard reference works for twenty-first century historians of geology. The most well-known is The Founders of Geology (London: 1905). how his mid-nineteenth century geological training affected his views of early modern chemistry and geology have yet to be explored in detail. a good place to look, however, would be the Sir archibald geikie collection housed in the university of edinburgh’s Special Collections department. fC op y 198 The Language of Mineralogy Pr 11 setting that was fractured by political alignments, intergenerational disputes and disciplinary changes.11 Linking geology to the mineralogy and chemistry taught in the medical school also legitimises a wide array of works and personalities that the evolutionary model has ignored. as Walker’s library reveals, there are a plethora of authors that have yet to be addressed by historians. although i have given more attention to books being read and circulated in edinburgh’s medical school, many more names could be added to the list. Concentrating on medically related personalities also takes the practice of geologically relevant activities out of the hands of an elite and prescient few forerunners of the new chemical nomenclature or evolution, and places it in the domain of the numerous professionals (physicians, surgeons, apothecaries and midwives) who not only lived in university towns, but also in the countryside parishes of the Lowlands and parts of the highlands; that is, in areas full of mineralogical specimens waiting to be collected. This group not only included chemically literate professionals, but also merchants and industrialists whose livelihood depended upon mineralogical commodification. even though this book focused on Walker’s intellectual context, other studies need to be conducted to see how much professors like him depended upon the indigenous knowledge provided by local collectors – or even by the lapidaries who gathered minerals for apothecaries, physicians, savants and landowners. Likewise, much work remains to be done on the geological ‘greats’ like hutton and Playfair, who by their own admission were dependent upon information supplied to them by chemically trained local observers. furthermore, the scope of the nascent earth sciences in Scotland could perhaps be widened so that it includes medical school students who went on to live abroad as ambassadors, naval officers, explorers, missionaries and merchants. Walker’s correspondence and the letters read at the Student natural history Society clearly indicate that these travellers tested the composition of minerals and that they made detailed terraqueous observations that were couched within the chemistry and experimental techniques they had learned back in edinburgh. a possible starting point for such a study would be a book that was part of Walker’s own library: John Murray, A Comparative View of the Huttonian and Neptunian Systems of Geology (edinburgh: 1802), eC 287. additionally, it is worth mentioning here that the royal Society of edinburgh was originally composed of two classes: physical and literary. By 1808 the society’s minute book had stopped recording separate literary class meetings and only a few literary papers were received at the ordinary meetings in the years that followed. The distinction between the classes was officially abandoned in 1827, and this seems to have instantiated a practice that had been occurring for several years. royal Society of edinburgh, Transactions of the Royal of Edinburgh, General Index to First Thirty-Four Volumes (edinburgh: 1890), 21. oo fC op y Conclusion 199 For reasons of space I confined my gaze to the chemical language of mineralogy, that is, the ‘chymical’ nomenclature used to name substances, record experiments and to arrange naturalia not only in eighteenth-century medical schools, but also in professional settings throughout europe. Throughout the book, however, i also was able to say a few words about the origin of such names and practices. i pointed out that they often came from classical works like those written by Pliny and Theophrastus, or from authors like agricola who were associated with the early modern humanist tradition. The ubiquitous definition and division practices used to arrange the minerals that bore these Latinate names, moreover, were extensions of ordering methods that were developed in antiquity – a point widely acknowledged in the introductions of eighteenthcentury mineralogical systems. although my work has sketched out the contours of how one person used these names and practices to create a dynamic system, the context and meaning of the deeper philosophical assumptions that lay beneath such acts of categorisation remain ambiguous. Put more simply, it is one thing the reconstruct the order of a system, but it is another to establish how systems were ‘reordered’ in ways that allowed classifiers to add and subtract properties, specimens or even entire classes. Since Walker thought that his students already possessed the basic categorisation skills that allowed them to understand the reorderings that appeared in the various versions of his systems over the years, this means that the foundations of the philosophy of classification in late eighteenth-century Scotland are most likely to be found in what children were being taught before they matriculated into the university. My own preliminary research on this subject indicates that the pragmatic nature of ordering techniques taught in primers created a firm springboard for the classification methods taught not only by Walker, but by most of the medical school professors.12 Since Scotland’s early modern educational system had strong institutional and social links with the established Church of Scotland, the religious motivations that laid the foundation for competing systematic arrangements of knowledge taught in the university have yet to be explored in detail – especially for figures like Walker who, though influential at the time, have fallen out of favour with the various methods that have been used to frame the Scottish enlightenment. if Walker’s time as a professor is a reliable guide, it would seem that the presence of competing systems in various fields was not seen as a problem because they served a pedagogical purpose, with each arrangement being unique to the aims and objectives of the teacher who created it, and the students who were meant to use it. a clear insight into how naturalists ordered and reordered their own systems was evinced in the commonplace notebook that i used in Chapter 3 to reconstruct Walker’s early mineralogical system. This notebook was kept when he was M. D. eddy, ‘natural history, natural Philosophy and readership’, in Stephen Brown and Warren McDougall (eds.), The Edinburgh History of the Book in Scotland, Vol. II: 1707–1800 (edinburgh: forthcoming 2008). 12 Pr oo f C op y 200 The Language of Mineralogy Pr in his twenties and thirties and it followed the well-established adversaria tradition that was based upon the information management techniques employed throughout europe.13 Drawing from this tradition, he not only extracted long quotations from articles, books and letters, he also culled names and properties of minerals from chorographies and systematic texts. This textual evidence was then placed side by side with observations made either by him or by trusted local observers. notably, it is primarily in his commonplace notes where one can see how the names and descriptions that he recorded allowed him to create the basic classificatory rubric that he later expanded into a full-fledged mineralogical system. it is also here that the biographical nature of this book proved itself more advantageous over the episodic approach usually used to understand chemistry and mineralogy during this period. in other words, the reason that i was able to identify the importance of these note-taking practices was because i traced the chronological progression of the naming and arrangement practices that Walker used throughout his entire career. The practice of transforming notes, especially those written on loose sheets, into names or descriptions of classification categories continued throughout his time as a professor, and I periodically drew attention to select examples of this practice in the footnotes and main text of Chapters 4 and 5. once mineralogical names and descriptions made their way into Walker’s notes and lectures, they continued to be reordered based on new information that he obtained on his own, from others, or from texts. Since the different stages of his system were preserved by student notebooks and by the pamphlet-style syllabi that he published at various times during his career, there are numerous examples that show that he was continually reordering his system. The process of adding, subtracting and redefining nomenclatural categories as new evidence emerged suggests that mineralogical classification practices in Edinburgh at this time were nominalist in tone. The same could be said of the arrangements produced in medical courses that addressed chemistry, nosology and materia medica. Such a situation offers a notable counterexample to evolutionary histories that have repeatedly insisted that systematic classification in the late eighteenth-century operated within a predominantly essentialist mindset.14 13 richard yeo, Encyclopaedic Visions (Cambridge: 2001). anke te heesen, The World in a Box, ann M. hentschel (translator), (Chicago: 2002). 14 The role of essentialism in evolutionary history is addressed in Mary P. Winsor, ‘non-essentialist Methods in Pre-Darwinian Taxonomy’, Biology and Philosophy, 18 (2003), 387–400. Klein and Lefevere (2007) make a similar point in relation to the classification methods used to arrange affinity tables. oo fC op y Conclusion 201 Coda i now return to Sir James hall, that is, the traveller, chemist and naturalist who i used at the start of this book to introduce the type of student who sat in Walker’s natural history course. having laid out the subject matter of the mineralogy and geology lectures in the preceding chapters, it now can be seen that hall and his fellow students were trained to see the composition of the earth as a chemical matter, a point clearly evinced in a letter that hall wrote from naples in 1785: are you acquainted with the works of Bergman the Swedish chemist[?] [i]f not get them as fast as you can for i am sure they will please you as much as they did me. i sent a copy to Dr. Black & i have heard since that one of his scholars got the start of me & sent one before. i have now got his analysis of volcanic matters before me. Dont forget the Sciagraphia regni mineralis it is a noble work and i make no doubt will draw natural history out of its old womanish state. What do you think of reducing all earths to only five?15 Pr aside from saying much about the gendered use of language at the time, this quotation points to the chemical foundations of hall’s early views of geology. he had taken Walker’s course in 1782 and his subsequent interest in Bergman and chemical mineralogy reveals that he was an attentive student. hall found the topic so fascinating that he snapped up various Bergmanian titles as he travelled through france, Switzerland and italy. Crucially, he was seeking out such works at a time when he was travelling through regions that contained several of the mountains and volcanoes addressed by Walker’s lectures. although hall took his grand tour before Lavoisier and hutton published their now famous books, his letters clearly show that he believed that disciplinary change was already in the air, especially in mineralogy. even so, it took some time for him to internalise the language and methods that eventually brought about the change that he foresaw. Perhaps this explains why he was not immediately won over by all of the evidence presented in hutton’s Theory and why his acceptance of its basic contours emanated from a series of chemical experiments that he performed on mineralogical specimens taken from stratigraphical formations cited by hutton.16 15 V. a. eyles, ‘The evolution of a Chemist: Sir James hall … and his relations with Joseph Black and antoine Lavoisier, and other Scientists of the Period’, AS, 19 (1963), 153–182. Quotation taken from page 163. 16 James hall, ‘account of a Series of experiments, Shewing the effects of Compression in Modifying the action of heat’, TRSE, 6 (1812), 71–185; ‘on the revolutions of the earth’s Surface’, TRSE, 7 (1815), 139–210. hall fervently believed that it was the experimental practices and theories associated with chemistry that needed to be used to understand the formation of strata and he published a wide range of articles outside the TRSE on the subject, some of which were earlier versions or summaries of his rSe papers. See James Hall ‘Experiments on the Effects of Heat Modified by Compression’, A oo f C op y 202 The Language of Mineralogy Pr figure 6.1 Journal of Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, and the Arts, 9 (1804) 98–107. his work also occurs throughout the 1806 edition of the JNPCA. oo Title Page, Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1 (1788). The first volumes of the TRSE were published during the 1780s and 1790s, that is, the same time in which Walker was giving his lectures. Most of the articles that address the form and structure of the earth used experiments and terms that were the domain of chemistry as taught in edinburgh’s medical school. fC op y Conclusion 203 Pr 17 organisation is not so well understood formerly as at present. i was taught from the Professor’s Chair when i was fourteen, that there was an organisation in the fossil kingdom; but i have long learned that there is not. it is now universally admitted, that there is no seminal principle in fossils, no containing vessels The medical foundations of hutton’s theory go as far back as his medical dissertation on the circulation of blood. See James hutton, ‘James hutton’s Medical Dissertation’, arthur Donovan and Joseph Prentiss (eds.), Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 70 (1980), 3–57. oo f hutton’s theory was based on the notion that the substances of the earth’s surface were continually being recycled in a manner that made it very difficult to know how old it really was. More specifically, he believed that the earth was being perpetually renewed by a terrestrial form of material circulation that was effectively analogical to the circulation of matter through the human body.17 hence, when hutton’s theory is placed in conversation with the content of Walker’s lectures and the general context of chemistry as practiced in edinburgh, it explains why hall and his contemporaries decided to test hutton’s theory by employing different types of chemical experiments that were used by the medically trained professors and naturalists who were members of edinburgh’s literati and its newly formed royal Society of edinburgh, that is, the society to which hutton presented his papers and which went on to publish his preliminary work as articles in its proceedings. hall eventually accepted the theory because of experiments that he performed on the composition of coal, chalk and several other minerals. although the conclusions that he made on the long-term affect of heat on stones would not necessarily have been accepted by Walker, his gravimetric approach to composition was effectively the same, thereby signalling a revised view of the processes that formed the earth whilst at the same time building the longstanding importance of the chemical methods of investigation that formed the foundation of Walker’s lectures on mineralogy and geology. Keeping this point in mind, it is my hope that this monograph can provide a starting point for future studies on figures like Hall and hutton that seek to compare early modern and modern (especially Victorian) chemical concepts and practices that were used to investigate the composition and structure of the earth. Throughout the preceding chapters, i repeatedly stressed that systematic classification was at the heart of the nascent earth sciences during the eighteenth century, not only in Scotland, but also in Scandinavia and other parts of europe as well. The constant movement of specimens and shifting of descriptions inherent in chemical classification was a process that necessarily depended on a mindset that used classification categories in a contingent manner. Walker followed this practice throughout his career, but he summarised it nicely in an early letter that he wrote to Lord Kames: C op y 204 The Language of Mineralogy nor contained fluids, no organization, no species, but possible combinations, innumerable as the sands of the sea.18 Pr 18 a. f. Tytler [Lord Woodhouselee], Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Honourable Henry Home of Kames…, Vol. II (edinburgh: 1807–1809), appendix ii, 33. By the end of the eighteenth century the high number of natural history specimens generated by colonialism and local observers engendered a sense of awe not only for mineralogists, but also for leading naturalists like Thomas Bewick. Jenny uglow, Nature’s Engraver (new york: 2006). See especially pages 302 to 305. oo fC op although i have focused on inanimate objects, this nominalistic gaze would prove to be one of the core background assumptions that facilitated the continued proliferation of competing arrangement systems in regency and Victorian Britain. how this mindset crossed the inanimate-animate ‘boundary’ presently remains unclear. it is my hope that this work on the edinburgh medical school will provide future scholars with a helpful snapshot of the multiplicity of systems that laid the evidentiary foundation for modern natural history. Moreover, noting the crossfertilisation of ideas that occurred between different systems makes it easier to understand the intellectual context of naturalists – not only for well-known figures like Hutton, but also for those like Walker who were both teachers and classifiers, and whose legacies lie waiting to be explored in museums, archival deposits, and family collections. Studying the lives and careers of such marginalised figures sheds light on their better known contemporaries as well as the practices – experimental, classificatory or otherwise – that past generations employed to describe the world in useful and meaningful ways. y appendix i Modern equivalents for Walker’s Chemical Substances unless otherwise stated, the modern equivalents listed below are based on Jon eklund, The Incompleat Chymist (Washington DC: 1975). abbreviations for the other sources consulted are: Duncan ODC OED a. M. Duncan (ed.), Torbern Bergman, A Dissertation on Elective Attractions, Second Edition (London: 1970), appendices i and ii. John Daintith (ed.), Oxford Dictionary of Chemistry (oxford: 2000). Oxford English Dictionary Modern Equivalent aerial acid al[l]um Pr oo argillaceous earth Bitumen Boracic acid Borax Calcareous earth Cineres Clavellati Common Salt glauber’s Salt fC Walker’s Term Carbon dioxide (Co2). Mixed double salts of aluminum sulphate with potassium sodium or ammonium sulphate. (Potassium salt, when pure, was most commonly called ‘alum’). (al2(So4)3 K2So4 24h2o); (al2(So4)3 (nh4)2So4 24h2o); (al2(So4)3 na2So4 24h2o). Clay. a substance that contained resin or petroleum products. Some examples include crude oil, amber, asphaltum and coal. any number of acids containing boron and oxygen. Used without qualification, the term applies to the compound h3Bo3. Disodium tetraborate decahydrate (na2B4o7.10h2o) (ODC). usually chalk (CaCo3), but sometimes magnesia, alumina, barites or lime. Potassium carbonate (K2Co3). Sodium chloride (naCl). Sodium sulphate decahydrate (na2So4.10h2o) (ODC). op y 206 The Language of Mineralogy gypseous earth Lime Limewater Magnesian earth Mica Mundic[k] Muriatic[k] acid natron nitre ochre Pr Phosphorus regulus of antimony Saccharum Saturni Sal Ammoniac Salt of iron Salt of Seignette oil of Tartar Philogisticated air Phosphoric acid Term used to describe gypsum, that is, calcium sulfate dihydrate (CaSo4.2h2o), or minerals in which gypsum formed the highest percentage of the composition. Calcium oxide (Cao). a solution of calcium carbonate (CaCo3). Magnesium carbonate (MgCo3). Some eighteenthcentury chemists called magnesium (Mg) by the name magnesia. a mixed mineral form composed mostly of aluminum silicate but with silicates of other metals. Several complicated minerals were variously, and in combination, referred to as mica; a good example being biotite K(Mg, fe)3alfeSi3o10(oh, f)2. iron pyrites (feS2). Sometimes used for other pyrites or as a general term for pyrites. hydrochloric acid (hCl). Sodium sesquicarbonate, a naturally occurring combination of sodium carbonate (na2Co3) and sodium bicarbonate (nahCo3) in the ratio 1:1 (na2Co3.nahCo3.2h2o). also called Natrum during the eighteenth century. Potassium nitrate (Kno3). a class of mineral solids which, in powdered form, are commonly used as pigments. Their colours vary from yellow to brown, including reddish hues. Chemically, the ochres are iron oxides, or mixtures of iron oxides, in varying states of hydration. for example, red ochre is primarily fe2o3. Silicates, carbonates, sulfates, etc. also were commonly present with these oxides. Concentrated potassium carbonate solution (K2Co3). nitrogen (n2). orthophosphoric acid/phosphoric(V) acid, that is, the acid produced by burning phosphorus and dissolving the result in water (h3Po4). Sometimes used for any phosphorescent substance. Antimony (Sb); often found the sulfide stribnite (Sb2S3), that is, a mineral ore that was mined in Scotland and throughout europe during the eighteenth century. Lead acetate (Pb(C2h3o2)2). ammonium chloride (nh4Cl). Sometimes used for other ammonium salts. ferrous sulfate (feSo4). also called Sal Martis. Potassium sodium tartrate (KnaC4h4o6.4h2o). oo fC op y Appendix I 207 Salt of Tartar Schist(a) Siliceous earth Sparry acid Spirit of Vitriol Steatite Sugar of Lead Sulphur Talc Talky earths Terra Ponderosa Vitriol of Copper Vitriolic[k] acid Vitriolum Martis Wine of Lees Zeolite Potassium carbonate (K2Co3). it usually was produced by strongly heating tartar. also called Sal Tartari during the eighteenth century. a crystalline rock whose component minerals are arranged in a more or less parallel manner. (OED) Silicon dioxide (Sio2). Hydrofluoric acid (HF(H2o)x), that is, a solution of hydrogen fluoride (HF) in water (H2o). (ODC). Dilute sulphuric acid (h2So4) and/or sulfurous acid (h2So3). also called Spiritus Vitrioli during the eighteenth century. a massive variety of talc, commonly of a grey or greyish green colour, with an unctuous or soapy feel. also called Soaprock or Soapstone. (OED) See Saccharum Saturni. a greenish-yellow non-metallic substance, found abundantly in volcanic regions, and occurring free in nature as a brittle crystalline solid, and widely distributed in combination with metals and other substances. in popular and commercial language it was otherwise known as Brimstone. (OED) a mixture of magnesium metasilicilate (Mg3h2(Sio4)3) with magnesium silicate (Mg3Si4o11.h2o). (a) fibrous earths; (b) earths that suffer no change from the action of acids or fire; (c) earths that do not become viscid or hard when made into aqueous paste, e.g., asbestos. Barium oxide (Bao). (Duncan) Copper Sulphate (CuSo4). (Duncan) Sulphuric acid (h2So4). See Sal Martis. Tartar, that is, impure potassium bitartrate (KC4h5o6). also called Lees of Wine. a name used to refer to mineral solids which are now know to contain various hydrated silicates, primarily of aluminium, calcium, potassium, and sodium. They share the property of swelling and ‘boiling’ under the heat of the blowpipe. Pr oo fC op y Pr oo fC op y appendix ii William Cullen’s 1753 ‘Doctrine of Salts’ Simple Salts a. acids 1. 2. 3. 4. Vitriolic acid (Species) Nitrous Acid (Species: Specific gravity creates many varieties) Muriatic Acid (Species: Varieties not yet confirmed) Vegetable acid (Species) a. native (variety) b. Distilled (variety) c. fermented (variety) 1 B. alkalis Pr oo Compound Salts 1. fixed a. Vegetable (species) i. Cineras Clavellati (variety) ii. Salt of Tartar (variety) iii. Wine of Lees (cendres gravellées) (variety) iv. fixed nitre (variety) b. fossil (species) i. Natrum or Nitrum Veterum (variety) ii. Borax (variety) iii. incinerated Sea Plants [including soda] (variety) 2. Volatile (species) a. Salt ammoniac (variety) b. other animal Substances (variety) 1. Vitriolic acid Joined to: a. Vegetable alkali (Vitriolated Tartar) b. fossil alkali (glauber’s Salt) 1 extracted from William Cullen, ‘a Cullen Manuscript of 1753’, Leonard Dobbin (ed.), AS, 1 (1936), 138–156. fC op y 210 The Language of Mineralogy Pr oo fC op y c. Volatile alkali (Vitriolic ammoniac) 2. nitrous acid Joined to: a. Vegetable alkali (Common nitre) b. fossil alkali (Cubic nitre) c. Volatile alkali (nitrous ammoniac) 3. Muriatic acid Joined to: a. Vegetable alkali (Digestive Salt of Sylvius) b. fossil alkali (alimentary Salt) c. Volatile alkali (Muriatic or Common ammoniac) 4. Vegetable acid Joined to: a. Vegetable alkali (regenerated Tartar) b. fossil alkali (Salt of Seignette) c. Volatile alkali (Vegetable ammoniac) appendix iii Walker’s 1757 Spa experiments Acronyms for Tests iPT fT a/aT oeT oeP aT iron Principle Test fixity Test acid/alkali Test ochreous earth Test ochreous earth Precipitator alum Test 1 Iron/Alkaline Experiments Test iPT iPT Agent galls air Medium Spa Water Sal Martis Spa Cremor Pr oo iPT fT a/aT a/aT a/aT a/aT a/aT heat heat none Balaustine-flowers (Vegetable extract) Pomegranate-flowers (Vegetable extract) Sal Ammoniac (Volatile alkali) oil of Tartar p. d (fixed alkali) 1 fC Sal Martis Cremor Spa Cremor Spa Cremor Spa Water Spa Water Spa Water Spa Cremor Spa Cremor This table is based upon the experiments described in John Walker, ‘an account of a new Medicinal Well, Lately Discovered near Moffat, in annandale, in the County of Dumfries’, PT, 49 (1757), 117–147. op y Positive Indicator Turns Blue Turns Blue Turns Chalybeat Colour Develops Blue, Purple and Violet Blotches Turns Bluish Colour Turns Chalybeat Colour remains intact Tastes Bitter/Sweet Turns red/Blue Turns red/Blue Cremor Separates/ unaffected Cremor Separates/ unaffected 212 The Language of Mineralogy Ochreous/Alkaline Earth Experiments Test iPT oeT oeT oeT oeT oeP oeP Agent galls air Common Water Saccharum Saturni oil of Tartar Saccharum Saturni (fixed alkali) oil of Tartar (fixed alkali) Medium Spa Water Spa Water Spa Water Spa Water nebeculæ Spa Water nebeculæ Spa Water Spa Water Positive Indicator Turns Blue Turns yellow Precipitates and Turns yellow Turns yellow (or Lactescent) Turns yellow Precipitated ochreous earth Precipitated ochreous earth Aluminous/Acidic Experiments fC Test a/aT a/aT a/aT oeT Agent none Syrup of Violets Milk a/aT oo Saccharum Saturni (alkali) oil of Tartar (fixed alkali) Vinegar (acid) Spirit of Vitriol (acid) red hot iron galls Pr a/aT ??? aT iPT op Medium Spa Water Distilled Spa Salt Mixed in Spring Water elixated Spa Water Distilled Spa Salt (acidic) Mixed in Spring Water Distilled Spa Salt (acidic) Mixed in Spring Water Distilled Spa Salt (acidic) Distilled Spa Salt (acidic) Distilled Spa Salt Distilled Spa Salt Mixed in Spring Water y Positive Indicator Tastes Bitter/Sweet Turns red/Blue Coagulation/ unaffected Turns yellow (or Lactescent) effervescence/no effervescence no effervescence/ effervescence no effervescence/ effervescence Liquefies and Bubbles Turns Blue Pr oo fC op y appendix iV notable Mid-eighteenth Century Mineralogical Systems 1 LinnaeuS Systema Naturae (1735) gypseous PoTT Lithogéognosie (1753) gypsous WaLLeriuS Mineralogié (1753) alkaline & Calcareous earths Stones & fC earths & Stones argillaceous Siliceous argillaceous Pr oo Siliceous Salts Minerals Sulphurs Mercurials earths fossils Concretions Petrifactions 1 Based on tables listed throughout David r. oldroyd, Sciences of the Earth (aldershot: 1998). op earths alkaline & Calcareous Stones Minerals Concretions y Dry Sandy Vitrifiable rocks Salts Sulfurs Metals Mineral argillaceous Calcareous argillaceous Semimetals Appendix IV 215 op earths (Class 1) argillaceous (order 4) asbestos (order 7) earths (Class 4) Manganese (order 9) Zeolites (order 8) fluors (order 6) Salts (Class 1) Inflammables (Class 2) Metals (Class 3) Water (Class 5) airs (Class 6) Salts (Class 3) Inflammables (Class 2) Metals (Class 4) Da CoSTa Natural History of Fossils (1757) Moist, firm & smooth (Chapter 1) Loose, dry & earths rough (Chapter 2) (Section 1) Compounded & mixed (Chapter 2) found in strata, rough, gritty, dull, etc. (Chapter 1) found in strata, close, solid, dull, no grit, etc. (Chapter 2) Marloid? (Chapter 3) CronSTeDT System of Mineralogy (1770) Calcareous (order 1) Siliceous (order 2) garnet (order 3) Micaceous (order 5) BLaCK Lectures on Chemistry (1767/8) fC Pr oo Colours, polished, not calcareous, no reaction with acids (Chapter 4) incomplete Stones (Section 2) y Clays flints Talks absorbants gypseous Pr oo fC op y appendix V The Classes of Walker’s Mature Mineralogical System Compared to Bergman Walker 1781 Terrae Class 1 Calcarea Class 2 gypsea Class 3 Phosphorea Class 4 fusoria Class 5 Silicea Class 6 Steatitica Class 7 apyra Class 8 Zeolitica Class 9 Micacea Class 10 Petrae Class 11 Saxa Class 12 Concreta Class 13 Salia Class 14 Inflammabilia Class 15 Pyritae Class 16 Semimetalla Class 17 Metalla Class 18 Bergman 1783 Calcareous Walker 1790 Terrae Class 1 Calcarea Class 2 gypsea Class 3 Ponderosa Class 4 Phosphorea Class 5 amandina Class 6 Silicia Class 7 Steatitica Class 8 Walker c. 1797 Terrae Class 1 Calcarea Class 2 gypsea Class 3 Phosphorea Class 4 Zeolitica Class 5 Ponderosa Class 6 amandina Class 7 Silicea Class 8 Magnesia argillaceous earths Class 1 fC Siliceous heavy Pr oo Salts Class 3 Inflammables Class 2 Metals Class 4 op apyra Class 9 Zeolitica Class 10 Micacea Class 11 Petrae Class 12 Saxa Class 13 Concreta Class 14 Salia Class 15 Inflammabilia Class 16 Pyritis Class 17 Semimetalla Class 18 Metalla Class 19 y Steatiticea Class 9 apyra Class 10 Micacea Class 11 Petrae Class 12 Saxa Class 13 Concreta Class 14 Salia Class 15 Inflammabilia Class 16 Pyritis Class 17 Semimetalla Class 18 Metals Class 19 Pr oo fC op y appendix Vi rev. Dr. John Walker’s Correspondence arranged Chronologically Manuscript Location Abbreviations auL BL euL eCa guL LSL naS nLS rCPe Pr oo 1754(–57?) 1756 1762 aberdeen university Library British Library edinburgh university Library edinburgh City archive glasgow university Library The Linnean Society of London national archives of Scotland national Library of Scotland royal College of Physicians edinburgh Walker to T. Birch. BL add. 4320 ff. 89, 91. 18 february 1756. Dr. C. garden to Walker. PCL. 8 January 1762. Walker to Linnaeus. euL La.iii.352/1. 22 february 1762. Linnaeus to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 1–2. fC op The chronological list of correspondence that follows is a compilation of the letters that I was able to find over the past decade. There are several which, though mentioned in a ‘Principal Correspondence List’ (euL La.iii.352) written near the end of Walker’s career, were not passed on to posterity. i have included these below and they are followed by ‘PCL’. i do not presume the list to be exhaustive and would gladly receive news of other extant letters. y 220 The Language of Mineralogy 12 oct 1762. Walker to Linneaus. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 5–6. 1763 22 february 1763. Walker to William Cullen. guL gB 247, MS Cullen 41. 20 June 1763. Linnaeus to Walker. in Latin. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 7–8. 25 august 1763. John hope to David Skene. ref. to Walker. auL SC MS 38 f. 119. 1764 5 March 1764. Lord Kames to Walker. naS e 721/7. 21 april 1764. Thomas Pennant to William Cullen. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 9–10. 30 July 1764. Walker to Lord Kames. naS e 727/16/2. 8 august [?] 1764. John ritchie to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 3–4. 17 august 1764. Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD24/1/571/138–139. 24 august 1764. Walker to Baron Mure. nLS Mure of Caldwell Correspondence 1770–72. MS 4943 f. 98–99. 10 December 1764. Walker to Lord Kames. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 11–12. naS gD 24/1/571/140–145. 1765 8 february 1765. Walker to the earl of Bute. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 13–16. 1766 Pr 1767 12 april 1766. Walker to [Lord] Cardross. nLS MS 588, no 1386. 17 September 1766. f. W. P. fabricius to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 22–23. 30 october 1766. Walker to Dr. Pultney. nLS MS acc. 9533 no. 314. LSL no. 238. 1766. Walker to Dr. C. Lyttelton. BL Stowe 754 f. 189. 2 february 1767. Baron Charles Shaw Cathcart to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 24–25. 28 March 1767. Walker to Joseph Banks. W. r. Dawson (ed.), The Banks Letters: A Calendar of the Manuscript Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks, Preserved oo fC op y Appendix V 221 in the British Museum, the British Museum (Natural History) and Other Collections in Great Britain (London, The British Museum, 1958), 849. 1768 3 June 1768. Walker to Dr. Pultney. LSL no. 238. october 1768. Dr. Pultney to Walker. nLS MS acc. 9533 no. 314. 1768. Walker to the earl of Buchan. nLS MS 14827 ff. 6–7. 1770 14 april 1770. Walker to David Skene. auL MS 483 ff. 48–52. 1771 1772 23 January 1772. Walker to Joseph Banks. W. r. Dawson (ed.), The Banks Letters: A Calendar of the Manuscript Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks, Preserved in the British Museum, the British Museum (Natural History) and Other Collections in Great Britain (London, The British Museum, 1958), 849. 29 february 1772. Walker to Mrs agatha home Drummond. naS gD 24/1/496– 503a/629–630. 9 March 1772. Walker to Baron Mure. MS 4945 f. 142–143. March 1772. Walker to Donald Macnicol. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 30–31. 20 april 1772. John Stuart to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 32–33. 7 September 1772. Walker to John Stuart. no MS reference. This letter is mentioned in Stuart’s 25 September 1772 letter to Walker. 25 September 1772. John Stuart to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 34–35. 22 november 1772. Baron Charles Shaw Cathcart [British ambassador to russia] to Walker. PCL. 1773 18 february 1773. Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD24/1/571/148–156. Pr oo fC 11 March 1771. Walker to the Commissioners of annexed estates. naS e 727/63/4. December 1771. William fraser to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 28–29. op y 222 The Language of Mineralogy 30 november 1773. Kames to Walker. Comparison nraS 1073 Bundle 23 (Private). 1774 12 May 1774. george Clerk-Maxwell to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 36–37. 22 november 1774. Baron Charles Shaw Cathcart to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 38–39. 12 December 1774. Lord Kames to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 1–2. 1775 1776 Pr 1777 1778 29 february 1776. Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD24/1/571/164–170. 15 March 1776. Walker to Mrs agatha home Drummond. naS gD 24/1/496– 503a./625–628. 12 april 1776. Lord Kames to Walker (home: 1807): appendix no. ii, 66–68. 13 July 1776. Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD24/1/571/157–163. 29 July 1776. Lord Kames to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 3–4. 12 april 1776. Lord Kames to Walker. nraS 1073 Bundle 23 (private). 27 april 1776. Lord Kames to Walker. nraS 1073 Bundle 23 (private). 10 august 1776. Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD24/1/581/356–357. 1776. Walker to Mrs agatha home Drummond. naS gD/24/1/502/8–11. 13 august 1777. James Tytler [Lord Woodhouselee] to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 44–45. 2 february 1778. Lord Kames to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 5–6. oo f C op 25 february 1775. Walker to Donald Macnicol. no MS reference. This letter is mentioned in Macnicol’s letter to Walker on 22 March 1775. 22 March 1775. Donald Mcnicol [of Lismore] to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 40–43. 8 november 1775. Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD24/1/571/146–147. y Appendix V 223 7 february 1778. Walker to William Cullen. guL gB 247, MS Cullen 41. 19 february 1778. Sir John Pringle to Walker. Lost. Cited in Walker’s 28 february 1778 letter to Lord hailes. 28 february 1778. Walker to Lord hailes, David Dalrymple. nLS MS 25303 ff. 5–6. 7 March 1778. Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD24/1/581/358–359. 26 June 1778. Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD24/1/581/362–363. 1778. Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD/24/1/581/. 1779 27 april 1779. Drummond Books to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 end of the folder. 1779. extract act of Council in favor of the revd. Dr. John Walker 1779. euL La.iii.352/1. 1779. Walker to T. Birch. BL add. 4320 ff. 88. 1780 1782 2 March 1782. resolution of the royal Society of edinburgh to the King. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 52–53. 27 June 1782. earl of Buchan to Walker. PCL. 8 July 1782. Presentation of the earl of Lauderdale in favour of Doctor John Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 f. 54. 20 September 1782(?). The Parish of Colinton to Walker. The Parish of Colington’s call to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 f. 55. 18 october 1782. William Cullen to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 7–8. 1784 24 January 1784. Walker to robert Liston. British ambassador in Madrid. nLS MS 5540 f. 34 and euL SC MS euL La.iii.352/3. Pr oo fC 11 March 1780. Joseph Black to David Stewart. eCa McLeod’s Bundles, 16 (Shelf 36), Bay C. 21 March 1780. Walker to Provost and edinburgh Town Council. eCa McLeod’s Bundles, (Shelf 36), Bay C. 9 December 1780. Walker to Mrs agatha home Drummond. naS gD 24/1/496– 503a/631–632. op y 224 The Language of Mineralogy 5 february 1784. Samuel grant to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 9–10. 1 april 1784. robert Liston to Walker. nLS MS 5555 f. 92. 12 aug 1784. Professor Patrick Wilson to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 11–12. 9 october 1784. robert Liston to Mr. galway. Contains a reference to ‘Dr. Walker’s List of natural productions’. nLS MS 5555 f. 85. 1785 13 September 1785. John robinson to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 58–59. 6 october 1785. J. J. Brugmans [Professor in groningen] to the natural history Society of edinburgh. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 60–61. 8 october 1785. J. J. Brugmans to the natural history Society of edinburgh. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 62–63. 1785. Walker to edinburgh Lord Provost, Magistrates, Town Council. euL La.iii.35215 and eCa, MacLeod’s Bundles, 16 (shelf 36), Bay C, MS 3, ff. 3–4. 1786 Pr 1787 1788 [1]7 January 1787. M. [archibald] Davidson to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 71– 72. 26 January 1787. John robinson to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 f. 73. 26 December 1787. Thomas Philipe to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 74–75. 19 January 1788. J. Murray to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 79–80. oo 13 January 1786. James ferguson to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 15–16. 18 february 1786. Thomas Philipe to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 68–69. 19 January 1786. a. guyot to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 66–67. 23 March 1786. Somerville Wilson to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 17–18. 2 august 1786. Walker to alexander Weir. euL La.iii 352/2 ff. 1–4. 13 november 1786. [?] gregory to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 f. 70. 1786. Walker to the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty’s Treasury. euL La.iii. 252/2 ff. 5–6. 1786. Walker to edinburgh Town Council. euL La.iii 352/2 ff. 7–8. fC op y Appendix V 225 1 July 1788. Lord Chief Baron robert Dundas to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 81–82. 28 august 1788. Carl Peter Thunberg to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 83–84. october 1788. [To or from Lord hailes?] euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 87–88. 13 november 1788. List of Papers on general Physics Belonging to the r.S.e., sent to Dr. Walker nov. 13th 1788. euL La.iii.352/1 f. 89. 1 July 1788. Lord Chief Baron robert Dundas to Walker. PCL. 1788? Lord advocate to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 f. 90. 1789 27 March 1789. J. W. to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 91–92. 11 april 1789. John Johnston to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 23–24. 28 May 1789. Lord hailes to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 93–94. 13 august 1789. The earl of Bute to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff.. 19–20. 31 august 1789. M. garthshore to Walker. PCL. 2 December 1789. Lord gardenstone to Walker. PCL. c. 1789–1790. a note Concerning the Chair of agriculture. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 95–97. 1790 11 february 1790. note of a Collection Submitted by r. e. raspe. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 98–100. 21 March 1790. Walker to [?]; concerning the natural history Museum. eCa McLeod’s Bundles, 16 (Shelf 36) Bay C, MS 2. 2 april 1790. Philip nelson to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 f. 1. 26 april 1790. george home-Drummond of Blair Drummond to Walker. PCL. 3 May 1790. David Wight to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 ff. 7. 5 May 1790. Thomas Scott to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 f. 12–13. 9 May 1790. John Buchanan of Cambusmore to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 f. 8–9. 12 May 1790. David Thomson to Walker. a Petition to the general assembly Concerning the eradication of Distempered Sheep. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 101– 102. 27 May 1790. W. W. grenville to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 103–104. 5 June 1790. Wal[ter?] Scot of Shetland to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 105–108. 7 June 1790. William Matthews on Behalf of the agricultural Society of Bath to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 f. 38–39. 12 June 1790. Captian Charles Williamson to Walker. euL La.iii 352/3 f. 40–41. 1 July 1790. Dr. Wright to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 109. 7 July 1790. Mr. Drummond of Blair Drummond to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 f. 5–6. Pr oo f C op y 226 The Language of Mineralogy 17 July 1790. James Sands to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 110–114. 1790. a. Bruce to Walker. euL La.352/3 ff. 43–54. 1791 25 february 1791. William Brodie to Walker. euL La.352/3. f. 63–64. 7 february 1791. John fell to Walker. euL La.352/3 ff. 55–58. 11 april 1791. george henderson of Craigtoun [near Kirliston in Midlothian] to Walker. euL La. 352/3 ff. 65–66. 12 april 1791. William Creech to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 f. 115. 12 april 1791. William Brodie to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 ff. 67–68. 5 May 1791. Lord Chief Baron robert Dundas to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 116–117. 25 May 1791. [Philip?] nelson to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 ff. 83–84. 28 July 1791. William Thornton to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 118–119. august 1791. rev. Jameson to Walker. euL La.352/3 ff. 69–80. 22 august 1791. John fell to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 ff. 87–89. 21 october 1791. Lord Daer to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 120–21. 27 october 1791. John fell to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 ff. 90–91. 1 november 1791. John fell to Walker. euL La.iii.352/3 ff. 92–92. 1792 7 January 1792. William fair [Secretary of the edinburgh farmers Society] to Walker. PCL. 21 January 1792. agricultural Society of edinburgh to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 122–123. 26 March 1792. george home-Drummond to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 fols. 124–125. 16 april 1792. Dr. alexander Carlisle to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 128–129. 30 april 1792. robert fin[d]lay [glasgow Prof. of Divinity] to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 130–131. 3 May 1792. John anderson [of glasgow College] to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 132–134. 12 May 1792. alex gerard [aberdeen Prof. of Divinity] to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 135–136. 12 May 1792. arch[ibald] Davidson [Principal of glasgow College] to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1. 19 May 1792. hugh Blair to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 139–140. 27 august 1792. Walker to John Davidson, Writer to the Signet. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 141–142. 17 September 1792. f. W. P. fabricus to Walker. PCL. Pr oo fC op y Appendix V 227 17 november 1792. Sir Thomas Dundas to Charles innes. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 143–144. c. 1792? Dr. george hamilton to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 126–127. 1793 25 february 1793. george home-Drummond of Blair Drummond to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 145–146. 24 april 1793. Jollie to [Walker]. euL La.iii.352/4 f. 25. 25 april 1793. James nasmyth to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 151–152. 3 May 1793. John anderson [glasgow Prof. of natural Philosophy] to Walker. PCL. 16 May 1793. george home-Drummond of Blair Drummond to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 153–154. 3 June 1793. John robinson to the royal Society of edinburgh. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 156–157. 31 august 1793. Dr. garthshore to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1ff. 158–159. 4 September 1793. Maxwell gordon to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 160–161. 2 September 1793. Walker to the Lord advocate [no name given]. euL La.iii.352/2 f. 10. euL La.iii 252/2 ff. 11–13. 30 September 1793. Captain Veitch to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 162–163. 3 December 1793. [?] Jollie to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 164–165. 1793. Bill from Murray and Cochran. euL La.iii.352/1 f. 155. Pr oo 1798 1801 1794 7 January 1794. a. guyot to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 166–167. 4 July 1794. Walker to robert Liston. nLS MS 5574 f. 151–152. 17 october 1794. [?] Wilson to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 f. 168. 4 December 1794. [?] Maxwell to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 169–170. 4 September 1798.[Dr. J.?] armstrong to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 26–27. 1798. Walker to Joseph Black. euL gen.874/iV/51–52. 1801. Walker to W. Wright. BL 32439 f. 26. fC op y 228 The Language of Mineralogy 1800 7 July 1800. Printed request from John Playfair to attend the general Meeting of the royal Society. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 174–175. 8 July 1800. account of Money Paid out by Dr. Walker for the Museum. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 176–177. c. 1800. Dr. Smith [?] to Braugham [?]. euL La.iii.352/4 f. 31. 1802 16 March 1802. Board of agriculture to Walker. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 178–179. 1803 5 March 1803. Walker to Prof. Jameson. euL gen. 1999/1 f. 154. 9 april 1803? Letter by Walker regarding an MS. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 182–183. 1803. anonymous Letter on Peat. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 180–181. 1804 1804. excerpt from Walker’s Settlement. euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 184–185. Undated Letters: 11 april 17??. george Stuart to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 28–29. Saturday Morning. Thomas Beddoes to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 30–31. henry home [Lord Kames] to Walker. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 32–34. Lord Kames to [?]. euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 35–36. [Before 1786?]. a report on the Status of the natural history Museum. euL La.iii.352/5 f. 1. To Lord Kames from [Walker?]. euL La.iii.352/5 f. 2. ignatius [Maria ruiz] Luzariaga to the President of the natural history Society. euL La.iii.352/5 ff. 3–4. Walker to Mrs agatha home Drummond. naS gD/24/1/502/12–13. Walker to Lord Kames. naS Ch1/1/55. a Correspondent of the Duke of newcastle. nLS MS 98 ff. 39–40. 1764? Walker to Lord Kames. naS gD 24/1/571/5. euL La.iii 352/1. Pr oo fC op y appendix Vii The university of edinburgh natural history Course attendance Lists 1782–1800 Note on the Arrangement as this list contains well over 650 names, its biographical potential is immense. Save for a few exceptions, i have included information on students who are actually noted on the original lists themselves. Since many of the students had a significant impact upon the field of botany, Ray Desmond’s Dictionary of British and Irish Botanists and Horticulturalists contains many of their names and may be consulted for biographical information and a more detailed account of their works. additionally, names of some of the irish students, Thomas addis emmett and francis Barker for example, can be found in Burtchaell and Sadleir’s Alumni Dublinenses. Sometimes the information given by Walker is very vague and i have had to supply some extra information in a footnote. i have also taken care not to modernise surnames that might now be spelled differently. if the name is spelled inconsistently on different documents, i have inserted the additional letters in brackets. a quick look at the list will also reveal that it seems that several students have been listed twice. This occurs in places where i could not be completely sure that the two names did not represent different students. i followed this practice because there were often people who had the same name (the proverbial ‘James Kerr’ for example) and because some students changed their degree. Like the personal names, i have also tried to leave local place names intact. however, for clarity, i did change a few larger place names like Swisserland (Switzerland), Zetland (Shetland) and Danzick (Danzig) to their modern spelling. additionally, when listing their geographical origin, the students (or sometimes Walker) did not follow the same pattern. Most British students only listed their home county, while foreign students listed their home city and country. i have tried to preserve this format. Pr oo fC op y 230 The Language of Mineralogy Abbreviations + a.M./M.a. esq. L.L.D. M.D. M.S. nhS n.S. Ph.S. Name adams, John ainslee, Daniel ainslee, Daniel alexander, robert allen, robert1 allen, James2 allen, John Lee alves, henry Scott alvey, Samuel anderson, Charles3 anderson, Charles anderson, James armstrong, James Bachmetieve, george Baillie, James hope4 Baird, [?] Baird, James Baker, John Pool Balfour, John 1 2 3 4 Degree/ Vocation M.S. Pr 1 2 3 4 oo fC Merchant M.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. Preacher Preacher Ph.S. M.S. Son to Mr Allan, Trustees Office. Brother of John Lee allen. Son to Mr. anderson, Surgeon. Son to William Baillie, Knight Lord Polkemmet (Judge advocate who died in 1816). op Year NHS Origin Th.S. W.S. 1795 1796 1800 1795 1795/96 1797 1797 1793 1786 1792 1793 1792 1789 1784 1798 1786 1793 1793 1795 y * * Jamaica rosshire q Second Course Master of arts esquire Law Student (Law faculty) Medical Doctor Medical Student (Medical faculty) recorded as giving a paper in the minutes of the student natural history Society of edinburgh. navy Surgeon Philosophy Student (arts faculty) Quaker Theology Student (Divinity faculty) Writer to the Signet richmond, Virginia edinburgh edinburgh Maryland edinburgh edinburgh edinburgh Dalkeith London Leith Leith edinburgh Belfast Moscow, russia Appendix VII 231 Ballingall, David Balmain, John Barker, francis Barclay, John Barker, henry Barnaby, george freeman Barnett, John Barnewall, richard Baron, alexander Baron, alexander Baron, Patrick Bartlet, John Bathie, francis Beddoes, Thomas Beetham, Campbell Bell, alexander Bell, george5 Bell, James Berry, andrew Bevan, robert Binning, William Bishop, edward6 Blake, Malachi Blount, William Boswell, William Bott, John Boswell M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. apothecary M.S. Student 1793 1799 1794 1795 1786 1799 1793 1800 1786 1786 1786 1792 1789 1784/85+ 1784 1794 1795 1792 1784 1800 1782 1789 1791 1786 1794 1799 1782 1789 1799 1793 1793 1782 * Pr oo M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. Bower, Patrick Bradley, Thomasq Braidwood, William Broun, richards Brown, alexander Brown, andrew 1 2 3 M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. esq./advocate Surgeon fC M.S. Merchant M.S. Surgeon Chaplain7 * fifeshire edinburgh Waterford, ireland Perthshire Beverley, yorkshire Leicestershire Staffordshire edinburgh Linlithgow Linlithgowshire Linlithgowshire edinburgh edinburgh Pembroke College, oxford isle of Man fifeshire edinburgh roxburghshire 5 6 7 Son of Mr. Bell, edinburgh Surgeon. Surgeon, 35th regiment. Chaplain, 21st regiment. op * * y glamorganshire County Cork, ireland. Somersetshire London edinburgh Petersburg, Virginia england Possibly London edinburgh Stamford Dumfries 232 The Language of Mineralogy Brown, andrew Brown, Charles Brown, francis frye Brown, James Brown, robert Brown, robert Brown, Thomas Brown, Thomas Brown, William Cullen Browning, Thomas Bruce, archibald Bruce, James Bruce Thomas [Jr.] Brunton, [alexander?]9 Bryce, James Buchan, James Buchan, Lord10 Buchanan [francis?]11 Buchanan, robert Bulkely, Michael Bull, francis Bulmass, Thomas Burgess, James Burgess, James Burnet, george Burrel, William Burton, robert Cadell, archibald Cadell, george Caddel, William Cadell, William a. Caddell, William archibald 1 2 3 4 M.S. M.S. Surgeon M.S. Ph.S. L.L.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Tutor Th.S. Ph.S. M.D. M.S. M.S. 1795 1794 1793 1799 1792 1800 1795 1795 1793 1794 1800 1782/83 1794 1795 1791 1786 1782 1783 1795 1793 1792 1800 1782 1783 1800 1792 1797 1791 1798 1792 1792+ 1798+ ayrshire Jamaica antigua aberdeenshire.8 edinburgh Creetown, galloway Lanarckshire edinburgh London new york edinburgh Kinross edinburgh edinburgh oo f L.L.S. C M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. fossilist Th.S. Ph.S. Merchant Ph.S. Pr 8 9 Surgeon, gordon fencibles Tutor to James Maitland (1784–1860), Viscount Maitland, the future earl of Lauderdale. 10 David Steuart erskine, earl of Buchan. 11 The Papers of the Natural History Society, Vol. I., euL Da 67, ff. 32–37, records a francis Buchanan, a.M. who gave a paper in 1782. op y Kirkcudbright Country Cork, ireland Bristol newcastle Dumfrieshire Somersetshire edinburgh edinburgh edinburgh edinburgh Stirlingshire Appendix VII 233 Pr 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Clarke, Joseph Cleghorn, Thomas Clerk, James 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 oo Clark, alexander Kennedy Clark, John franklin Clark, William Clark, William Son to Colonel Campbell. Brother of William Campbell. Son to the receiver general. Son to Colonel Campbell. Son to Colonel Campbell. Secretary to the Board of excise recommended by Mr. Dallas [Pallas?] Clerk to the Royal Infirmary. fC M.S. L.L.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. 1798 1784 1794 1800 1795 1793 1786 M.S. M.S. M.S./Clerk19 Campbell, Major general Campbell, author Cuthbert Campbell, Dugald12 Campbell, george13 Campbell, hay14 Campbell, James15 Campbell, John Campbell, John Campbell, Peter Campbell, William Campbell, William Coote16 Can, george, esq.17 Cannan, David18 Cappe, robert Carpenter, Joseph Mason Carro, John de Chaer, richard Blacket de Chalmers, alexander Checkers, [?] Christian, alexander Christie, Thomas Christy, Mathew Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. W.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. esq. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Student 1792 1800 1798 1798 1799 1794 1792 1800 1799 1798 1800 1782 1800 1795 1792 1782 1786 1800 1794 1792 1798 Boquham edinburgh Duddingstone Duddingstone Duddingstone Lorn, ayrshire edinburgh Fairfield Duddingstone op * y edinburgh. york Wiltshire geneva London Culross Barbadoes edinburgh fifeshire Primrose, Midlothian Dumfries Devonshire edinburgh Moffat, Shotts Parish London ireland edinburgh 234 The Language of Mineralogy Cullen, archibald Cullen, henry Cullen, robert Culton, John Cuming, george Cuming, george Cun[n]ingham, Charles Cuningham, James Cuningham, James Cuningham, Thomas Curry, James Cusack, John William 123 4 oo Ph.S. Th.S. Writer Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. fC 1782 1782 1794 1792 1792 1794 1782 1791 1789 1784 * Cramond, hercules Crawford, John innes Creech, William Cririe, James M.S. Ph.S. Bookseller School Master23 M.D. M.D. advocate Ph.S. Pr 20 21 22 23 Son of Baron Cockburn. attached to the 97th regiment. Son to Sir James Colquhoun. M.a. Master of the ‘high School’. op * 1784 1793 1796 1798 Cleverly, Samuel Clidsdale, archibald Cochrane, hon. andrew Cockburn, henry20 Cockburn, Patrick Colquhoun, Capt. James Colquhoun, John Colquhoun, Peter22 Constancio, francisco Solano Cooper, John Cooper, Thomas Beale Corbet, Peter Corrie, Thomas Corrie, William Cox, Joseph Mason Coxon, ralph Craigie, Laurence [Jr.] M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. Soldier21 Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. L.L.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. 1794 1793 1783 1798 1791 1796 1795 1796 1794 1793 1792 1797 1793 1797 1786 1796 1799 gravesend edinburgh Luss renfrewshire Portugal Bedford Warwickshire edinburgh London Liverpool Bristol alnwick, glendorck, Perthshire London Jamaica y Dumfries edinburgh edinburgh edinburgh edinburgh antrim, ireland Dublin Appendix VII 235 Cust, The honourable John Daer, rt. honourable Lord24 Dalrymple, Charles25 Dalrymple, hugh Jr. Darwin, robert Waring Davidson, James Davidson, robert Davidson, Thomas26 Davis, John ford Dempster, [?] Dewar, Daniel Dewar, henry Dickson, archibald Don, alexander27 Donovan, John Middleton Doorman, francis Caspar Douglas, alexander Douglas, archibald28 Douglas, Sir Charles, Bart Douglas, henry alexander29 Douglas, John30 Douglas, John Douglas, William Douglas, William robert32 Dou[re?], [?] Duff, adam Dunbar, archibald 1 2 3 45 6 7 89 1795 1782 Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. apothecary Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Th.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. 1793 1782 1784 1796 1794 1796 1795 1796 1792 1797 1795 1797 1800 1796 1797 1795 1796 1799 Lincolnshire * edinburgh Westhall Linlithgowshire edinburgh & ravelrig Bradford, Wiltshire C Ph.S. Writer Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. L.L.S. 1799 1791 1800 Ph.S. 1792 1792 1792 oo f Pr 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 Son to Lord Selkirk of the Douglas family. Son of Lord Westhall. Son to Thomas Davidson, D.D. (1747–1827). eldest son of Sir alexander Don of newton. Brother of Sir Charles of Kilhead. Brother of Sir Charles of Kilhead. Second brother of Sir Charles of Kilhead. Lecture notes housed in euL. fourth brother of Sir Charles of Kilhead. op Kilhead y hamburg edinburgh31 London edinburgh Murrayshire edinburgh fifeshire hassindeanburn, Teviotdale 236 The Language of Mineralogy Duncan, andrew Duncan, John Duncan, John Duncan, Thomas Duncombe, Kingsby Dunning, richard Barré33 Dygheas, Louïs edgar, alexander elcock, nicholas elliot, William elliston, [?] emmet, Thomas addis erskine, henry [Jr.]34 erskine, Thomas35 erskine, henry David erskine, John James erskine, Patrick falconer, Shickle fergusson, henry ferguson, hugh ferguson, Joseph36 fergusson, henry M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. 1792 1784 1794 1794 1798 1797–00 1792 1792 1785 1782 1783+ 1800 1799 1800 1794 1789 1794 1785 1792 1793 1789 1786 1784 1798 1800 1799 1796 1798 1798 1789 * edinburgh Dunbar helmsley, york ypres, flanders hamilton, Clydesdale fC M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Preacher Ph.S. Ph.S. Preacher Pr oo fergusson, James [Jr.] fitt, Samuel findlaterre, James fisher, John fitzgerald, John forbes, Duncan forbes, Duncan [Jr.] forbes, John37 forrest, abraham 1 23 4 5 33 Son to the John Dunning (1731–1783), first Baron Ashburton (1782–1823). Paid £5–2–0, compared to the £3–3–0 of henry richard greville, Lord Brooke. 34 Son to the honourable henry erskine. 35 Son to Mr. erskine of Marr. 36 Son of Professor adam ferguson. 37 Son of Sir William forbes. op Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. y Marr Jamaica edinburgh Leverpool (Liverpool) Dublin edinburgh. Craigdarroch, Dumfrieshire Craigdarroch, Dumfrieshire Bermuda Dumfrieshire Possibly Duddingston Virginia edinburgh Culloden * Appendix VII 237 forrest, James forrest, James forsyth, James foster, John foster, Thomas fowler, richard fraser, John38 fraser, Luke fraser, Thomas frazer, archibald french, [?] fryer, James fyfe, [?]40 gahagan, John gahagan, Joseph gardner, James gallaway, henry galley, [?] garnock, henry Ph.S. esq. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. a. M./ School Master39 Writer M.S. Surgeon M.S. 1800 1786 1798 1793 1795 1786 1798 1794 1789 1793 1783 1789 1800 1789 1789 1799 1785 1784 1796 1792 1800 1794 1796 1784 1797 1792 1786 1782 1783 1784 1783 * Comieston Comiston halifax, nova Scotia Kingston upon hull,yorkshire Dorsetshire London gheus, M. Louis de gibb, James giles, William gillespie, David gillespie, robert gillespie, William gimbernat, Signor Charles girdlestone, Thomas glasgow, rt. hon. earl of glendenning, robert glendenning, robert goodsich, edward 1 2 3 4 fC a.M./ Preacher [Diplomat] Ph.S. L.L.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Th.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Merchant M.S. M.S. Pr oo 38 29 40 41 Son to Mr. fraser, Sheriff of invernesshire. Master in the [edinburgh?] high School edinburgh. recommended by Mr. Creech. imperial Service. op * * y Ballinasloe, ireland Dublin edinburgh Stirlingshire Leverpool (Liverpool) ypres, flanders41 renfrewshire edinburgh fifeshire anandale galloway Barcelona, Spain norfolk glasgow anandale Virginia edinburgh Lovat 238 The Language of Mineralogy gordon, Charles gourlay, robert graham, Charles alex. [Jr.] graham, James [Jr.] graham, John graham, John grant, J. r. grant, James grant, John grant, John grant John Charles grant, John Peter grant, Johnson greenhill, Charles greenlow, James grey, henry greville, henry richard42 grimston, henry esq. guyot, abraham hahnbaum, george frederick haig, John haig, robert hall, Sir James hall, James hall, James hall, robert hall, William hamersley, William hamilton, archibald Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. 1800 1796 1792 1800 1800 1796 1792 1791 1791 1793 1792 1792 1792 1796 1796 1795 1797 1785 1784/85 1791 1784 1783 1782 1789 1792 1782 1794 1786 1792 1799 1782 1796 1785 * edinburgh Craigrothie, fifeshire Kenross edinburgh rothiemurchus glenmoriston edinburgh edinburgh edinburgh rothiemurchus edinburgh Dundee Virginia edinburgh oo Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. fC Preacher M.S. n.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Pr 1 2 hamilton, John hay43 hamilton-Pryce, Dunbar hardy, Thomas hare, James harris, george 42 earl Brooke of Warwick Castle, son to george greville, earl of Warwick. Paid £5–2–0, compared to the normal £3–3–0. 43 Son of Prof. alexander hamilton of the edinburgh Medical faculty. op y yorkshire neuchâtel, Swizterland Charleston, South Carolina edinburgh Dunglass Jedburgh Berwick new york Sundrum, ayrshire england ayrshire Pembrokeshire Appendix VII 239 hastie, James hatts, robert hay, andrew Leith heald, richard heath, John helsham, henry henderson, Thomas henderson, William henry, rev. Dr. [?] henry, hugh heron, robert hibbard, rowland hill, henry hill, James hill, John44 hilton, John hind, Samuel hodges, John hog, [?] home, David45 home, francis46 hooper, Joseph hope, hugh47 hope, James hope, John48 hope, Thomas hope, Thomas Charles49 horner, Thomas [Jr.] houston, Ludovic50 howard, Crane 44 45 M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S./n.S. 1792 1791 1800 1796 * London Colchester, essex horncastle, Lincolnshire Staffordshire norfolk fifeshire Dublin oo f Ph.S. M.S. 1786 1789 1794 1784 1782 Ph.S. 1794 Preacher 1789 M.S. 1800 1782 1795 1797 B.a. (Cantab) 1782 M.S. 1785 M.S. 1799 1783 Ph.S. 1796 1795 M.S. 1799 Ph.S. 1798 Ph.S. 1786 Ph.S. 1798 M.S. 1782 M.S. 1784 1782 1800 1784 * C Pr 1234 56 7 Son to Principal hill. Son of Dr. home. 46 Son of Dr. home. The father of David and francis home is most probably Dr. James home (1760–1844), who was appointed to the university of edinburgh’s medical faculty in 1798. 47 Son of Sir archibald hope. 48 Son of Sir archibald hope. 49 Son to John hope, Professor of Botany in the edinburgh Medical faculty. 50 Son of houston of Johnston renfrewshire. Brother to William houston. op Bristol y Dumfries Barbadoes norfolk, Virginia edinburgh Mills-Park, Somersetshire Leverpool (Liverpool) 240 The Language of Mineralogy howard, John [Jr.] huger, francis Kinloch hughes, James hunt, J. hunter, rev. Dr. andrew hunter, george hunter, James hunter, robert, esq. hunter-Blair, forbes51 hunter-Blair, Thomas52 hurst, Thomas indefonço, Signor [aboeu?] ingram, James innes, William ireland, John irvine, David irving, John robert irving, ralph Jack, William Th.S. Ph.S. Professor M.S. Preacher Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. L.L.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. 1782 1791 1785 1793 1798 1792 1784 1797 1797 1798 1782 1792 1784 1796 1792 1799 1791 1784 1794 Befordshire Charleston, South Carolina [Constorphine?] new Providence, Bahamas eu Prof. of Div. (1779–1809) york Lunna, Shetland edinburgh edinburgh Portsmouth, hampshire Brazil London Moray Perthshire Langholm. Tutor to hay Campbell Bonshaw Pr James, Thomas Jameson, robert Jameson, William Jardin, alexander [Jr.] Jeffray, James Jeffreys, Thomas Jennings, Michael alex. 1 2 Jackson, James Jackson, William oo M.S. M.S. Ph.S. esq. M.S. M.S. M.S. Son of Sir James hunter-Blair. Son of Sir James hunter-Blair. fC esq. M.S. a.M., M.D. King’s College, aberdeen/ Professor Preacher M.S. 1795 1785/86+ 1792 1792/93+ 1785 1793 1783/84 1796 1795 * * * 51 52 op y edinburgh Boston, new england Pennsylvania Leith edinburgh applegirth Shropshire Jamaica Appendix VII 241 Johnson, [?] Johnson, T.53 Johnson, robert Jones, richard Junor, William Keantish, William gordon Keith, [?] Kennedy, robert54 Ker, [?] Ker, andrew Kerr, James Kerr, James Kerr, James S. Kerr, robert Kerr robert Kerr, Thomas Cairns Kerr, William55 King, Thomas Kingston, John Kinnaird, Thomas Kirkaldie, george Kissam, richard S. Laird, James Lane, John Latta, James Latham, John Latherdale, robert Laurence, richard Laurie, [?] Laurie, alexander Laurie, [?] Law, John Lee, John Lehre, William 12 3 1800 Ph.S. M.S. Clerk Ph.S. Preacher M.D. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Surgeon Ph.S. Writer 1789 1793 1782 1782 1789 1784 1800 1786 1792 1786 1791 1792 1789 1794 1795 1782 1794 1798 1783 1784 1786 1800 1786 1782 1799 1793 1785 1784 1800 1800 1783 1798 1789+ edinburgh. Mate to an indiaman newcastle isle of Wight London Clerk to the Royal Infirmary Dublin Leith M.S. Ph.S. Druggist M.S. M.S. M.S. Surgeon M.S. M.S. M.S. Preacher esq. Ph.S. M.S. C Pr 53 oo f not on the class lists. ‘T. Johnson’ appears on a set of lecture notes taken circa 1789. See Notes and Lectures on Natural History, Vols. I–IV, T. Johnson (transcriber.), euL, gen 50–53. 54 eldest son of Mr. Kennedy of underwood. 55 [Marquess of Lothian], earl of ancrum [also spelled ‘ancram’]. op * * y Jamaica edinburgh Bengal edinburgh Jamaica edinburgh edinburgh new york Jamaica Cork edinburgh Cork, ireland Kirkcudbright new york galloway Langholm Stow Charlestown, South Carolina 242 The Language of Mineralogy Loy, John Luxmoore, henry M.S. fC [M.D.]57 1786 1789 1798 1784 1791 1792 1792 1786 1783 1800 1800 1785 1786 1784 1783 1799 M.S. M.S. M.S. Preacher Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.D. M.S. Th.S. Soldier Ph.S. Lynch, Martin Macarthy, Dennis Macay, Samuel MacBeth, Patrick Macormick, Joseph Maculloch, John MacDonald, Dugald MacDonald, James MacDonald, James MacDonald, William MacDonnel, [?] Macewen, James Mcfarlane, frederick Mackay, Daniel Macgillivray, John 1 2 oo Pr 56 57 Tutor to William and George Campbell of Fairfield. Listed as ‘Dr. henry Luxmore of Devonshire’ in Papers of the Natural History Society, Vol. VII, euL Da 67 f. 47. op 1799 * Leigh, John Leith, Theodore forbes Leslie, andrew Lessert, Benjamin de Lessert, Stephen, de Leven, John Leyden, John56 Lindoe, robert Linlithgow, Patrick Loch, James Lochhead, William Lockhart, Charles Lockhart, William Lockheart, Samuel Lorimer, [?] Lothian, edward Lowe, robert M.S. L.L.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. L.L.S. Th.S./a.M. M.S.q Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Writer M.S. Preacher W.S. M.S. 1785 1796 1792 1784/85+ 1784/85+ 1797 1797+ 1789 1786 1798 1785+ 1796 1783 1789 1792 1796 1789 * * * Virginia Kent edinburgh Paris Paris edinburgh roxburgshire London edinburgh renfrewhshire rosshire edinburgh galloway Dumfriesshire Brechire, forfarshire Whitby, yorkshire oakhampton, Devonshire Dublin Cork antrim St. andrews Bretagne, france Jamaica Powder hall ireland Stranrawer ensign in the Dutch Service invernesshire y Appendix VII 243 Pr Menzies, neil Menzies, neil Mercer, Thomas Mitchell, robert Cary Mickie, george Mickleim, godfried Millar, James 1 Macharty, alexander Mackenzie, alexander Muir Mackenzie, Colin Mackenzie, Kenneth Mackintosh, richard Duncan Mackintosh, William Macknight, Thomas MacLachan, allan Maclean, William McLeod, robert MacLiesh, David Macnab, John Mcnamara, B. S. Mcnight, Samuel Maconochie, alex. [Jr.] Macredie, archibald [Jr.] Macredie, Thomas Macredy, William Mcrobert, rev. Malcolm, James Manners alexander Maxton, James Maxwell, francis Maxwell, James Maxwell, James alexander Maxwell, John Maxwell, John58 Maxwell, William Menzies, John Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Minister M.S. Ph.S. esq. M.S. M.S. Preacher Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. esq. Minister n.S. esq. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. 1793 1782 1799 1794 1799 1797 1797 1789 1800 1782 1789 1789 1798 1784 1793 1793 1799 1782 1782 1784 1792 1794 1794 1786 1800 1782 1800 1786 1795 1800 1796 1782 1784 1797 1789 1795 renfrewshire Delvin edinburgh edinburgh London invernesshire Leith isle of Mull edinburgh Catbell fifeshire Perthshire ireland oo f Ph.S. Ph.S. Writer Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Preacher eldest son of Mr. Maxwell in Barncleugh. C * * 58 op Dundee y Meadow Bank Preston, ayrshire Preston, ayrshire Preston, ayrshire Shetland glasgow South Carolina edinburgh galloway Leverpool (Liverpool) edinburgh edinburgh edinburgh Virginia edinburgh Danzig ayrshire 244 The Language of Mineralogy oo M.S.60 M.S. esq. M.S. Ph.S. Printer M.S. M.S. Miller, [?] Miller, alexander Miller, Daniel Miller, Thomas hamilton Miller, Thomas h. Miller, [William?] Milligan, James Mitchell, [?]59 Mitchell, James Mitchell, Samuel Latham Mitchell, William Moberg, Peter Moffat, Thomas Monro, george Monteiro,Clemente Lourenço Moores, Daniel Morison, alexander Morse, george Morton, James Morton, [?] Moultrie, James Muir, Thomas Muir, Thomas Murray, [?] Murray, adam Murray, John Murray, William Myers, Levi M.D. L.L.S. Missionary Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Preacher M.S. M.S. M.a. M.S./n.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. fC M.S. Th.S. Preacher Ph.S. 1782 1795 1792 1798 1792 1792 1784 Pr nairne, William61 nansey, Perry neave, richard neill, James new, John new, John nimmo, Patrick 1 2 3 59 60 61 ‘Mr. Mitchell’s nephew’. John Murray also had an M.a.from glasgow. Lord Dunsinane, Judge advocate op 1786 1795 1800 1784 1786+ 1786 1793 1791 1799 1800 1789 1785 1786 1798 1794 1800 1794 1792 1794 1789 1785 1800 1786 1789 1784 1799 1785 1794 ayrshire oalswinton Jamaica new york Morton Sweden y Delaware Portugal Maryland edinburgh norwich east florida Jamaica Berwickshire Charleston, South Carolina Suffolk London edinburgh Bristol Bristol Appendix VII 245 niven, alexander Preacher 1792 ogilvy, alexander ogilvy, James ogle, robert oliphant, alexander orpen, Thomas herbert oswald, alexander62 owen, John Padon, John Palmes, george Park, Mungo Parker, Patrick Paterson, george [Jr.] Pearson, richard Philips, robert elliston64 Pillans, James Pinchard, george Pinkerton, James Pishchecove, Daniel Playfair, rev. Mr. John Plenderleith, John Plunkett, randal Pollock, David Poltoratzky, J. Portor, John Preston, John Pryce, Dunbar hamilton Pue, arthur M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S./esq. M.S. Teacher63 M.S. esq. Ph.S. M.S. esq. Ph.S. 1789 1799 1795 1796 1798 1798 1797 1798 1791 1793 1794 1784 1782 1797 1791 1792 1784 1782 1800 1795 1797 1783 1782 1782 1783 1796 1793 1799 1785/86 ayrshire. archibald hamilton’s tutor forfarshire edinburgh newcastle edinburgh Cork annapolis, Maryland edinburgh york fowlshiels near Selkirk galloway Castle huntley Birmingham edinburgh russia edinburgh West Lothian Dublin London Waterford, ireland ireland Baltimore, Maryland Lauder * Virginia Pr ramage, george ramsay, andrew forbes65 randolf, Thomas 1 2 3 4 62 63 64 65 oo f Ph.S. Ph.S. L.L.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Son of Mr. oswald of Dunnikeer. Teacher of Mathematics. Secretary to the Board of Customs. apprentice to Mr. B. Bell. C op * y 246 The Language of Mineralogy rodgers, [?] rodgers, John r. B. rogers, John rogerson, John rogerson, William ross, george ruuth, gustavus Salmon, Thomas Stokes Sandford, rev. Daniel Sands, William John Santos, Domingos felis los66 Santos, Domingos J. Carvalho los Scott, John Scott, John nelson Scully, William Scott, Benjamin Shuttleworth, Cornelius Simonds, Lockhart Simpson, James67 Simpson, William Skirving, William 1 2 Preacher fC M.S. a.M. (oxon) Ph.S. M.S. M.S. 1794 1783 1795 1799 1795 1794 1791 1797 1792 1792 Chymist M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. L.L.S. M.S. farmer M.S. Preacher/Ma M.S. Th.S. M.S./Botanist Pr 66 67 oo Paid 1-3-0. Son to Mr. Simpson, Minister in edinburgh. op 1799 1785 1793 1783 1783 1792 1784 1795 1796 1796 1793 * Derby Jorry y Montrose Sweden Bristol edinburgh edinburgh rio de Janeiro, Brazil Portugal edinburgh isle of Man Tipperary, ireland Brighthelmstone Leicestershire edinburgh rathay, Charles reid, David renoüard, rev. John henry reoch, James rive, gaspard Charles de la roberts, James Watson robertson, arthur grant robertson, henry roberson, John roberston, John robertson, robert robertson, robert M.S. 1799 M.S. 1782 a.M. (Cantab) 1795 M.S. M.S. M.S. M.D. M.D. M.S. esq. M.S. M.S. 1795 1795 1785 1783 1800 1794 1794 1791 1796 * Warwickshire glasgow Clackmananshire geneva antigua antigua edinburgh ratho edinburgh ross Shire Prenderguest, Berwickshire Collesse, Perthshire new york Appendix VII 247 Stark, Bolling Stedman, [?] Steele, andrew Steele, Thomas Stevenson, Duncan Stevenson, robert Stewart, alexander Stewart, alexander [Jr.] Stewart, andrew Stewart, archibald Douglas Stewart, Charles Stewart, Charles Stewart, Charles Stewart, Mathew68 Stewart, Patrick Stirling, Patrick Stirling, William Stovin, James Strachan, francis Straith, alexander Stringham, James Sackel Stuart, Charles 1 oo f M.S. Writer Ph.S. L.L.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. W.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. W.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. L.L.S. Preacher Ph.S. C 1786 1782 1783 1800 1797 1800 1795 1782 1796 1789 1798 1786 Pr 68 Son of edinburgh’s Professor Dugald Stewart. op 1798 1784 1785 1784 1795 1797 1795 1797 1796 1793 * Slow, David Smellie, James Smith, francis Smith, James Smith, James edward Smollet, Tobias Smollet, Tobias Smyth, James Snow, Thomas Somerville, William Speed, James Spence, John Spence, John Spens, Thomas Spottiswoode, John [Jr.] Stag, Bethel M.S. M.S. Preacher M.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. 1791 1800 1785 1795 1782 1784 1785 1796 1800 1793 1796 1784 1786 1784 1795/96+ 1794 * * huntingdon orkney Staffordshire edinburgh norwich Maryland London Jedburgh Kentucky Moffat edinburgh Spottiswoode ackworth, yorkshire norfolk, Virginia edinburgh * y argyllshire glencross Perthshire invernesshire Carlowrie, West Lothian Stirlingshire edinburgh edinburgh yorkshire Banfshire new york Stirlingshire 248 The Language of Mineralogy Ph.S. M.S. Taylor, William Telfer, archibald72 Teleford, Thomas Tennant, Smithson Thomas, nathan Thomson, John73 Thomson, andrew Thomson, James Thomson, William Throckmorton, Charles Tidyman, Phlip Todd, francis Touch, george Towers, James Traill, Thomas Stewart Traill, William Trotter, John Trotter, Captain Thomas74 1 2 3 4 5 6 Ph.S. esq. n.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Preacher B.a.(oxon) M.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Preacher esq./Soldier fC oo Pr 69 70 71 72 73 74 Brother to Lord Blantyre. Son to general Stuart. Son to general Stuart. ensign in the late South fencibles regiment. nephew to Dr. gillespie. Captain in the Militia. op 1798 1792 1798 1783 1784 1782 1785 1799/00 1784 1795 1782 1785 1796 1793 1791 1784 1798 1800 1782 1798 * * * Stuart, hon. Charles francis69 Stuart, James [Jr.] Stuart, rev. John Stuart, Kenneth Bruce70 Stuart, Peter Stuart, Peter J.71 Sulivan, Laurence Sulivan, Stephen Swallow, robert Sylvester, [?] Symonds, William Taylor, [?] Taylor, alexander falconer Taylor, John Taylor, robert Ph.S. Ph.S. Minister Ph.S. Preacher Ph.S. Ph.S. esq. M.S. M.D. M.S. Ph.S. 1798 1793 1782 1799 1782 1799 1799 1799 1800 1784 1785 1783 1798 Duncarn Luss Calcutta Breadalbane Calcutta London edinburgh geneva herefordshire y Musselburgh edinburgh Bolton, Lancashire edinburgh yorkshire Deleware Down, ireland Perthshire england South Carolina London Perthshire orkney orkney Appendix VII 249 oo f M.S. Ph.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. L.L.S. Turretine, Charles75 Tweedie, John Tyce, Charles Tytler, James Tytler, William fraser [Jr.] udifonço [?] udny, John robert unthank, John76 urquhart, David Vainy, edward Vaughan, James Vernon, James Vivian, John Vivian, John Wales, robert Walker, David Walker, francis77 Walker, george Walker, James78 Walker, John Walker, Patrick Walker, Patrick Wallace, James Walterson, frederick august79 Ward, William Ward, [John] William80 Wardrop, James Warrender, george81 Wauchope, andrew [Jr.] Wauchope, ensign John Wauchope, William 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Ph.S. Th.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.D. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. M.S. esq. M.S. M.S. L.L.S. Painter Th.S. Preacher Ph.S. Ph.S. Th.S. M.D. 1800 1782 1796 1795 1794 1792 1795 1784 1789 1792 1800 1795 1792 1792 1784 1796 1796/97 1798 1798 1784 1793 1794+ 1793 1786 1798 1799 1799 1797 1793 1796 1796 * geneva London edinburgh Woodhouselee Brazil Middlesex Limerick Bengal Wiltshire London Jamaica Cornwall Cornwall Virginia edinburgh edinburgh edinburgh edinburgh Dumfrieshire Berlin Leicester Whiteburn, Lithgowshire niddrie niddrie niddrie * Pr 75 76 great grandson of the elder Turretine. Papers of the Natural History Society, Vol. III, euL Da 67, f. 113, states that he held an M.D. 77 Son to Mr. James Walker. 78 Tutor to John and hugh hope, sons of Sir archibald hope. 79 Physician from Berlin. 80 Son to William Ward (1750–1823), Viscount Dudley and Ward of Duley. 81 oldest son to Sir Peter Warrender. C op y 250 The Language of Mineralogy Wavell, William Watson, John Webb, William Weddel, John Weir, george Wemys, William West, Captain William West, Captain Whistler, Thomas L. White, Douglas White, John White, Thomas Wightman, John Wilcocks, John Clifton Wilkinson, abraham Williamson, David Williamson, John83 Williman, Jacob M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.D. esq. Surgeon M.S. M.S. Ph.S. Preacher Ph.S. M.S. L.L.S. Th.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.D. M.S. 1785 1792 1793 1782 1793 1782 1789 1793 1796 1789 1789 1800 1792 1800 1782 1782 1797 1793 1785 1793 1786 1784 * London edinburgh alton, hampshire St. Kitts edinburgh Cuttlehill edinburgh82 Dublin Libberton Shaftsbury, Dorsetshire newington Wilson, Somervell Wilson, Thomas Wilson, William Wishart, John henry Wood, Thomas84 Woodley, William Woodley, William Wright, Daniel [Jr.] Wylie, James yates, William yelloby, John young, John 1 2 3 oo Ph.S. M.S. M.S. Ph.S. Ph.S. M.S. M.S. esq. Wilson, John Wilson, John Wilson, Joseph niccols Wilson, [Brouncker?] Pr 82 83 84 fC 1784/85 1794 1785 1799 1799 1786 1786 1798 1792 1792 1795 1798 * * on his third course. Lord ashburton’s Tutor. Son to Mr. Thomas Wood, Surgeon in edinburgh. op y Philadelphia, Pennsylvania London Charleston, South Carolina Durham Dundee South Carolina St. Christophers (West indies) edinburgh edinburgh Durham West Lothian norfolk norfolk edinburgh edinburgh Liverpool alnwick, Cleish Bibliography Abbreviations Manuscripts and Collections aPS auL BL euL guL LSL naS nLS ouM rCPe yuL american Philosophical Society aberdeen university Library British Library edinburgh university Library glasgow university Library The Linnaean Society of London national archives of Scotland national Library of Scotland oxford university Museum royal College of Physicians of edinburgh yale university Library Journals and Dictionaries AHR AIHS Ambix ANH AS BBM BJHS DNB DSB ECL EOPL EPS ESH HM HPLS HS HW HWJ JCE JHB Agricultural History Review Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences Ambix: Journal for the Society of Alchemy and Chemistry Archives of Natural History Annals of Science Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) British Journal for the History of Science Dictionary of National Biography Dictionary of Scientific Biography Eighteenth-Century Life Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary Edinburgh Philosophical Journal Earth Sciences History History of Medicine History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences History of Science History Workshop History Workshop Journal Journal of Chemical Education Journal for the History of Biology Pr oo fC op y 252 The Language of Mineralogy I. Primary Sources Pr A. Unbound Manuscripts Letters alexander, a. J. [of Bracelot, grenada] to Joseph Black, 31 april 1773, ff. 58–62, euL MS Black 873–5. anderson, John to John Walker, 3 May 1792, euL La.iii.352/1, ff. 132–134 Blagden, Charles to Bertrand Pelletier, november 1784, draft, Blagden Letter book, yuL. Creech, William to John Walker, 12 april 1791, euL La.iii.352/1 f. 115 Cullen, William to John Walker, 18 october 1782, euL La.iii.352/4 ff. 7–8. –––– ‘Drafts of four Letters from William Cullen to the Duke of argyll on the Subjects of fossil alkali and Salt Production’, guL, gB 247, MS Cullen 60. Daer, Lord to Walker, 21 october 1791, euL La.iii.352/1 ff. 120–21. oo TIBG TRSE fC SHPS SVEC TBSE TEGS TDNHAS op JHC JHG JHI JOUGS JSBNH Lychnos MH MR NRRSL ODNB OED PETHSS PRSE PT RSCHG SC SECC SHPBBS Journal of the History of Collections Journal of Historical Geography Journal for the History of Ideas Journal of the Open University Geological Society Journal of the Society for the Bibliography of Natural History Lychnos: Annual of the Swedish History of Science Society Medical History Mineralogical Record Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Oxford English Dictionary (unabridged edition) Prize Essays and Transactions of the Highland Society of Scotland Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London Royal Society of Chemistry Historical Group Occasional Papers The Seventeenth Century Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture Studies in the History and Philosophy of the Biological and Biomedical Sciences Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century Transactions of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh Transactions of the Edinburgh Geological Society Transactions of Dumfries and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh y Bibliography 253 Pr oo Davidson, archibald to Johnn Walker, euL La.iii.352/1, ff. 137–138. gerard, alexander to John Walker, 12 May 1792, euL La.iii.352/1, ff. 135–136. graham, John [of Cumberland] to Joseph Black, n.d., euL MS Black 873–5, ff. 76–77. hope, John [Second earl of hopetoun] to David Skene. 25 august 1763, auL MS 38, f.119. –––– to Joseph Black, 19 May 1770, euL MS Black 873–5, ff. 28–30. –––– to Joseph Black, 9 June 1770, euL MS Black 873–5, f. 31. Mcnicol, Donald [of Lismore] to Walker, 22 March 1775, euL La.iii.352/1, ff. 40–43. Pennant, Thomas to William Cullen, 21 april 1764, euL La.iii.352/1, ff. 9–10. Pulteney, richard to Walker, october 1768, Linnean Society Manuscripts no. 238. facsimilies housed in nLS acc. 9533, no. 314. rogerson, John to John Clerk, 23 august 1772, naS gD 18/5121/3 Small, alexander to george Clerk, 1767, naS 18/4103. Stuart, John [the earl of Bute] to Baron Mure, 14 august 1772, nLS, Mure of Caldwell Correspondence, MS 4945. Walison, William to richard Pulteney, 29 october 1765, nLS acc. 9533, no. 314. Walker, John to Baron Mure, 4 august 1764, nLS Mure of Caldwell Correspondence 1770–72 MS 4943, f. 98–99. –––– to David Skene, 14 april 1770, auL MS 483, ff.48–52. –––– to Mrs agatha home Drummond, 29 february 1772, naS gD 24/1/496– 503a/629–630. –––– to Baron Mure, 25 March 1772, nLS, Mure of Caldwell Correspondence, MS 4945 –––– to robert Liston, 24 January 1784, nLS MS 5540, f.34 and euL La.iii.352/3. –––– to edinburgh Town Council, c. 1786, euL La.iii 352/2, ff. 7–8. –––– to Lord hailes, 28 february 1788, nLS, MS 25303, ff. 5–6. –––– to Joseph Black, 1798, euL gen.874/iV/51–52. Miscellaneous Cullen, William. ‘a Chemical examination of Common Simple Stones & earths … by William Cullen With notes (incomplete) on alkali earths and the earth’s structure’, guL MS Cullen 264. –––– ‘fragments of a Lecture by Cullen Concluding and Summarising the first Part of the Course; natural history and its Productions’, guL MS Cullen 258. –––– ‘Misc. Lecture notes, re: earths by William Cullen’, guL MS Cullen 795. –––– ‘Of Vitrescent Earths and Vitrifications … by Cullen’, GUL MS Cullen 268/8. earl of Lauderdale. ‘Presentation of the earl of Lauderdale in favour of Doctor John Walker’, 8 July 1782, euL La.iii.352/1, f. 54. fC op y 254 The Language of Mineralogy B. Bound Manuscripts alston, Charles. Introduction to Materia Medica (1736), euL Dc. 8.12. –––– Lectures on Materia Medica, 12 vols. [edinburgh, c. 1740], rCPe. Black, Joseph. Joseph Black’s Correspondence, euL SC gen. 873–5. Church of Scotland, ‘1772 Tour report’, Regular General Assembly of the Church of Scotland 1772–1775, naS Ch1/1/63, ff. 126–135. –––– ‘Walker on Catholicism’, Regular General Assembly of the Church of Scotland 1762–1765, naS Ch1/1/55, ff. 589–628. Cullen, William. Chemistry Lectures, rCPe C. 15. –––– Abstract from Dr. Cullen’s Lectures on Agriculture, John Walker (transcriber), (c. 1766), euL Dc. 3.70. home, francis. Lectures on Materia Medica. 2 vols. [edinburgh, c. 1768], rCPe. Johnston, george. My Journal of a Ten Days’ Journey [into Scotland] (with Flower Specimens) [September 1844], Berwick-on-Tweed Borough Museum, BnC BrW/MSS. Skene, David. Cryptogamia and Algae [no date], auL S.473 university of edinburgh. Students in Natural History Class Lists 1782–1800 (vols. i – iV) [euL reading room]. Walker, John. ‘An Account of the Fructification of the Clavaria’, Papers of the Natural History Society, Vol. II, euL Da 67, ff. 60–65. –––– Adversaria (1766–72), guL MS Murray 27. –––– ‘a Description of a Whale Cast ashore at Burntisland in fife on the 10th of June 1761’, Papers of the Natural History Society, Vol. V, euL Da 67, ff. 89–99. –––– An Epitome of Natural History, David Pollock (transcriber), (1797a), euL 703.D. Pr oo f C op y hall, James. ‘account of a Series of experiments Shewing the effects of Compression in Modifying the action of heat’, read in the royal Society of edinburgh, 3 June 1805, euL S.B. 5364 hal. –––– ‘experiments on Whinstone and Lava’, read in the royal Society of edinburgh, 5 March and 18 June 1798, euL SC 6408. Walker, John. ‘neue Litterarishe nachrichten für aertzte und natureforsher aufs Jahr 1785 und 1786’, euL Dc. 1.58, f. 22. –––– ‘Beilage zu den neuen Litterarische nachrichten für aerzte und naturforsher 1786’, euL Dc. 1.58, f. 24. –––– ‘Characters of german Writers’ euL Dc. 1.58, f. 25. –––– [report on the edinburgh natural history Museum], c. 1786. euL La.iii.352/5, f. 1. –––– ‘List of Principal Patrons of the university of edinburgh natural history Museum’, euL La.iii.352/5, f. 1. 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Pr oo fC op y Pr oo f C op y index acid earth 136, 145 acids 13, 15, 54–55, 66, 66n, 68–74, 75–79, 88, 91–93, 99, 108, 108n, 122n, 132n, 134, 135–136, 138n, 139, 144–147, 147, 190, 205, 206, 207, 211–212, acid principle 66 Cullen’s classification 209–210 Walker’s classification 135–136 aniversal acid 87n age of the earth see geochronology agricola, georg 10–11, 148, 199 agriculture 23, 27, 46–47, 50, 63, 84, 95, 103, 104 106, 111, 111–112, 111n, 126n, 137–138n, 195–196 boles 96 clay 91, 93, 96, 108 Cullen 92–93 loams 96 see also argillaceous earth, Soils, Marl air 65, 147, 175, 215 ratio of composition 149–150 alchemy 6, 64 alkalis 13, 54–55, 66–69, 72–74, 75–79, 80, 134–136, 144–147, 190, 211–212, 214–215 alkali principle 66 allan, David e 7, 40 alston, Prof Charles 22, 27, 62, 84, 87, 112 alum 68, 70, 78–79, 107, 141 amandina 97, 138, 140, 217 see also Secondary earths ambassadors see Baron Cathcart and robert Liston ambergrease 96 analogy 150, 152, 169, 203 analysis dry 152, 175 humid 147, 152–153, 175 see acids, alkalis, fire, Water anderson, Prof John 37, 37n, 226, 227 anthropology 32–33, 51, 181–182, 182n antidiluvialism 101n, 164, 164n, 168, 169n, 172–174, 177n, 181, 187 antimony (also called regulus of antimony) 104 modern equivalent 206 antiquarianism 34, 141–142, 178n, 179–184, 181n Lighthouse of alexandria 183 numismatics 184 ruins 97 see also anthropology, herodotus, hippocrates, Pliny, Theophrastus apyrous earth 138, 140 see also Secondary earths aqua fortis 102 arabia 132 archaeology 97, 167–168, 184 argillaceous earth 87–88, 91, 92, 97–98, 135, 176, 190, 205 modern equivalent 214–215 see also Primary earths aristocracy, role of 2, 7, 16, 24, 44, 46, 50, 110–113, 122, 139 see also Patronage. aristotle elements 87–88, 87n Categories 154n ocean levels 176 arnot, hugo 26 avicenna, 132 Baconianism 8, 161 Balfour, James 107 Banks, Sir Joseph 18, 27, 35 Barfoot, Michael 8, 64 Beale, J. D. D. 70n, 71 Becher, Johann Joachim 56, 87–92, 99, 190 Becher-Stahl School 89–92, 190 Beddoes, Thomas 44 Bensaude-Vincent, Bernadette 6, 6n, 59n, 122n, 193n, Beretta, Marco 6, 135n 296 The Language of Mineralogy British empire see Colonialism Brown, robert 30–31, 44 Buchan, earl of 34, 46 Bucquet, Jean-Baptiste-Michel 139–140 Buffon, Comte de 9, 17, 99, 124, 124ν, 156, 160n, 162, 162ν, 164–165, 177, 178 Burnet, James see Lord Monboddo Bute, earl of (John Stuart) 2, 10n, 16, 24, 27, 30, 31, 34, 109–111, 113–114, 117, 122n, 149 London Library 113 Calcareous earth 18, 135–138, 140–142, 151, 190, 197, 205, 214–217 calcareous Stone 10 see also Primary earths Cathcart, Baron (Charles Shaw Cathcart) 31, 34, 34n, 35n, 111, 116–117 Cathcart family 116 Cathcart, Lady (Jean Cathcart) 116 Causation 156, 163, 170, 177–178 uniform cause 180, 183 Cavendish, henry 150 Cement (Mineralogical) 137, 142–143 see industry Ceramics 141 see industry Chalybeat Spas see spas Character, Artificial (also called chemical or internal character) 13–15, 17, 31, 47, 80, 84–85, 87–88, 93, 95, 97, 99, 102, 108, 109, 122, 125, 126–149, 156, 158, 168, 174, 190, 191 Character, natural (also called physical or external character) 13, 31, 87–89, 93, 97–99, 97n, 102n, 109, 127, 130–132, 130n, 158, 168, 174, 176–178 Characters colour 140 as ideas 162 geology 163, 176, 191 primary 132–137 secondary 132–137 see also artificial character, natural character Bergman, Prof Torbern olaf xx, 12, 12n, 15n, 17–18, 31–32, 49, 90, 104, 126, 126n, 127n, 128–147, 150, 151n, 192, 201 affinity 152–153, 174–175 diluvianism 170n, 172n petrifactions 174n, 179, appendix V strata 160, 163n, 168, 170n Bertholet, Claude-Louis 6 Bible 169, 172, 184n, genesis 171, 18 Moses 181 noachian flood 174, 187 Septuagint 184 n118 see also Diluvianism, greek, hebrew, Latin Black, Prof Joseph 8, 14, 14n, 17, 22n, 31–32, 35–36, 40, 48, 57, 60, 61, 65–66, 91n, 92–94, 96n, 97–98, 97n, 102, 107, 111–223, 111–112n, 112n, 131–132, 135, 135n, 137, 141n, 142, 144–150, 160–162, 190, 194–197, 195n, 201, appendix iV Blackburn, anna 2, 35, 35n, 110, 110n Blagden, Sir Charles 150 Blair, Prof hugh 36 Board of annexed estates 16, 24, 33, 104, 106, 109, 111, 115 Boehaave, Prof hermann 57, 66, 84–85 mineralogy 88–90 Bohemia 73, 110 Bomare, Jacques-Christophe Valmont de Bomare 101 Bonaparte, napoleon 1 Book history see Print Culture Boracic acid 145n modern equivalent 205 Botany xiii, 2, 26, 27, 30n, 31, 39, 46, 50, 51, 59, 80, 84–85, 96, 109, 117, 126, 126n, 144n, 190, 229 algae 30 tree Sap 40–41 willows 30 Bourguet, Louis 160, 160n Bower, alexander 26, 34 Boyle, Sir robert 56, 85, 88–90 minerals 94 natural history 106, 170, 193 Index Chemical Categories see earths, Salts, Metals, Inflammables, Water and airs Chemical indicators 211–212 air 76 bile 71–72 galls 75–76, 79 milk 78 oil of Tartar 79 Spirit of Vitriol 78 Sugar of Lead 79 vegetable extracts 79, 68, 72, 75, 79 vinegar 78 Chemical revolution 1, 5, 6n, 14, 54, 62n, 111–112n, 138n, 193–194, 193n Chemistry affinity 152–153, 191 aikin’s Dictionary of Chemistry and Mineralogy 144–145, 148 n116 apparatus 108, 108n arabian 132 blowpipe 207 calcination 99 cementation 9 commodification 24, 80 composition 54, 99 crystallisation 78, 99 definitions 90 diagnosis 57, 58, 68 dry analysis 67 fieldwork 17, 54, 75, 193 gravimetric analysis 23, 60, 88, 132–134, 133n, 138 heat 48, 67 language of 84–85 oxygen theory of combustion 1, 6, 15, 193 pedagogy 42–43, 54, 64 pneumatic 14, 63–65, 86–88, 135n, 137, 144, 150, 169, 190, 192, 194, putrefaction 99 ratios of mineralogical composition 138, 150, 191 vocabulary 54–55, 64, 75, 90 see also acids, alchemy, alkalis, analysis, Characters, Chemical indicator, Chemical Categories, Chemical revolution, industry, 297 Materia medica, Mining, Paracelsus, Phlogiston, Principle-Based Chemistry, reagents, Saline Testing, Salt Principle, Solvents Church of Scotland 16, 24, 37–38, 45, 56–57, 86, 259, 199 general assembly of the Church of Scotland 24, 33, 104 see also Theology Civil history 96,155, 166n Jacobite rebellion 106 Classification 1–5, 8–18, 26–27, 30–31, 33, 35, 39, 51, 59–66, 71–72, 77–80, 83–94, 95–102, 108, 112–113, 117, 120–123, 126, 130–133, 135–137, 137n, 139, 148n, 150–151, 155–162, 166n, 167–168, 171n, 175–176, 189–200, 203–204 see also Division, Chemical Categories, genera, Metallic Categories, Mineralogical Categories, Primary Categories, Saline Categories, Secondary Categories, Species Clerk, John 115 Clerk, Sir John (of Pennicuik) 34n, 15, (Clerk family of Pennicuik) 111 Clerk-Maxwell, Sir george 34 Climate 165, 172 Coal 48, 96, 85, 103, 111, 147–148 Collecting xiii, 2, 16, 27, 31, 34, 36–48, 56, 84–89, 94–118, 102–117, 119–122, 123n, 125, 140, 156–157, 161, 178n, 190, 196–198 Bute collection 113 lapidaries 198 see also Mineralogical Trade, emmanuel Mendes Da Costa Colonialism 2, 3n, 5, 18, 21, 24, 39, 54, 60, 117, 158, 158n, 189, 204n native americans 33 Colonies Brazil 110 Cape françois 37 Caribbean 18, 40, 189 florida 38 Mexico 37 Peru 110 West indies 36 298 The Language of Mineralogy Dissolvents limewater 138 universal dissolvent principle 172 see also Solvents, acids, alkalis, fire (Inflammables), Water Division as classification 65, 68, 93, 97, 105, 106, 117, 119, 122, 127, 131, 132, 145, 151, 156, 162, 170, 171, 174, 177, 185, 191, 197, 199 Donovan, a. L. 6, 62n Drummond, Mrs agatha home 24, 182n Duden, Barbara 192 Duncan, alistair 18, 205 Dupré, John 121, 121n earth 14–15 Bergman’s earth symbols 134 Cullen’s earths 90–95 early classifications 84–95 earth principle 64–65 fatty 89 mercurial 89 vitrescible 89, 91, 92, 97, 98, 190 Walker’s classification of Earths see Primary earths, Secondary earths earthenware 141 see also industry earthquakes 155, 179n, 180, 192. economics 107, 117, 193, 195 edinburgh (Map) 28, 86 edinburgh (university of) 1–7, 11–16, 21– 50, 56, 84–85, 95, 108, 189–190 arts faculty 44, 45, 51 Chair of natural history 16, 25, 27, 50, 124n, 189 divinity faculty 44–45, 51 law faculty 51 library 40–44, 47, 197n medical faculty 44, 51, 60, 65 medical school 2–3, 5, 8, 12–14, 25–26, 31–32, 36, 44, 44n, 50, 65–66, 84, 90, 102–103, 112, 117, 120–124, 135, 137–141, 150–151, 155–156, 160–164, 190, 196–204 natural history Museum 16, 27n, 35, 36, 36n, 39, 42, 45, 48, 94–95, 108, 114, 116n, 125, 190, 225, 228 edinburgh Places see also india, north america, Pennsylvania, South america, and appendix Vii Commonplace Books 16, 96–98, 113, 190, 193, 199 Walker’s Adversaria 96–98, 101, 113, 190, 200 Cook, harold J. 3n, 51n, Cooper, alix 3n, 83n, 100n, 122n, Copper 48, 69, 71 104, 135, 148 Cosmology 158, 161–162, 165, 168–169 Coxe, Daniel 62, 66 Creech, William 44, 44n Cronstedt, axel fredrik 12, 23n, 31–32, 84, 90, 101–102, 101n, 104, 107, 108n, 117, 126–127, 130n, 132, 135n, 137, 139n, 150, 168, 190 Crosland, Marcus P. 6, 62 Crystals 11, 96, 106, 151n, 172, 182 Cullen, William 8, 15n, 16, 18, 22–24, 22n, 31–32, 34n, 35–36, 42–43, 42n, 48–50, 49n, 55–66, 60, 72n, 74n, 77, 79, 80–81, 84, 89–97, 102–103, 105–108, 110–111, 115–116, 121n, 122, 122n, 135, 135n, 137, 144–146, 144n, 151, 154, 158, 164–165, 175n, 189–190 Da Costa, emmanuel Mendes 48, 48n, 84, 98–102, 109–110, 117, 123, 190, appendix iV Daer, Lord 34, 46 Dalnaria 1, 3, 7, 13, 77 Darwin, Charles 196 Darwin, robert Waring 44 Davy, humphrey 186 Definition xxi, 11, 12, 65, 68, 78, 88, 89, 90, 92–93, 96, 125, 130, 131, 136, 137, 144, 156, 175, 185, 189, 199 Deluc, Jean andré 161n, 167, 167n, 176, 176n, 178n. Deluge see Diluvianism Denmark (Copenhagen) 116n Derivative earths see Secondary earths Descartes, rene 3, 164, 191 Des-Moulins, Scipio72 Diluvianism 164n, 169n Dirom, Colonel 27, 148, 149 Index arthur’s Seat 48 South Lothian 103 Canon Mill Bog 27 Central Library 40 Colinton 25, 26n, 38, 104 firth of forth 48, 85, 103 Kings Park 85, 103 Kinnoul hill 103 Royal Infirmary 149 Salisbury Crag 29, 48, 86 edinburgh Town Council 42, 47, 223, 224 eklund, John 18, 205 electricity 147–148 elliot, Cornelius xvii–xviii, 47, 47n, 87n, 120n ellis, John 35, 109, 109n emerson, r. L. 7, 22n empiricism 8–9, 51, 59, 62n, 63, 74, 123, 124n, 135, 156–170, 175, 181, 185, 190–191, 196, Encyclopaedia Britannia 139, 141 england 110 Cornwall 107, 141 Cumberland 23 Devonshire 141 London 37, 54, 58, 104, 109 northumberland 23 norwich 39 Stourbridge 108 epistemology 11, 13, 13n, 64, 79, 124n, 154, 158, 160–164, 177, 183, 185, 187, 196. see also Empiricism, Locke erskine, David Steuart see Buchan, earl of essentialism 3, 12, 27, 34, 64, 85, 121, 121n, 162n, 190, 200, 200n evolution 2, 34, 196, 198, 200 Darwinian revolution 1 extinction 179 palaeontology 167, 196 experimentation 1–6, 9, 16–18, 23, 40–42, 47–48, 50, 53–112, 119–121, 137, 141–142, 146–152, 168–169, 175n, 190–192, 1997–199, 201–204 external ideas 161, 162 fabricius, f. W. P. 34, 102, 104 faujs-de-St.-fond, Barthélemy 36 299 fieldwork 48, 54, 56, 60, 94–95, 100–101, 103, 105–107, 116, 169 Fire (Inflammables) 14, 15, 87, 97–98, 107–108 fire (Principle) 64–65150, 190 fixed air 14, 194 flood see Diluvianism fluor 97, 102, 106, 215 foot, Daniel 70–71 fossils 2, 10n, 15, 16, 47, 48, 59n, 85, 85n, 96, 97–100, 98n, 103, 105–106, 108–110, 113, 116–117, 119, 123n, 131–132, 140n, 143n, 167, 177–179, 190–191, 196, 203, ammonites 97 Belemnites 97 entrochi 97 glossopetra 97 Petrifactions 106, 179, 214–215. foucault, Michel 40n, 121, 121n, 133n fourcroy, antoine de 6, 6n, 193n france 42, 49–50, 110, 127, 195, 201, Caën 101 Montpelier 64 rouen 101 Paris 37, 54, 58. franklin, Benjamin 23, 110n gaelic (or gallic) Language 32, 33, 182n gall Balls 75, 75n, 76, 77, 79, 211–212 gardenstone, Lord 34, 115n genera 98–99, 108, 123, 125, 137 geochronology 120, 156, 161n, 166–169, 169n, 174, 175–187 historical time 196 see also antediluvianism, antiquarianism, geology geoffroy, Étienne françois 134 geology 1–6, 10, 17–18, 32, 119–127, 130, 151, 155–156, 164–185, 189–191, 195–198, 203 coral islands 183 denudation 176 n77 erosion 170 see also James hutton, Primary Strata, Secondary Strata, Strata, Tertiary Strata, Theories of the earth george iii, King of Britain 106 georgics see agriculture 300 The Language of Mineralogy hunter, Prof andrew 45 hutton, James 1–2, 17, 31n, 32, 34n, 35, 45–46, 48n, 61, 101n, 115, 119–124, 144, 148n, 151n, 165, 165n, 178n, 196–198, 201–204 Theory of the Earth 1, 1n, 45, 115f, 144f, 165f, 197 hydrology 32, 39, 39n, 162, 169, 182, 190, see also ocean, rain, rivers iceland 37, 180. india 18, 36, 189 Bengal 37 Bombay 45 industry 3, 5, 9, 36, 50, 54, 63, 66, 80, 106, 111, 111–112n, 116n, 138, 138n, 140–142, 151, 151n, 190–191, 195–198 brewing 51 chalk 96 Inflammable Principle 147 see also fire Inflammables 136, 136, 214–215, 217 see also fire ireland Dublin 37, 58 giants Causeway 102 iron 48, 69, 70–72, 75–77, 80, 100, 135, 140, 148, italy 49, 201 florence 110 naples 1, 201 ravenna 176 rome 182 Tuscany 176 Venice 176 Vesuvius 180 Jameson, Prof robert 19, 27, 27n, 39, 44, 95n, 102n, 119, 120, 125n, 130n, 172, 173 Jardine, William 22n, 35 Jars, gabriel, the elder 148 Johnson, Samuel 49 Johnston, george 30, 31 Kames, Lord 16, 23, 24, 26, 31, 33–35, 43, 50, 57, 61, 111, 112n, 113, 114, 115n, 164, 182n, 203 germany 49, 50, 195 frankfurt 58 göttingen 64 Saxony 102n, 110, 127 giesecke, Karl Ludwig 83 glauber‘s Salt 209 modern equivalent 205 gold 107, 135, 148, 150 greek 22, 181–182 grew, nehemiah 146n, 148n guglielmini, Domenico 151n gypseous earth 91–92, 93, 97, 206, 138–139, 214–215, 217 see also Primary earths hailes, Lord 35 hall, Sir James 1–5, 9, 46, 46n, 119–120, 201–203, 201n halley, edmund 169, 169–170n, 183n hamilton, Prof alexander 44 hamilton, Sir William 180, 180n hartfell Spa see spas hebrew 181, 182 hebrides see Scottish Places herodotus 183–184 higgins, Brian 142, 144 highlands see Scottish Places highmore, nathaniel 70, 71 hill, John 99, 123 hippocrates 39, 162–163, 175 historiography 1–2, 5–7, 6n, 14, 17, 54, 62, 119, 121n, 185, 191, 196, 204 holland 49, 176 amsterdam 58 Leiden xiii, 113 holmes, frederic L. 6, 6n, 14, 54n, 55, 55n, 80n, 92n, 107n, 193, 193n home, henry see Lord Kames home, Prof francis 112 hooykass, reijer 168, 181 hope, Prof John 35, 44, 61 hope, Prof Thomas Charles 135 hopetoun, earl of 23–24, 31, 34, 58, 80, 95, 111, 112–114 horseburgh, William 58, 74n humanism 7–8, 95n, 199 hume, David xiv, 3, 7, 154n, 158, 158n hungary 110 Index Kant, immanuel 158, 158n Keill, John 164, 181 Kirwan, richard 49, 135, 138, 150, 172n, contra hutton 178n Klein, ursula 6, 6n, 54, 54n, 55n, 121n, 151n, 193n, 200n Knight, David M. 6, 6n Kunkel, Johannis 67 Language xi, 3, 6, 8, 9–15 ancient see gallic, greek, hebrew, Latin, Syriac Chemical see earths, Salts, Metals, Primary earths, Primary Salts, Primary Metals, Secondary earths, Secondary Salts, Secondary Metals, nomenclature Latin 10–11, 22, 42, 49–50, 127, 181–182 Lauderdale, earl of 25, 25n Lavoisier, antoine 1, 6, 6n, 17n, 46, 46n, 55n, 65n, 121, 144, 144n, 149, 189, 192–194, 201 Laws (natural) 159–161, 172, 177n Lead 48, 103, 135, 148 Leadhills 34, 104, 112, 112n, Lefèvre, Wolfgang 121, 132 Lichens 27, 178, 178n, Limestone calcareous earth 48, 91–92, 93, 96, 97–98 modern equivalent 206 Limewater 138 modern equivalent 206 Linnaeus (Carl von Linne) 2, 9, 9n, 11–12, 17–18, 27, 31–39, 49–50, 59, 79, 84, 96n, 104, 107, 109, 115n, 121n, 126–127, 132, 132n, 148n, 166, 190 chemistry 98–100 geohistory 156–160 mineralogical classification 214 mineralogy 113 ocean levels 176 species 121–123. Liston, robert 36,117 Locke, John 3, 13n, 121–122, 121n, 131, 154, 161–162 see also external ideas 301 Logic xiv, 162 Lord Kames (henry home) 16, 16n, 23–26, 31, 33–35, 33n, 43, 50, 57, 61, 111–115, 112n, 164, 182n, Lord Monboddo (James Burnet) 33, 33n, 35, 61, Loudon, earl of 111 Lyell, Charles 196 Mackenzie, James Stuart 109 Macpherson, James 182n Macquer, Pierre Joseph 14n, 63n, 90, 151n, 175n Magnesian earth 135, 140, 141. see also Primary earths Marggraf, andreas 107 Marl from Shells 23, 46, 95–96, 103, 183, 184n Materia medica 2, 9, 13, 22–23, 25, 27, 55n, 66, 84, 87, 103n, 112, 122, 138, 195, 200 expectorants 149 see also Limewater Maupertuis, Pierre Louis Moreau de 99, 164 McCosh, James 154, 154n Medicinal Well see Mineral Water Medicine 2–3, 14–16, 21, 32–33, 50, 53–97, 97–98n, 103n, 112–123n, 138, 141–142, 141n, 146, 146n, 147n, 151, 151n, 159n, 191–192, 196–200, 203n anatomy 33 apothecaries 6, 44, 45, 50, 55, 116, 192, 198 bladder stones 141, 151, 175n, 197 circulation 32, 203 Edinburgh Pharmacopoeia 45 Edinburgh Royal Infirmary 149 gout 138 kidney stones 175 n73 midwives 192, 198 neohumouralism 65, 68, 192, 197 nosology 151, 200 physiology 33 surgeons 198 tonics 146 venereal disease 138 302 The Language of Mineralogy diamonds 140 flint 96, 215 freestone 93, 96 garnets 140 gems 85, 96, 106, 113, 140 granite 93, 96 gravel 140 gypsum 10, 48, 136 jasper 96 lapis lazuli 102 magnesia alba 107, 141n, 206 manganese 215 marble 11, 96, 114 marcasites 148 116n mercury 87 mountain tar 48 natran 206 nickel 104 nitre 70, 206 ochre 69, 75–77, 80, 96, 206 ore 48, 96, 106, 115–117, phosphorus 136, 139–140, 217, 206 porphyry 96 pyrites 96, 136, 148 sand 96, 140,175n selenites 96 slate 96 soap rock 107 spar 96, 106, 148n stalactites 96, 106 strontite 104, 104n talc 96, 104, 109, 107, 207 tin 10, 69, 135, 148 touchstone 96 whetstone 96 see also alum, Coal, Crystals, earth, Fluor, Fossils, Earth, Inflammables, Metal, Salt, Sulphur, Volcanoes Mines alva 103 Machrymore 103 Leadhills 104 Wanlock 104 Colvend 104 eskdale 104 Mining 23, 46, 51, 111–112, 117, 148–149 mining academies 84 Mitchell, Samuel Latham 45 see also Materia medica, Mineral Water, Spas, Therapeutics Metal Principle 64–65, 71, 87, 122, 148, 150, 190 Metallic Categories see Primary Metals, Secondary Metals Metallurgy 59, 143n Metals 14, 96–98, 113, 145, 148–149, 191–192, 214–215, 217 symbols 134 see also gold, Silver, Copper, Lead, Semimetals Metaphysics 154n, 165n Meteorology 21, 32, 39, 119, 162 typhoons 163 waterspouts 163 Method 176 natural 130–132 artificial 131–132 geological 156–166 see also Classification Mica 136 modern equivalent 206 Micaceous earth 138, 141, 215, 217 see also Primary earths Milk 74, 78, 79, 212 Mineral Water 16, 23, 50, 53–54, 57–59, 68–78, 93–98, 117, 122, 142n, 144n, 146–147, 146n, 147n, 148n, 192, 197 see also Spas, hopetoun Mineralogical Categories see earths, Primary earths, Secondary earths, Salts, Metals, Semimetals, Inflammables Mineralogical trade 35, 48n, 102, 109–117, 116n see also Collecting, Da Costa, emmaneul Mendes Minerals agates 96, alabaster 96 amber 96 apyrite 136, 217 arsenic 96 asbestos 96, 215 astena 97 basalts 102, 105, 172, 174 bitumen 13, 96, 147, 205 cobalt 103 Index Moffat see Scottish Places Monboddo, Lord 33–34, 61 Monro, Donald 147 Montesquieu, Baron 147 Monuments (geological) 166–168, 180, 185 Morveau, Louis Bernard guyton de 6 Mounsey, James 73 Mountains 32, 155, 166, 170–171 alps 16 classification 176 erosion 183 see also Primary Mountains, Secondary Mountains, Primary Strata, Secondary Strata Mundick 136, 148 modern equivalent 206 Mure, Baron 111, 114 Museums 2 edinburgh natural history Museum 16, 36, 94–95 British Museum 2, 25, 36 national Museum of Scotland 2, 48 natural history Museum of Paris 36 nairn, Lord 46 nasmyth, Sir John 115 natural Character (also called external or physical) xiii, 31, 33, 47, 87–89, 93, 97, 98–99, 109, 127, 130–131, 132, 156, 158, 168, 174, 175–176, 178, 190 natural history 2–17, 43, 48, 53–57, 63–71, 80, 83, 83–118, 120–126, 131–132, 137n, 141, 146–151, 153–154, 16, 189–190, 195, 198–204 geology 155–187 books 47–48 class lists 43–44 Walker’s career in 21–50 natural Kinds see essentialism natural Philosophy 37, 51, 84–85, 151, 158–161, 164, 177n, 196 corpuscular mechanics 64 natural Theology 45, 158–159, 159n first Cause xiii 303 see also antideluvianism, Diluvianism, god, Paley, Teleology naturalism see natural history neptunism 119, 124n, 172n, 196 see also Diluvialism neutrals 145 neve, Michael 163 newman, William r. 6, 6n, 14, 55, 5n, 88n, 193, 193n newton, isaac xiii, 63 newtonians 8 nicol, Thomas 49 nile river, 183–184 nomenclature 3–6, 8–9, 17–18, 27, 30, 36, 46, 54, 62–64, 62n, 80, 84–87, 98–99, 101, 119–124, 127, 132, 144, 149–151, 149n, 189, 191–199, 201 binomial xiii, 12, 27 see also Classification, Species, Genera nominalism 13n, 121, 122n, 162, 162n, 200–204 see also Classification, esssentialism north america 18, 24, 32, 36–40, 117, 189 northumberland, Duke of 34, 115 norway 102, 110 Trondheim 37 ocean 155, 163, 167, 169–170, 176, 179, 183, 192, 203, (Tides) 155, 163 oil of Tartar 76–77, 211–212 modern equivalent 206 oldroyd, David r. 6, 14, 47, 48n, 65n, 89n, 101n, 124n, 133, 133n, 155n, 168, 214n, Oxford English Dictionary 55 Paley, William 159 Paracelsus 64–65, 87–89 Park, Mungo 44 Parliament, in Westminster 50 Parson naturalist 16, 34, 37, 50, 58 Patronage 3, 7, 15–18, 22–24, 25n, 34, 34n, 35–36, 49–50, 53, 57–60, 83–117, 139, 189–190 Peat Bog 179, 183 Peat Moss 30, 32, 167, 178n, 184 304 The Language of Mineralogy Porcelain see Ceramics, industry Porter, roy 163, 192 Portland, Duchesss of 2 Portugal (Lisbon) 37, 179 n93 Pott, Johann 12, 91, 97, 107–108, appendix iV Priestley, Joseph 135, 146–147 Primary Categories 151–152, 154 Primary earths 15, 80–108, 135–144, 135n, 141, 171–175, 185, 191 Walker’s divisions 135 see Calcareous earth, argillaceous earth, Magnesian earth, Ponderous earth, Talcy earth, Siliceous earth Primary ideas 13, 154 Primary Metals Walker’s divisions 135, 148–149 see also iron, Copper, Lead, Tin, Silver and gold Primary Mountains 171–172, 171n, 176–179 Primary Salts 135, 144–145, 191 Walker’s divisions 135 see also acids, alkalis Vitriols Primary Strata 137, 156, 170–171, 174– 175, 182–183, 185, 191, 197, illustration 186 Primeval fluids 185 Primitive earths see Primary earths Primitive flood 171–172 see also Diluvianism Primitive Mountains see Primary Mountains Primitive Strata see Primary Strata Principe, Lawrence M. 6, 6n, 14, 55, 55n, 88n, 193 Principle-based chemistry 14, 17, 55–57, 75–80, 88, 119–120, 131, 145n, 149, 165,193 see also earth, air Water, Salt, Metal, Fire (Inflammables) Pringle, Sir John 34, 115 Print Culture 4, 7–11, 25n, 30, 39–43, 47–49, 49n, 54, 55n, 58n, 99–100, 122–125, 141n aphorisms 96 bound manuscripts xvii culled observations 193n, 195–196 Pedagogy 1, 5, 8, 15, 18, 23–25, 42, 42n, 54, 57–59, 64n, 94n, 102–103, 160, 199 Canongate high School 22 Mineralogy 42–43, 48, 54, 64 Pennant, Thomas 18, 30, 35, 105 Pennsylvania 110 Philadelphia 37 Periodicals 149–150 Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary 62–63, 90 Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London 16, 23, 24, 25, 42, 54, 57–58, 62–68, 81, 93–98, 109, 139, 144n, 145, 149, 180, 190, 195 Scots Magazine 33 Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh 38, 141n, 181n, 202 Philosophy 181 greek 64 classification 199 commonsense philosophy 158 moral philosophy 45 platonic forms 87n see also analogy, aristotle, avicenna, Baconianism, Causation, empiricism, epistemology, external ideas, Michel foucoult, John Locke, Logic, James McCosh, Thomas reid, Teleology Phlogiston 15, 132 modern equivalent 206 see also Fire and Inflammables Phosphoric acid 145n modern equivalent 206 Phosphoric earth 138 see also Secondary earths Playfair, Prof John 34n, 45, 120, 198 Pliny the elder 10–12, 10n, 11n, 12n, 181, 199 Plummer, Prof andrew 22, 84–86 Pollock, Sir David 45, 48, 124–125, 139–140, Ponderous earth 104, 135–136, 138, 140, 217 modern equivalent 207 see also Primary earths Index dictionaries 49 edinburgh Literati 8, 23, 26, 35, 90 96, 155, 189, 203 editorial practices 190, 192–193 european book trade 149–150 geochronology 150n, 167 edinburgh Central Library 40 literacy 33 museum catalogues 31, 171n roman texts 184 republic of Letters 35, 38 student lecture notebooks 96–97, 120, 123–125, 137–138 n57 student notes 14n, 16, 123, 190 syllabi 26, 31, 42, 190, 195, 200 textual evidence 185 university of edinburgh Library 47, 40–44, 197n see also Commonplace books, Periodicals Pulteney, richard 18, 30, 35, 109n Queensbury, Lord 111 Quicklime 92, 138n see limestone raeburn, henry 61 rain 170, 178, 192 raj, Kapil 3n, 158n ramsay, robert 25 rappaport, rhoda 167, 179, 181 ray, John 27, 107, 172 reid, Thomas 7, 154n, 158,162n richardson, William 176n rivers 103, 170, 178, 183, 183–184 sedimentation 32, 183 silt 32, 183 see also nile river robison, Prof John 36 rogerson, John 115, 117 rudwick, Martin 124n, 155 russia 110, 115–116 115, 117 British ambassador 116 Catherine the great 115, 116n Siberia 38 St Petersburg academy of Sciences 116 Saccharum Saturni 76, 77, 79, 212 305 modern equivalent 206 Sal Ammoniac 76, 209, 210, 211 modern equivalent 206 Sal Martis (also called Salt of iron or Vitriolum Martis) 18, 71, 76–77, 145 modern equivalent 206 Saline Categories see Primary Salts, Secondary Salts Saline testing 12, 32, 54–57, 65–77, 80, 92–93, 97, 144n, 144–147, 169, 190–192, 197 Salt (Common) 14–15, 70, 182 Polish salt mines 182 Salt of iron see Sal Martis Salt of Seignette 210 modern equivalent 206 Salt of Tartar 207 modern equivalent Salt Principle 64–65, 87, 92, 122, 132, 150, 190 classification 144–147 doctrine of salts 55, 57, 62–69, 79–81, 92, appendix ii see also acids, alkalis Scheele, Karl Wilhelm 135, 146, 147, 192 Scheuchzer, J. J. 169 Schiebinger, Londa 3n, 158n, Schist(a) 136 modern equivalent 207 Scopoli, Johann anton 139–140 Scottish enlightenment 4–8, 18, 23, 55, 62, 120, 154n, 159, 161, 185, 199, Scottish Maps 19, 86 Scottish Places aberdeenshire 104 alva 103 annandale 103, 184 ayrshire 103 Breadalbane 103 Clydesdale 103 Colvend 104 Dalswinton 100–101, 110 elginshire 141 eskdale 104,111–112, 117, 148–149 fofarshire 104 fyfe 40, 103 galloway 103 glasgow 175 306 The Language of Mineralogy Walker’s divisions 145, 191 see also acids, alkalis Vitriols, neutrals, acid earth, alkali earth Secondary Strata 170, 174–175, 178–179, 182–183, 185–186, 191 illustration 173 Secondat, Jean-Baptiste 147 see also Vulcanism Semimetals 96, 136, 148, 214–215, 217 Sher, richard 7–8 Sibbald, Sir robert 103n, 107 Siliceous earth 10, 93n, 135–136, 135n, 138, 140–141, 140n, 143n, 214–215 modern equivalent 207 see also Primary earth Silver 103, 135, 148 Simpson, William 69, 147 Sivewright, John 110 Skene, David 8 Slare, frederick 66, 69, 72 Smellie, William 7n, 25, 25n, 124n, 170n, 177n, Smith, adam 7 Smith, Sir James edward 2, 30, 30n, 37n, 39–40, 39n, 44, 109n Smithson, James Macie 140 Smithsonian institute 140 Societies agricultural Society of edinburgh 38 american Philosophical Society 37 Bath and West england agricultural Society 38n Berlin academy 107 British Society for extending fisheries) 107 edinburgh Society 95, 103 glasgow Literary Society 24 highland Society of Scotland 37, 107 L’académie royale des Sciences, Belles-Lettres & Beaux-arts de rouen 101 Linnean Society of London 30, 30n, 37, 39–40, 156 Philosophical Society of edinburgh 22, 30, 37–38, 50, 164n ray Society 30 glencorse/glencross 22, 39, 61, 86, 103 hebrides 16, 24, 33, 36, 83 102, 104– 109, 111, 143n, 159, 178n, 182 highlands 16, 24, 33, 36, 104, 107, 111, 138, 178 isle of Bute 107–108, 114, 173 isle of Canna 102 isle of Staff 105 isle of Tiree 143 n91 Kincardineshire 141 Kirkudbright 22, 103, 108 Leadhills 104 Linton 86 Lothians 48 Lowlands 16, 23, 30, 56, 74, 138, 189, 198 Lowther hills 100–101 Machrymore 103 The Mearns 104 Moffat 23, 23n , 23–25, 26, 30, 34–35, 53n, 57–58, 58n, 80–81, 86, 100, 101n, 103–104, 113, 114m 164 Musselburgh 85 nairnshire 141 Pentland hills 22, 86 Perthshire 104 rivers 183,198 Selkirk forest 103 Stirlingshire 104 Tay river 103 Teviotdale 103 Tweeddale 103 Wanlock 104 Wedder Law 100 Secondary Categories 151–152, 154 Secondary earths 135–136, 137, 171, 191 see also apyrous earth, Steatite, amiandina, Schista, gypsum, Mica, Zeolite Walker’s divisions 136, 137–144 Secondary ideas 13, 154 Secondary Metals (Walker’s divisions) 136, 148–149, 191. see Semimetals, Mundicks Secondary Mountains 174n, 176–179 see also Secondary Strata Secondary Salts 144 Index royal Society of edinburgh 38, 38n, 54, 114, 165, 195, 197, 198n, 202–203 royal Society of London 109 Select Society 24, 58, 95 Société Litteraire de Clermont-ferrand 101 Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge 16, 24, 104 St Petersburg academy of Sciences 116 Student Chemical Society of edinburgh 39, 42, 61 Student natural history Society of edinburgh 37–40, 39n, 44, 46 Solvents 149n, 172 acids 99 fire 99 non-standardised 135 see also Acids, Alkalies, Fire, Inflammables, universal Dissolvent Principle, Water South america 40, 117 Southern hemisphere 165 Spain 35, 117 Spary acid 207 Spas Bath 74, 147 Berkshire 72 Carlsbad 73 Chalybeat Spas 68–75, 79 hartfell Spa 18, 23, 53–81, 96, 98, 100, 114, 145, 190 Pyrmont 73, 74 147 Scarbrough 70 Selzer 147 Sussex 72 see also Mineral Water Species 99, 121, 123, 135, 139 Spirit of Vitriol 78, 212 modern equivalent 207 Springfeld, g. C. 73–74 Stahl, georg ernst 56, 59n, 66, 85, 87–92, 87n, 99, 190 see also Becher-Stahl. Starkey, george 193 Statistical Account of Scotland 38–39 Steatite 10, 91, 136, 217 modern equivalent 207 307 Steatitical earth 138, 140, 141 see also Secondary earths Steel 148 n116 Steuart (Stewart), Prof John 22, 85 Stewart, Prof Dugald 13n, 44, 122, 122n, 162n, Strata 1, 9, 17, 32, 93, 111, 115n, 119–120, 137, 142, 148, 151, 156, 161n, 168–187, 174n, 179n, 185, 191, 195–197, 201, 201n see also Primary Strata, Secondary Strata, Tertiary Strata Stratigraphy see Strata. Sugar of Lead 77, 207 modern equivalent Sulphur 69, 71, 87, 96,139, 147, 214–215 modern equivalent 207 Sweden 49, 102, 110, 172 Lapland xiii uppsala 64, 101, 129 Switzerland 100n, 160, 160n, 201, 229 Syriac 181 System 2–5, 8–18, 31, 39, 47, 63–66, 63n, 75, 79–118, 119–151, 155–158, 161–169, 177, 179, 185, 190–204, appendix iV Systematics 2–4, 9–17, 100, 117, 119–155, 130n, 150, 155–156, Talcy earth 91–92, 98, 104, 190, 213, modern equivalent 207 see also Primary earths Technology 195 Teleology 158–159, 159n, 161, 177, Terra Ponderosa see Ponderous earth Tertiary Strata 170, 179–180, 183–184, 191 illustration 186 Theology 38, 45, 104n, 158, 159, 159n, 164, 167, 169, 177, 177n, 179m, Calvinism 160 ecclesiastical history 167 Theophrastus 10, 199 Theories of the earth 155, 163–165, 195, 197, 160 Theorising 8–9, 32, 64, 79, 99, 124,155– 156, 160–161, 163–166, 175n, 180–181, 185, 191, 195–197. see 308 The Language of Mineralogy Chair of agriculture 43, 47 Chair of natural history 16, 25, 27, 50, 124n, 189 chemical education 56–58 Church of Scotland Moderator 38, 43 class lists 43–44, 229 collecting methods 104–106, 108 commonplace book 99, 190, 199–200 correspondents 104, 109–110, 189 see also appendix Vi Elliot’s Catalogue 47, 47n,120n, 126n field trips 38 four earth system 98 Index Librorum 47, 58, 58n, 79, 146, 190 King’s MS 106–109 library 47–48, 64, 66, 69, 71, 74, 87, 96–97,123, 126–127, 147–148, 160, 169, 190, 195, 198 likeness 4, 157 London 24, 109–110 loose leaf notes 130, 132, 146–147, 200 marriage 26 MD and DD 33 mineralogical education 84–86 minister 81 natural history course 26, 39–43, 50 natural theology 177n patronage 95, 110 117 private papers 159–160 scientific advisor 31, 80, 111–114, 123–125, 149 student notebooks 123–125, 135 students 30–32, 39–43, 43–48, 108 see also appendix Vii syllabi 27, 31, 42–43 teaching aids 42–43 travel 23–24 Wallerius, Johan gottschalk xviii, 12, 31–32, 49, 84, 90, 101–102, 107, 117, 127, 128, 130, 132, 135, 135n, 137, 149n, 150, 168, 190, 214 Water 14, 215 Baltic Sea 116, 124 Mediterranean Sea 117 sanitation 11 whirlpools 163 also Buffon, empiricism, hutton, Playfair, System Therapeutics 74, 81, 146, 151, 192 Thomson, John 122 Thunberg, Prof Carl Peter 35, 35n Time see geochronology Travel 5, 7, 15–16, 18, 23–24, 24n, 26, 32–33, 35n, 36–37, 56, 60, 86, 85–96, 102–117, 124n, 140–141, 140n, 148n, 167, 178n, 182n, 190, 195, 198, 201, universal Dissolvent Principle 172 universal flood 169 see also Diluvianism universities Christ’s College, Cambridge 1 glasgow 33 göttingen 64 Leiden 57, 64, 84, 113 Montpelier 64 St andrews 24, 25 uppsala 64, 101, 129 see also edinburgh (university of) utilitarianism 95, 112 Vital air 14 Vitrescible earth 190 Vitriol 71, 96, 106, 136, 145 see also Salt of iron Vitriol of Copper 71 modern equivalent 207 Vitriolic acid 139, 209 modern equivalent 207 Vitriolum Martis see Sal Martis Volcanoes 1, 155, 174, 179–180, 180n, 192, 196, 201 hecla 180 lava 96 pumice 96 Vesuvius 180 Vulcanism 1, 119, 124n, 172n Walker, rev. Dr. John archive 47 arts education 22 autodidactism 58 blindness 26, 42, 104, 125 botany 27–30 Index see also Ocean, rain, rivers Water Principle 64–65, 87, 150, 190 Watson, William 73, 135 Wauchope, Jane 26 Werner, abraham gottlob 102n, 119–120, 120n, 127, 127n, 130, 130n, 168, 168n, 172 Whiston, William 165, 171, 175 Whitehurst, John 83, 165, 171, 196 affinity 207 Wine of Lees 209 modern equivalent 207 Withering, William 15n, 144n, 150 Withers, Charles W. J. 7, 40 Wittie, robert 69–70 Woodhouselee, Lord 26, 35 Woodward 85–86, 89, 99–100, 106 Wright, William 35, 103 309 Zeolite 102, 104, 139–140, 214–215 modern equivalent 207 Zoology 8n, 13, 35n, 39, 46, 50–51, 109, 119, 126, 126n, 143n, 190 animal language 33

The Language of Mineralogy: John Walker, Chemistry and the Edinburgh Medical School, 1750-1800 (2008)

Matthew Daniel Eddy
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Matthew Daniel Eddy
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