Attacks on the Press
The cases of press freedom violations described on this website were investigated and verified by CPJ's research staff, according to CPJ strict criteria.
Albania
Year in Review: 1995
In a country where the press for years was expected to do politicians' bidding, Albanian
journalists continued to struggle in 1995 to redefine their work along professional
lines. But financial pressure and police harassment made this a difficult task.
Radio and television remained under the control of the ruling Democratic Party, and
the government continued to heavily tax newspapers and limit their distribution to
approximately 20 state-owned stores. As a result, Albanians often had to rely on
foreign news outlets such as the BBC to learn about important events in their country.
Harassment of the independent press increased in the fall, with the approach of the
1996 parliamentary elections. On Sept. 27, for instance, Gjergji Zefi, editor of
Lajmentari, was convicted of slander and forbidden from holding public office or
writing publicly for one year. Zefi's conviction was in connection with a Sept. 13 article
in which he accused a government official of corruption.
There were also arrests for the exercise of free speech. Ilir Hoxha, the eldest son
of the former dictator Enver Hoxha, was sentenced to one year in prison for "endangering
public peace" and "inciting hatred" for an interview he gave in a small paper, Modeste, in which he called the current Albanian government a "pack of vandals."
At a seminar held at the end of October by Albania's Association of Professional Journalists,
reporters and editors drafted a set of recommendations to the government aimed at
curbing judicial and economic harassment of the media, and providing free and fair access to information. The journalists suggested legal provisions to guarantee
access to information and to bring defamation legislation in line with the standards
set forth in the European Court of Human Rights. At year's end, the government had
not yet acted on any of these recommendations.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Albania
June 20, 1995
Filip Cakuli, Hostini HARASSED, CENSORED
Hostini HARASSED, CENSORED
Cakuli, director of the monthly humor magazine Hostini, was detained overnight at
a police station and interrogated about an upcoming issue, which had a front-page
caricature of Albanian President Sali Berisha. He was also questioned about his alleged
relations with the Greek Embassy in Tirana. Meanwhile, Hostini's printing was halted
while secret police seized the printing board with the caricature of the president.
After another front-page master without the caricature was created, printing resumed.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Albania
August 1, 1995
Arban Husani, Populli Po LEGAL, ACTION
Husani, editor in chief of the daily newspaper Populli Po, was charged with failing
to verify the truth, content and sources of a March 26 news story. The article, which
carried no byline, reported allegations that the Albanian intelligence service, SHIK, was involved in the murder of politician Gjovani Cekini in Shkoder on Jan. 15, 1994.
The charges brought against Husani violated European standards of press laws, which
Albania pledged to uphold by June 1995 when it joined the Council of Europe.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Albania
August 7, 1995
Blendi Fevziu, Aleanca LEGAL, ACTION
Fevziu, editor in chief of the independent newspaper Aleanca, was sued for slander
by Blerim Cela, the head of Albania's state financial organization, for an April
4 article he wrote. In it, Fevziu detailed Cela's actions that resulted in Cela's
inclusion on a list of corrupt officials that had been made public by a member of parliament.
Before Fevziu published the article, the list had been read aloud in parliament and
broadcast on state television. CPJ appealed to the Albanian government to drop the
charges. On Dec. 5, Fevziu was convicted of slander and fined US$2,000. Widespread condemnation
of the conviction soon followed, and President Sali Berisha pardoned the editor on
Dec. 8.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Albania
September 26, 1995
Ilir Babaramo, Koha Jone HARASSED
Babaramo, a reporter with the independent newspaper Koha Jone, was detained for several
hours in a police station, where officials demanded he give them information about
an article he wrote on irregularities and corruption at a border checkpoint between
Greece and Albania.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Albania
September 27, 1995
Gjergji Zefi, Lajmentari LEGAL, ACTION
Zefi, editor of the independent weekly Lajmentari, was convicted on charges of slander
and was banned for one year from holding public office and from writing publicly.
The charges were brought in connection with a Sept. 13 article he published in Lajmentari in which he accused government officials of corruption. In a letter to the Albanian
government, CPJ condemned the sentence. In 1994, Zefi was beaten by unidentified
assailants after writing a story on smuggling and was also charged by the government
with libel for an article in which he accused a government official of corruption.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Albania
October 28, 1995
Felix Bilani, Koha Jone HARASSED
Bilani, a photographer with Albania's largest independent newspaper, Koha Jone, was
seized by police while photographing a murder scene in Tirana. He was held at the
police station and released after a few hours, but his film was destroyed.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Albania
November 1, 1995
Nikolle Lesi, Koha Jone ATTACKED
An explosion damaged the home of Lesi, the director and publisher of Koha Jone, Albania's
largest independent newspaper. Lesi was not at home when the explosion occurred,
and his wife and two sons escaped unharmed. His apartment, however, was badly damaged. Koha Jone reported that the explosion was caused by dynamite. CPJ wrote to the
Albanian president and urged him to order a thorough investigation into the attack.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Armenia
Year in Review: 1995
Armenia's independence from the Soviet Union in September 1991 gave rise to the first
independent media in the republic's history. Economic problems and seven years of
bitter fighting with the neighboring republic of Azerbaijan, however, have pushed
the Armenian government in a steadily more despotic direction.
In January 1995, CPJ participated in a fact-finding mission to Armenia to investigate
the closures of 11 publications, which came on the heels of a Dec. 28, 1994, decree
by President Levon Ter-Petrossian. In that decree, he ordered that the activities
of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), the country's leading opposition party,
be suspended indefinitely. Following the decree, security agencies raided the editorial
offices of Yerkir, the official ARF newspaper and the largest circulation daily in the republic, as well as four ARF-affiliated news organizations and six independent
ones. All the editorial offices were then closed, ostensibly because they were benefiting
from illegal sources of funding. At the end of 1995, the decree was still in effect and none of the editorial offices had reopened.
In a letter to the president in February, CPJ denounced the closures, arguing that
the affected publications were presumed guilty without being given a trial and called
on him to take steps to improve the state of press freedom in Armenia.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Azerbaijan
Year in Review: 1995
The seven-year undeclared war with neighboring Armenia has had destabilizing consequences
for Azerbaijan, among them the creation of dozens of armed bands and interest groups
that present a challenge to the country's president, Geidar Aliyev. His response has been to toughen an existing crackdown on opposition groups and the press.
Independent editors charge that since the crushing of a police mutiny in March, the
government has practiced political as well as military censorship. On March 17, Adil
Bunyatov, a cameraman for Reuters and the Turan News Agency, was killed while filming
the rebellion. The Turan News Agency reported that government censorship introduced
in the wake of the uprising prevented opposition newspapers and the independent media
from revealing any details about Bunyatov's death.
Censorship was extended to state-owned television as well. After an October subway
fire killed 300 in Baku, virtually all television stations were prevented from reporting
on the incident. Early results of the investigation into the matter indicate that
the massive number of deaths and the fire itself were caused by a nerve gas released
in a subway car.
All newspapers felt the heavy hand of state censors when it came to criticisms of
the president. Any negative references to the head of state had to be removed before
a paper went to press, and as a result newspapers routinely appeared with blank spaces.
In the case of the satirical newspaper Chesme, whose circulation was low enough that
it was not subject to prior censorship, four of its journalists and one of the paper's
distributors were arrested and sentenced to between two and five years in a labor
camp for publishing caricatures of the president. CPJ wrote to President Aliyev repeatedly
to protest the censorship of all the country's newspapers and the trial of the Chesme
journalists. On Nov. 12, just before a parliamentary poll, he yielded to international pressure and pardoned the journalists.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Azerbaijan
March 17, 1995
Adil Bunyatov, Reuters and Turan News Agency KILLED
Bunyatov, a cameraman for Reuters and the Turan News Agency, was killed while filming
an attack by Azeri government troops on the headquarters of a rebel police unit on
the outskirts of Baku, the nation's capital. A report by the Turan News Agency said
government censorship introduced in the wake of the rebellion had prevented the opposition
and independent press from revealing any details about Bunyatov's death. CPJ wrote
to Azerbaijan's president to urge a thorough investigation into the killing and to
protest the censorship of news reports about the case.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Azerbaijan
March 24, 1995
Yadigar Mamedov, Chesme IMPRISONED, HARASSED
Malik Bayramov, Chesme IMPRISONED, HARASSED
Ayaz Ahmedov, Chesme IMPRISONED, HARASSED
Asker Ahmed, Chesme IMPRISONED, HARASSED
Mirzagusein Zeinalov, Chesme IMPRISONED, HARASSED
Ahmedov, editor of the satirical newspaper Chesme; three of his reporters, Mamedov,
Bayramov and Ahmed; and Zeinalov, who helped distribute the paper, were charged with
"insulting the honor and dignity" of President Aliyev for publishing cartoons and
jokes about him. Chesme had limited its print run to 999 to avoid prior censorship, which
is mandated for all publications with a circulation over 1000. The four journalists
and Zeinalov were convicted on Oct. 19 and sentenced to labor camp--Ahmedov for five
years, Mamedov for three years, and Bayramov, Ahmed and Zeinalov for two years each.
CPJ wrote two letters to the president to protest the convictions and to urge him
to revoke the sentences. On Nov. 12, Aliyev officially pardoned all five men, saying
that they were "young" and had made a mistake. He also said that he is not opposed to
criticism, but that the jent, for publishing a letter critical of Lukashenko's pro-Russian
policies.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Belarus
Year in Review: 1995
Before his election in 1994, Belarus' president, Alexander Lukashenko, promised that
he would eliminate the state monopoly on the media, ban political censorship and
end the political persecution of journalists. In 1995, he failed to make good on
his promises.
During the year, Lukashenko criticized the Belorussian independent press for being
irresponsible and said that state-run newspapers are obligated to support the government
in their coverage.
At the end of December 1994, three government newspapers appeared with blank spaces
after being censored by the authorities. In retaliation for his criticism of the
censorship, the editor of the government daily Sovetskaya Belarus was fired on Dec.
25.
On Jan. 3, 1995, the government deprived at least five independent newspapers of their
rights at Belarus major state-run printing house, which meant they had to find alternative
services at printing houses in provincial areas or in Lithuania. The Belarus Post Office was also ordered to stop delivering three independent newspapers to subscribers'
homes.
In another matter, on March 17, Lukashenko ordered the dismissal of Iosif Seredich,
the editor of Narodnaya Gazeta and a member of parliament, for publishing a letter
critical of Lukashenko's pro-Russian policies.
J
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Belarus
January 3, 1995
Belarusskaya Delovaya Gazeta CENSORED
Imia CENSORED
Narodnaya Volia CENSORED
Femida CENSORED
Svoboda CENSORED
President Lukashenko deprived the five independent newspapers of their publishing
rights at the state-run printing houses and forbade distribution offices from delivering
the papers to their subscribers. Consequently, the newspapers had to make arrangements with private printing and distribution facilities, many of which were inconveniently
located. Belarusskaya Delovaya Gazeta, for example, began to use a printing house
in Lithuania.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Belarus
March 17, 1995
Iosif Seredich, Narodnaya Gazeta HARASSED
Seredich, editor of the newspaper Narodnaya Gazeta and a member of parliament, was
fired by order of President Lukashenko for publishing a letter criticizing the administration's
pro-Russian policies. The president's decree stated that the letter "incited violence and civil unrest." In addition, the decree criticized journalists for irresponsible
reporting and proposed a council be appointed to supervise their behavior. CPJ protested
the action in a letter to Lukashenko and reminded him of his 1994 election campaign promise that he "would liquidate the state monopoly on mass media, ban
political censorship and persecution of journalists for political reasons, and allow
the independent distribution of information irrespective of the will of officials."
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
1995
All journalists with citizenship in former Yugoslav republics HARASSED
The use of two different types of press cards by the United Nations Protection Forces
(UNPROFOR) in the former Yugoslav republics hindered the work of local journalists.
UNPROFOR issued a yellow card for local journalists and a blue one for foreign correspondents. Although UNPROFOR and other U.N. agencies in the region reportedly did not
treat local journalists any differently from foreign correspondents, local authorities
blatantly discriminated against reporters who carried the yellow cards. On April
13, CPJ appealed to the United Nations for an end to the double standards. A reply from
U.N. representatives indicated that the organization agreed with CPJ's stance and
that preparations for a uniform card were already under way. A week later, UNPROFOR
announced that starting May 1, it would issue one card for all journalists, local and
foreign.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Year in Review: 1995
The problems encountered by journalists and news organizations in Bosnia in 1995 were
directly related to the war that has raged in the country since 1992. Security remained
the prime issue. Often caught in the cross fire, injured or killed by land mines, or targeted by different warring factions for their coverage, journalists, both local
and foreign were--and continue to be--at high risk. At least 45 journalists have been
killed during the first four years of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia.
Journalists were also captured and used as hostages. Two Turkish journalists were
taken into custody in September after being stopped at a Bosnian Serb checkpoint.
They were eventually exchanged for Bosnian Serb prisoners of war. A cameraman and
a driver for Bosnian Serb Television did not fare as well. During fighting at Mount Ozren,
they encountered Bosnian Muslim troops who shot them. The body of the driver was
returned by the Bosnian government. The fate of the cameraman remains unknown.
In October, David Rohde, an American correspondent for the Christian Science Monitor,
was captured by Bosnian Serb police. Unlike the journalists before him who had been
kidnapped for use as bargaining chips in exchange for POWs, Rohde appeared to have
been targeted for his reporting. He was researching a follow-up to the story he broke
in August about the mass killing of Muslims by Bosnian Serbs after the capture of
Srebrenica. In a new development, the Bosnian Serbs "tried" Rohde for falsifying
documents and entering their territory illegally. They later announced their intention to
add espionage to the charge sheet. On Nov. 8, Rohde was released unharmed after intense
pressure by the U.S. government, the United Nations, CPJ and others. The weekend
prior to his release, CPJ Chair Kati Marton met three times with Serbia's President Slobodan
Milosevic at the peace talks in Dayton, Ohio. Marton told Milosevic that the U.S.
media was holding his government accountable for Rohde's fate. [See Special Report:
Bosnia and Herzegovina, p. 153.]
In other matters, local news organizations were constantly limited by material scarcities
and other difficulties caused by the war. Newspapers had to struggle to find enough
newsprint to publish regularly. TV and radio stations did not have a sufficient supply of blank tapes, forcing them to reuse old ones and delete valuable archival
material. Phone lines did not work and travel proved extremely dangerous, making
the gathering of information a daunting task.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
January 26, 1995
Namik Berberovic, Bosnian-Austrian OSSA Television IMPRISONED
Berberovic, a U.N.-accredited Muslim journalist with OSSA Television, was detained
by the rebel Bosnian Serbs as he was traveling from the Sarajevo airport to the city.
In a letter to Serbian rebel authorities, CPJ criticized them for treating journalists as prisoners of war since they are considered noncombatants under international law
and urged Berberovic's immediate release. Berberovic and Jordanian-Bosnian free-lancer
Shanaat Nahrawand, who was taken into custody on Feb. 23, were held in Lukavica until March 20, when they were released in exchange for Serb POWs held by the Bosnian
government.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
February 23, 1995
Shanaat Nahrawand, Free-lancer IMPRISONED
Nahrawand, a citizen of Jordan and Bosnia who writes for the Sarajevo weekly Dani
and various Jordanian news organizations, was taken into custody by Bosnian Serbs
as she was traveling from the Sarajevo airport to the city. She was held in Lukavica
until March 20 when she and Bosnian Muslim journalist Namik Berberovic were freed in exchange
for the release of Serb prisoners of war held by the Bosnian government. In a letter
to Serbian rebel authorities, CPJ criticized them for treating journalists as POWs since they are considered noncombatants under international law and demanded their
immediate release.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
April 12, 1995
Maurizio Cucci, Murcia Editori ATTACKED
Cucci, an Italian journalist for Murcia Editori, was wounded slightly when his car
came under gunfire at a U.N. checkpoint near the Sarajevo airport. The sniper fire,
presumed to be from Bosnian-Serb positions, hit him on the shoulder. He was treated
and released from the hospital a few days later.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
June 5, 1995
Vincent Hugeux, L'Express ATTACKED
Christian Millet, Agence France-Press (AFP) ATTACKED
Eric Canabis, AFP ATTACKED
After interviewing French soldiers at Mount Igman, the three French journalists were
traveling to Sarajevo when their armored car came under Serb fire. Though no one
was seriously injured by the bullets, the vehicle rolled over a few times, causing
L'Express reporter Hugeux's collarbone to break. He was treated in the army hospital at
Fornpronu. AFP photographer Canabis and AFP reporter Millet sustained only minor
injuries from the attack.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
June 28, 1995
Eldar Emric, Associated Press TV (APTV) ATTACKED
Asja Resavac, APTV ATTACKED
Mirsad Helac, APTV ATTACKED
Dave Albritton, CNN ATTACKED
Faridoun Hemani, Worldwide Telvision News (WTN) ATTACKED
All five journalists were injured when Bosnian Serbs struck a television building
in Sarajevo with a 550-pound makeshift rocket bomb. The television building served
as headquarters for national and foreign broadcast media in Sarajevo. The journalists
were among 38 civilians wounded in the attack.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
September 15, 1995
NTV 99 ATTACKED
Studio 99 ATTACKED
The antennae of Sarajevo's NTV 99 and its radio counterpart, Studio 99, were destroyed
by a fire of unknown origin. The damage prevented long-range broadcasting for nearly
two weeks.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
September 23, 1995
Sasa Kolevski, Bosnian Serb Television KILLED
Goran Pejcinovic, Bosnian Serb Television
Goran Pejcinovic, Bosnian Serb Television
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
October 7, 1995
Ali Kocak, Anatolia News Agency IMPRISONED
Munire Acim, Hürriyet IMPRISONED
Kocak, a correspondent for Turkey's official Anatolia News Agency, and Acim, a correspondent
for the Turkish daily Hürriyet, were captured at a Bosnian Serb checkpoint near Sarajevo.
They were held for two weeks in a Bosnian Serb prison in Kula. Acim told journalists her captors had threatened to hang her with a silk rope during her captivity.
On Oct. 21, the two journalists were released at the airport in Sarajevo as two of
10 prisoners of war offered by the Bosnian Serbs in exchange for the release of 10 POWs held by the Bosnian government. CPJ protested the kidnapping of the two journalists
and wrote a second letter to the Bosnian Serbs after Kocak and Acim's release, decrying
the use of journalists as bargaining chips in POW exchanges.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
October 29, 1995
David Rohde, Christian Science Monitor IMPRISONED
Rohde, a U.S. reporter for the Christian Science Monitor, was arrested near Zvornik
and held in a cell in Bijeljina on charges of "illegal border crossing, staying on
the territory of the Republika Srpska and falsifying documents." At the time of his
capture, he was researching a follow-up to the story he broke in August about the mass
killing of Muslims by Bosnian Serbs. CPJ initially wrote Bosnian Serb leader Radovan
Karadzic to urge him to conduct an investigation into Rohde's whereabouts and to
ensure his safety. After reports of his capture, CPJ wrote Karadzic again, this time demanding
Rohde's immediate and safe release. CPJ Chair Kati Marton met with Serbian President
Milosevic during peace talks in Dayton, Ohio, and emphasized that Rohde's release was a top priority for U.S. news organizations. On Nov. 8, Rohde was released unharmed
to U.S. Embassy officials in Belgrade. [See Special Report: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
p. 153.]
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Croatia
Year in Review: 1995
The Croatian government took steps to assume greater control over the state-owned
media in 1995. The news show "Dnevnik," for instance, which is the most influential
program on the state-run Croatian Television, began to dedicate the first 10 minutes
of its broadcast to reports on the daily activities of President Franjo Tudjman.
There was also apprehension about large-scale layoffs at many government-owned media
enterprises, and though none were carried out, fear of dismissal led to self-censorship
on the part of many journalists.
The government also interfered with the independent media. In August, for instance,
state authorities took away the frequency of Radio LAE, which is known for its opposition
to the ruling party, and turned it over to a government company.
The war in the former Yugoslavia accounted for the other attacks on the press. John
Schofield, a radio reporter for the BBC who was covering the government's recapture
of the Krajina region from Croatian Serbs, was shot and killed by Croatian forces
in August. And in two other incidents, Croatian authorities confiscated audiotapes from
correspondents working for Finnish and Swiss broadcasters.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Croatia
May 3, 1995
Tomas Miglierina, Swiss Radio-Television Corporation (RTSI) HARASSED
Yriö Lautela, Finnish Radio-TV (YLE) HARASSED
Croatian authorities confiscated audiotapes from Miglierina, a correspondent for Switzerland's
RTSI, and Lautela, a correspondent for Finland's YLE, on two occasions. On May 3,
near the town of Novska, an army officer who declined to reveal his identity confiscated two tapes and did not give the journalists any receipts for them. On May
4, near the town of Daruvar, Croatian civilian police stopped the journalists' car
and informed them that, under regulations issued from a government ministry two hours
before, all press material had to be confiscated and examined and would be returned
in the next several days. When they refused to turn over their materials, they were
taken to see the officer in charge at the police station in Daruvar. While there,
a young inspector apologetically confiscated their tapes, citing direct orders from Zagreb.
Miglierina and Lautela were given a certificate documenting the confiscation, and
were promised that they could collect their tapes at the regional police station
in Bjelovar in a few days. The journalists objected, arguing that the tapes contained daily
news material that would be useless if delayed, but this did not change the situation.
In both instances, the audiotapes were never returned.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Croatia
August 9, 1995
John Schofield, BBC KILLED, ATTACKED
Adam Kelleher, BBC ATTACKED
Inar Asawi, BBC ATTACKED
Jonathon Birchell, BBC ATTACKED
Schofield, a radio reporter for the BBC, was shot and killed by fire from Croat forces.
Schofield, who was wearing a flak jacket, and three colleagues from the BBC were
traveling in an armored vehicle from Zagreb to Bihac. Unaware that they were in an
unsecure zone, the journalists left their vehicle to film houses burning in the village
of Vrginmost. Croat soldiers opened fire but immediately stopped when the crew shouted,
"We are press!" Two of Schofield's colleagues, Kelleher and Asawi, were slightly
wounded in the incident. Within minutes a field ambulance appeared. Schofield was pronounced
dead, and the journalists were taken to a hospital in Karlovac.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Croatia
August 11, 1995
Radio LAE CENSORED
The Croatian government took away the frequency of the independent station Radio LAE
and turned it over to a government company, FFI Commerce, shortly after President
Tudjman called for early elections. Radio LAE is known for its opposition to the
ruling Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), and FFI Commerce is known to have connections to
HDZ and President Tudjman.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Czech Republic
Year in Review: 1995
President Vaclav Havel has been a supporter of the free press, but the secretive habits
of former Communist bureaucrats sometimes make it difficult for journalists to gain
information in the Czech Republic, which in most respects is making a swift transition to a market economy.
On Oct. 18, the Cabinet passed a new press bill intended to update regulations for
newspaper publishers and for journalists working in radio, television and the periodical
press. But the bill does not assure either media access to government information
or the confidentiality of sources. Although the country's Charter of Basic Rights and
Freedoms guarantees freedom of information, journalists argue that its provisions
are not sufficient for the news media to gain access to information from government
officials. After an angry reaction to the new bill from members of the Czech press, Prime
Minister Vaclav Klaus announced that state institutions would establish information
offices in the next year to facilitate the distribution of information.
As for other press-related laws, the country's restrictive defamation law, under which
Havel himself was imprisoned during his days as a dissident, is still on the books.
Journalists can be prosecuted for defamation of the president, other public officials and the government.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Georgia
Year in Review: 1995
The greatest problem for the Georgian news media in 1995 was fear of paramilitary
groups and organized crime.
A turning point of sorts was reached after the attempt on the life of President Eduard
Shevardnadze on Aug. 29. Until that time, the Georgian media hesitated to write about
the increasingly brazen behavior of Hedrioni, a military detachment that fought in the war in Abkhazia and, after officially being reassigned to humanitarian rescue
work, turned some of its attention to kidnapping, extortion and other crimes.
The Hedrioni unit, however, was implicated in the attack on Shevardnadze and was promptly
disbanded. In the wake of its dispersion, the Georgian press for the first time began
writing freely about Hedrioni's criminal activities.
In general, those in the print media may write what they like, but there is widespread
self-censorship among journalists when it comes to expressing open opposition to
the government and especially direct criticism of Shevardnadze, who was re-elected
by a large majority on Nov. 14. Broadcasts on state television are subjected to prior
censorship and, at present, there are no private television stations.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Hungary
Year in Review: 1995
Since 1989, Hungary has enjoyed a press that is among the freest and most competitive
in the former Communist bloc as a result of the country's smoothly negotiated transition
to democracy. Dozens of newspapers and magazines of varying quality and diverse political shading now fight for readers, with largely only the rules of the marketplace
determining their success or failure.
On the other hand, the arena of Hungarian broadcast media has been vastly more contentious.
All three of the major political blocks--the Liberals and the Socialists (the two
parties that form the present governing coalition) and the Conservatives (now out
of power)--have tried to harness radio and television to their partisan purposes, but
they have failed. At the end of 1995, a comprehensive media law was signed in Budapest
with the approval of all three parties. This law promises to safeguard the independence of both radio and television from the ruling party of the day, no matter what
its politics. A dual state/private broadcasting system has been created, hopefully
laying the foundations for a journalistic culture based on objectivity. An independent
body, much like the U.S. Federal Communications Commission, will be set up to supervise
the new media and issue broadcast licenses.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Kazakhstan
Year in Review: 1995
Kazakhstan was expected by many local observers to develop into a haven of (relative)
press freedom in Central Asia. Alma-Ata, the capital, was host to a landmark UNESCO
Asia press freedom conference in 1992 and home to many new private periodicals and
broadcasting outlets. The city was the working base for regional reporters and publications.
The new constitution provided significant legal protections for the news media. And
President Nursultan Nazarbayev appeared eager to emulate his erstwhile ally and patron, Mikhail Gorbachev, by courting support in the West and tolerating open dissent
and debate at home.
By 1995, however, Nazarbayev's government had become increasingly authoritarian, and
conditions for journalists began to deteriorate.
Two weeks prior to the March 1994 parliamentary elections, the television and radio
network "M" broadcast two programs critical of the Kazakh leadership. Soon after,
the government evicted the station from its state-owned offices and shut off its
radio transmissions. Nazarbayev waited until after the elections to reverse the order and
reprimand the officials responsible for the actions. Now the station owns its own
transmitters, although the government still owns the tower.
On March 23, 1995, a fire believed by some to have been set by pro-government arsonists
destroyed a warehouse owned by Karavan, an independent newspaper with its own printing
presses. Karavan had been critical of the president's decision earlier that month to dissolve parliament.
In April, Nazarbayev held a Soviet-style referendum on his proposal to extend his
presidential term a further four years. Opposition candidates could not participate,
and little critical coverage of the single-candidate election was voiced in the local
media. Nazarbayev claimed victory, with a reported 95.4 percent of participating voters
casting a "yes" ballot. A bicameral legislature with limited powers was installed
in December. The president then expanded his powers further, giving himself the sole
right to dissolve the parliament and to amend the constitution by executive decree.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Kazakhstan
March 23, 1995
Karavan THREATENED
The offices of the newspaper Karavan were forced to close for two weeks when a fire
destroyed the newspaper's warehouse. The fire occurred just after the newspaper criticized
President Nazarbayev's dissolution of parliament. Some believe the fire was an act of arson by pro-government forces.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Kyrgyzstan
Year in Review: 1995
Kyrgyzstan's press law, adopted in 1992, contains provisions that greatly restrict
the independence of local journalists. News outlets must be approved and licensed
by the Ministry of Justice. Journalists are subject to criminal prosecution for publishing material that is deemed to advocate violence or intolerance against ethnic or religious
groups, to be disrespectful of cultural norms and ethics or to violate the privacy
or dignity of any individual, including government officials. Newspapers have also
been closed by government order; in 1994, for instance, authorities shut down the
newspaper Svobodnye Gory (Free Mountains).
On July 11, 1995, the editor and deputy editor of Respublica, an independent weekly
newspaper, were convicted in a district criminal court for libeling President Askar
Akaev. The offense was a March 7, 1995, editorial in which the newspaper criticized
the president. He filed suit in response. The editor, Zamira Sydykova, was sentenced
to 18 months in prison; her deputy, Tamara Slashchyeva, received a 12-month term.
In addition, both women were forbidden from working as journalists for a year and
a half. However, in consideration of the fact that both have young children, the judge revoked
the journalists' prison sentences.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Kyrgyzstan
July 11, 1995
Zamira Sydykova, Respublica LEGAL, ACTION
Tamara Slashchyeva, Respublica LEGAL, ACTION
Sydykova, editor of the independent weekly newspaper Respublica, and Slashchyeva,
her deputy editor, were charged with slander by President Akaev for an editorial
in the newspaper about houses the president allegedly owns in Turkey and Switzerland.
Both women were convicted; Sydykova was sentenced to a year and a half in prison, and Slashchyeva
was sentenced to one year. The prison sentences were withdrawn, however, since each
has young children. But they were also forbidden from practicing journalism for a year and a half. The journalists are appealing the verdict. CPJ wrote a letter
of protest to Akaev, urging him to reverse the convictions.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Latvia
Year in Review: 1995
The media in Latvia remained editorially independent throughout 1995, and both Latvian-
and Russian-language newspapers continued to print a wide range of views. Ultranationalist
Russian papers, however, were still prohibited from being sold in the country's capital in accordance with a September 1994 resolution passed by the Riga City
Council.
On the eve of parliamentary elections in October, Inese Skutane, a reporter for the
Baltic News Service (BNS), said she was abducted by unknown assailants on her way
to interview an adviser to the prime minister and was tortured by them throughout
the night. Her abductors reportedly told her that they would not kill her because they wanted
her to see the results of the parliamentary elections. The general prosecutor held
a press conference before the investigation had concluded and announced that Skutane
had fabricated the story to slander the prime minister's administration.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Latvia
September 27, 1995
Inese Skutane, Baltic News Service (BNS) ATTACKED
Skutane, a journalist with BNS, reported that on her way to interview an adviser to
the prime minister she was attacked by three men, who then kidnapped and tortured
her during the night. Skutane said the attack was politically motivated and that
her attackers said they would not kill her because they wanted her to see the results of the
parliamentary elections, which were under way at the time of the alleged incident.
Although it is unusual in Latvia to hold a press conference about a case while it
is still under investigation, General Prosecutor Janis Skrastins did so on Oct. 2. He claimed
that Skutane was irresponsible in her work and that she had fabricated the story
to slander the prime minister's administration. CPJ wrote to Skrastins, calling for
a thorough and fair investigation of the case. He responded by letter, saying that
Skutane was "promulgating false information" and that his office was investigating
her motives for doing so. The director of BNS, George Shabbad, later said BNS is
not accusing anyone in the incident and that it wants a fair investigation to be conducted
in order to learn what happened to Skutane. Shabbad added that Skutane's apartment
was searched and vandalized on Oct. 27, her first day back at work.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Lithuania
Year in Review: 1995
The media in Lithuania are not encumbered by legal restrictions. There are no legal
penalties for "irresponsible" journalism, although individuals may press charges
for libel and slander. Lithuania's journalists are, however, threatened by the local
Mafia. As in Russia, organized crime is powerful and widespread. In November 1995, the
editorial offices of the daily Lietuvos Rytas were severely damaged by a powerful
bomb. No one was hurt, but material damages totaled more than US$100,000. The bombing
occurred after the newspaper published a series of articles on organized crime in the country.
The deputy editor, Algimanthas Butris, said he thought mobsters were responsible.
The attack on Lietuvos Rytas was not the first attempt by organized crime to silence
the press in Lithuania. In October 1993, Vitas Lingis, editor of Respublika, was
shot and killed at point-blank range as he approached his car near his home in Vilnius.
Lingis frequently wrote about corruption, and, at the time of his murder, he was working
on a story about the Lithuanian criminal underworld. In November 1994, four people
were arrested and convicted for his murder.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Lithuania
November 17, 1995
Lietuvos Rytas ATTACKED
A bomb exploded in the headquarters of Lietuvos Rytas, the most popular newspaper
in Lithuania. No one was hurt, but material damages totaled more than US$100,000.
The incident occurred after the paper ran a series of articles on life in the criminal
world. Police suspect gangsters were responsible for the bombing. The prime minister has
called for an investigation.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Poland
Year in Review: 1995
While no physical attacks on journalists in Poland were reported in 1995, those in
the media continued to work under restrictive provisions of the country's Penal Code,
such as Article 270, which forbids "ridiculing" or "insulting" the Polish nation,
its political system or its leaders. Punishment under this law is most severe for members
of the press, who face up to 10 years imprisonment if convicted, while ordinary citizens
face a maximum of eight years.
In January, Waclaw Bialy, the editor of the Lublin edition of the daily newspaper
Gazeta Wyborcza, was sentenced to two weeks in prison and fined by the Supreme Court
of Poland for refusing to reveal the name of a source after he was ordered to do
so by a regional court. Poland's press law guarantees that journalists may maintain the confidentiality
of their sources except in cases of treason, espionage and murder. Nonetheless, the
Supreme Court upheld the regional court's ruling that Bialy had to reveal his source on the grounds that the Penal Code permits judges and public prosecutors
to order witnesses to disclose professional secrets.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Poland
January 19, 1995
Waclaw Bialy, Gazeta Wyborcza IMPRISONED, LEGAL, ACTION
Bialy, editor of the Lublin edition of the daily newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza, was sentenced
to two weeks in prison and fined by the Supreme Court of Poland for refusing to reveal
the name of a source after he was ordered to do so by a regional court. Bialy based his defense on Poland's press law, which guarantees that journalists may maintain
the confidentiality of their sources except in cases of treason, espionage and murder.
The Supreme Court, however, upheld the regional court's ruling on the grounds that the Penal Code permits judges and public prosecutors to order witnesses to disclose
professional secrets. CPJ wrote to Poland's president, Lech Walesa, and the minister
of justice, Wlodzimierz Cimoszewicz, expressing concern over the court decision and stating that without the guarantee of confidentiality, sources will no longer disclose
information on matters of public interest to journalists.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Romania
1995
Opposition newspapers HARASSED
The state-run paper mill Letea, the only supplier for newsprint in Romania, refused
to deliver newsprint to various opposition newspapers when it was in short supply.
As a result, the papers either had to suspend printing for days at a time, as Ziua
did in January, or reduce their print runs. CPJ wrote to Prime Minister Nicolae Vacaroiu
to urge his government to consider other alternatives, such as privatizing newsprint
facilities or creating new ones. By the end of 1995, newsprint was in greater supply
but still poor in quality.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Romania
Year in Review: 1995
In November, Romania's lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies, rejected
a set of amendments to the country's Criminal Code that would have dealt a significant
blow to press freedom. Among the restrictive provisions was one that would have mandated harsher punishments for journalists convicted of defaming the Romanian nation.
Both the ruling and opposition parties objected to various portions of the proposal,
but it was not the press restrictions that bothered them. One common objection was
a slightly liberalized policy on homosexuality.
With this set of amendments voted down, the Justice Department is required to redraft
the entire bill. But the new draft is unlikely to be finished before parliamentary
elections in April 1996.
Even without these changes in place, however, life for reporters in Romania is not
easy. Journalists criticize state officials at their own risk. The Romanian Penal
Code already provides for a charge of "offense against authorities," and, on May
24, proceedings were started against two journalists in connection with articles in the daily
newspaper Ziua in which they alleged that Romanian President Ion Iliescu was recruited
in the 1950s while a student in Moscow to be an agent of the Soviet KGB. If found
guilty, the journalists face a possible penalty of three years' imprisonment.
In June 1994, as the result of new legislation, the state-owned broadcast media became
public institutions subordinate to parliament. But by the end of 1995, no administrators
had been appointed for state television because the parliament rejected state television employees' elected choices for the administrative board, and the leader
of the Romanian National Television Free Trade Union, Dumitru Iuga, refused to nominate
a new candidate. In protest against parliament's action, Iuga held a lengthy hunger
strike that left him seriously weakened early in the year. Romania's watchdog Civic
Alliance group accused Iliescu's ruling leftist party of nominating board members
on the basis of political subservience and is seeking to block the appointment of
reformist managers.
Private television and radio stations exist but only at the local level. And while
there are approximately 2,000 independent publications, they are mostly small. Even
where privately owned media exist, they are subject to government pressure. The state
runs the only factory that produces newsprint, for instance, and throughout 1995 several
opposition newspapers had to halt publication or reduce print runs because the state
paper mill refused to deliver newsprint. The situation had improved by year's end,
although paper quality was still poor.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Romania
March 3, 1995
Romanian Public Radio and Television HARASSED
Parliament refused to allow one of the candidates elected by the employees of Romanian
Public Radio and Television to join the station's administrative board. A June 1994
law called for a competent and impartial board to run the public broadcaster and
allowed the organization's employees to nominate two of the 13 board members. They selected
Neculai Constantin Munteanu and Gabriel Liiceanu. Both were approved by the culture
committees of the House and Senate, but the members of the majority parties in parliament decided to replace Liiceanu with the television management's candidate, Paul
Solac. In response, Dumitru Iuga, the leader of the Romanian National Television
Free Trade Union (to which the employees belonged), held a 34-day hunger strike.
He ended it on April 6 when Paul Solac was dropped from the list of nominees. By year's end,
however, Iuga had refused to nominate a new candidate to the board, and the board
was still not in operation. CPJ wrote two letters of protest to President Iliescu
and Speaker of the House of Deputies Adrian Nastase to express concern that parliament's
action may hinder the process of democratizing electronic media in Romania. A spokesman
for the president responded in a letter to CPJ, in which he stated that parliament
holds constitutional power to elect members to the board of Romanian Public Radio and
Television.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Romania
August 18, 1995
Sorin Rosca-Stanescu, Ziua LEGAL, ACTION
Tana Ardeleanu, Ziua LEGAL, ACTION
Rosca-Stanescu, managing director of the newspaper Ziua, and Ardeleanu, an investigative
reporter with the paper, were charged under Article 238 of the Romanian Penal Code
for "offense against authorities." The charges stem from a series of articles Ziua
published that claimed President Iliescu was recruited by the KGB when he was a student
in Moscow. As a result, Ziua was banned from attending any presidential press conferences.
CPJ wrote to Iliescu expressing concern that the Penal Code provision for "offense against authorities" is incompatible with the operation of a free press and
calling for the withdrawal of all charges brought against Rosca-Stanescu and Ardeleanu.
At year's end, their trial was still in progress.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Romania
September 25, 1995
Romanian journalists THREATENED
After being passed by the Senate, a set of amendments to the Romanian Criminal Code,
some of which would have harmed press freedom, was put before the Chamber of Deputies
for consideration. Article 168 would have mandated one to five years' imprisonment
for the dissemination of false information or falsified documents, and Article 236
would have mandated the same jail terms for "defamation of the Romanian nation" by
a media outlet. A revision of the existing Article 206 was also proposed and would
have increased the prison terms for journalists convicted of defamation, raising the minimum
from three months to six and the maximum from two years to three. CPJ urged President
Iliescu and his Chamber of Deputies to reject the proposed revisions, which they
did on Nov. 21. The ruling and opposition parties objected to various provisions in
the proposal but not those increasing restrictions on the press. Rather, their greatest
objections pertained to those amendments that would have relaxed the laws against
homosexuality. With the amendments voted down, the Justice Department is required to
redraft the entire bill. The new draft, however, is unlikely to be finished before
the April 1996 parliamentary elections.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
Year in Review: 1995
The Russian constitution guarantees freedom of speech and explicitly forbids censorship
of the media. The criminal code and the law on the mass media also guarantee press
freedom. But in 1995, four years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian press, still the most democratic institution in Russian society, found itself threatened
by violence, political intimidation and financial pressure.
Violence against Russian journalists came in various forms. Vladislav Listyev, a television
journalist and the director general of the Russian public television station ORT,
was shot on March 1, the victim of an apparent contract killing. In May, the Tomsk pro-democratic newspaper, Tomsky Vestnik, was the target of a bomb. On June 17,
Natalya Alyakina, a free-lance correspondent for German news outlets, was shot and
killed while on her way to cover the hostage crisis in Budyonnovsk; Interior Ministry
troops opened fire on her car just minutes after she cleared one of their checkpoints.
In July, journalists photographing the Moscow headquarters of the openly fascist
Russian National Unity Movement were beaten up by the group's activists.
More disturbing than the violence itself, however, is the fact that the Russian government
has shown no sign of making a serious effort to react to it. To date, not one of
the journalists' murders has been prosecuted [see Special Report: Russia, p. 167].
Journalists in Russia also were subject to political and financial pressure. The political
pressure consisted, in part, of threats of legal action. "Ninety percent of Russian
politicians believe that they should control the press," said Igor Malashenko, the president of Russia's largest independent television network, NTV. The dilemma
was illustrated for NTV in the early days of the war in Chechnya. On Dec. 15, 1994,
as violence in Chechnya escalated and NTV enraged officials with its hard-hitting,
firsthand reports of the carnage, Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Soskovets announced that the
government was considering revoking NTV's license to broadcast on Channel 4, a government
channel. A public outcry forced the government to abandon that idea, but later less direct methods were used against the network. On July 13, 1995, the general prosecutor's
office opened a criminal investigation of NTV journalist Yelena Masyuk under Article
189 of the Criminal Code (harboring a criminal) and Article 190 (failure to report a crime) in connection with her interview with Chechen field commander Shamil
Basaev, who led the June raid on the southern Russian city of Budyonnovsk. Although
many other journalists interviewed Basaev, Masyuk was the only one to face a criminal
investigation.
Also in July, prosecutors opened a criminal case against the NTV political satire
show, "Kukly" (Puppets), under Article 131 of the Criminal Code for allegedly insulting
the president and high-ranking officials. The show depicted President Boris Yeltsin,
Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and Defense Minister Pavel Grachev as tramps begging
for money because they could not survive on the minimum wage. The plans to prosecute
the program were greeted with widespread ridicule and eventually dropped, but on
Aug. 18, prosecutors filed charges of tax evasion and illegal currency dealings, punishable
by up to 10 years in prison, against the producer of "Kukly," Vasily Grigoriev. Russia's
tax code is so confusing that almost anyone can be accused of violating it, and Grigoriev made clear that he would not return to Russia from Paris until the
threat of criminal charges and a jail term was lifted.
The Russian press was also subjected to financial pressure from commercial interests,
a threat made doubly effective because of the print media's dire economic condition.
It is estimated that only 15 percent of the country's 10,500 publications are financially self-sufficient. Since 1991, when subsidized subscriptions for Russian newspapers
were drastically cut, subscriptions have sunk to less than a tenth of their former
levels. Rising newsprint costs, high tax rates, declining circulation and competition from television news are all important factors behind newspapers' economic decline.
And the provincial press, which for the first time has a bigger circulation than
the national press, is even more vulnerable to pressure than the papers in Moscow.
In this situation, many entrepreneurial publishers with close ties to political organizations
encouraged their papers to sponsor certain politicians at voting time. Similarly,
firms that offered lavish funding to newspapers tended to want a say in the papers' content. To ward off such interference, some newspapers kept a majority of their
shares in the hands of their editorial staff.
Nonetheless, most newspapers and other media outlets, faced with declining circulation
and spiraling costs, feared the consequences of too much independence. In May, Nezavisimaya
Gazeta, at one time the leading newspaper of the perestroika period, declared that it was closing down to search for new funding. The paper began publishing again
in November after receiving financial support from private companies with close ties
to the present government. Also shut down by poverty in the summer were Kuranty,
another product of the glasnost era, and the more recent Novaya Yeshednevnaya Gazeta.
Among broadcasters, the economic crisis did not prove as severe, but editorial integrity
was frequently sacrificed in the race for profits. According to Anatoly Lysenko,
the director of Russian TV, "Television networks no longer have new ideas or new
programs--only new sponsors."
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
January 4, 1995
Stephane Orjollet, Agence France-Presse (AFP) ATTACKED
Orjollet, a journalist for AFP, was shot and wounded in the thigh by sniper fire in
the eastern part of Grozny, the Chechen capital. CPJ wrote a letter to President
Yeltsin expressing concern that unless journalists are respected as noncombatants,
press conditions in Chechnya may deteriorate as they did in the former Yugoslavia, where
journalists have been deliberately targeted.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
January 10, 1995
Jochen Piest, Stern KILLED, ATTACKED
Vladimir Sorokin, Rossiskaya Gazeta ATTACKED
Piest, a correspondent for the German newsmagazine Stern, was killed in a suicide
attack by a Chechen rebel in the village of Chervlyonna, about 15 miles northeast
of the Chechen capital of Grozny. The rebel was firing his submachine gun as he drove
a small diesel locomotive at high speed toward an empty Russian troop train parked on the
track. Piest was fatally hit by three bullets. Rossiskaya Gazeta correspondent Vladimir
Sorokin was wounded in the attack. The gunman died when the locomotive collided with the military train.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
January 13, 1995
Yuri Tunev, Russian Sky News ATTACKED
Tunev, a Russian Sky News soundman, was hit in the face by shrapnel when a rocket
exploded yards from where his crew was filming in the Chechen capital of Grozny.
His injuries were not serious.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
February
Yaroslav Mogutin, Free-lancer HARASSED, LEGAL, ACTION
The Presidential Court Chamber on Information Disputes accused Mogutin, an openly
gay free-lance journalist from Moscow of "inflaming national, social and religious
division," under Article 74.1 of the Penal Code. The action stemmed from a January
1995 article Mogutin had written for the weekly Novy Vzgliad on the war in Chechnya. After
two hearings, the Presidential Court Chamber recommended that the government shut
Novy Vzgliad down, revoke its publishing license and launch a criminal case against
Mogutin. The prosecutor's office opened a case against him in April 1995. Mogutin is currently
in the United States seeking political asylum. If he returns to Russia and is convicted,
he may face seven years in prison. Mogutin had been persecuted for his writing before. In September 1993, he was arrested, held overnight and charged with "hooliganism"
for an interview with a gay dancer that he published. The case was finally closed
in October 1994, but prior to its closing, Mogutin and his partner had been harassed repeatedly, beginning in April 1994, by late-night visits from the police, who
extorted money from them and threatened the couple with criminal prosecution if they
did not comply.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
February
Aleksei Kostin, Yeshio IMPRISONED, LEGAL, ACTION
Kostin, the founder and publisher of the erotic newspaper Yeshio, was put on trial
after being held in prison for more than a year. He was released from jail on Feb.
26, 1995, after his trial had begun, but his jail term violated the Russian Processing
Code, which sets a maximum term of imprisonment prior to trial at nine months. His trial
stemmed from charges leveled against him in 1993 after his paper had been temporarily
banned along with 12 political opposition newspapers by decree of President Yeltsin. Initially arrested and detained without charge for three days after the ban, Kostin
was formally charged on Oct. 28, 1993, under Article 228 of the Criminal Code with
production and distribution of pornography and possession with intent to distribute.
Although he cooperated with the investigation, he was arrested again on Feb. 4, 1994,
on charges that he disclosed information about the investigation and that he continued
to publish and distribute Yeshio, though there was never an order for the paper to cease publication. Russian law contains no definition of pornography, and an "expert"
committee must convene to determine the nature of a publication. The first such committee
convened in the case of Yeshio deemed the paper pornographic on the basis of four articles, one of which was a profile of a lesbian with no sexual content. Subsequent
committees also singled out portrayals of gays and lesbians as evidence that the
paper was pornographic. Yeshio is not the only erotic publication distributed in
Russia, but it is the only one that regularly includes an article on gays and lesbians,
or on homosexual sex, and it is the only one whose distribution the Moscow chief
prosecutor has interfered with. Kostin's trial was still under way at year's end.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
February 17, 1995
Viatcheslav Rudnev, Free-lancer KILLED
Rudnev, a free-lance journalist who worked in Kaluga, a district outside of Moscow,
was found on Feb. 13 in the hallway of his apartment building with a serious skull
injury. He died four days later in the local hospital. Rudnev was known for his exposés
of corruption and the criminal underworld, which were published in regional newspapers
such as Znamya (Flag) and Vest (News). Rudnev had received death threats prior to
his murder and had reported them to the local police. The circumstances of his death
are still unknown. CPJ urged the Russian government to investigate his death and in
November conducted a fact-finding mission to Russia to report on the unsolved murders
of Rudnev and other Russian journalists. [See Special Report: Russia, p. 167.]
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
Alexander Zemlianichenko, Associated Press (AP) ATTACKED
Crew, Associated Press TV (APTV) ATTACKED
Zemlianichenko, an AP photographer, suffered a leg injury when he and a crew from
APTV came under fire from Russian troops as they drove out of Grozny towards the
neighboring republic of Ingushetia. His wound was not serious.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
March 1, 1995
Vladislav Listyev, Russian Public Television (OTR) KILLED
Listyev, executive director of the newly formed public television station OTR, was
shot dead as he entered his block of flats. Listyev was one of Russia's best-known
TV journalists. Some observers suspect his murder is connected to a controversy over
whether to permit advertising on the new network. CPJ wrote to the Russian government
repeatedly about this case to demand that an independent investigation be carried
out. By year's end, no one had been apprehended. In November, CPJ conducted a fact-finding
mission to Russia to report on the unsolved murders of Listyev and other Russian journalists.
[See Special Report: Russia, p. 167.]
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
March 3, 1995
Igor Kaverin, Svobodnaya Nakhodka KILLED
Kaverin, an engineer with the radio station Svobodnaya Nakhodka (Free Nakhodka), was
shot three times and killed in the far eastern Russian town of Nakhodka. The exact
circumstances of his killing are unknown.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
March 4, 1995
Maxime Chabalin, Nevskoye Vremya KILLED
Felix Titov, Nevskoye Vremya KILLED
Chabalin, the assistant political editor of the St. Petersburg daily Nevskoye Vremya,
and Titov, a photographer for the paper, were reported missing in Chechnya. They
left Nazran on Feb. 27 for their fifth trip to the breakaway republic since fighting
there began. According to Nevskoye Vremya's editor in chief, the journalists were due
back on March 4. But they have not been heard from since and are feared dead. Chabalin
and Titov may not have had official accreditation from Russian authorities to enter
Chechnya. Colleagues at Nevskoye Vremya heard word in September that the bodies of
two journalists were found in February in the Achoy region of the republic. However,
they had no documents or photographs to confirm the identities of the bodies. On
June 16, Nevskoye Vremya's Sergei Ivanov traveled to Chechnya to look for Chabalin and Titov,
but he never returned and has not been heard from since.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
April 24, 1995
Steve Levine, Free-lancer HARASSED, EXPELLED
Steve Levine, an American free-lancer for Newsweek and the Washington Post, was stopped
by immigration officials when he arrived in Moscow's Vnukovo airport from Tbilisi,
Georgia. He was informed that his multiple-entry visa had been invalidated. Levine
was not permitted to leave the airport and spent the night in the airport's lounge
before flying back to Tbilisi. CPJ wrote to the Russian government urging it to permit
Levine to re-enter Russia. In 1994, CPJ protested the action of the Uzbek government,
when Levine, then the Central Asia correspondent for Newsweek, was denied renewal
of his press accreditation. Levine, who had been based in Uzbekistan from 1992 to
1994, had to move his office to Alma-Ata, Kazakhstan.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
May 29, 1995
Farkhad Kerimov, Associated Press TV (APTV) KILLED
Kerimov, a cameraman with APTV, was shot dead in Chechnya. He was reported missing
on May 27, and his body was found on May 29. The circumstances of his murder are
unknown.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
June 3, 1995
Noel Quidu, Gamma Agency IMPRISONED, HARASSED
Laurent Hamida, Free-lancer IMPRISONED, HARASSED
Stephanie Heymann, Independent Media IMPRISONED, HARASSED
Quidu, a French photographer with the Gamma Agency; Hamida, an independent French
cameraman; and Heymann, a U.S. journalist with Independent Media, were arrested by
Russian forces while crossing the border between Chechnya and Dagestan. They were
detained in Makhatchkala in Dagestan and questioned by Interior Ministry officials. The Russian
authorities who arrested them reprimanded them for not having the correct press credentials
and accreditation to cover the conflict in Chechnya. Their videocassettes and film were confiscated, and they were detained for four days before being allowed
to return to Moscow on June 7.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
June 16, 1995
Sergei Ivanov, Nevskoye Vremya KILLED
Ivanov, a correspondent for Nevskoye Vremya, a St. Petersburg daily, was last seen
by his colleagues on June 16 when he left for the Oryokhnov region of Chechnya. Ivanov
was going to look for Nevskoye Vremya journalists Maxime Chabalin and Felix Titov,
who had not been heard from since Feb. 27. By year's end, Ivanov's colleagues still
had not heard from him, and they fear he may have been killed.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
June 17, 1995
Natalya Alyakina, RUFA and Focus KILLED
Alyakina, a journalist with dual Russian-German citizenship who was working for the
German weekly magazine Focus and the radio news service RUFA, was killed by a Russian
soldier. She had been given permission by Russian soldiers to cross a Russian army
checkpoint leading into the southern city of Budyonnovsk, where she was going to report
on a mass hostage-taking by Chechen rebels, but she was shot shortly after passing
through the roadblock. She was with her husband, Gisbert Mrozek, who also worked
for RUFA and Focus. In September, a prosecutor was assigned to the case, and an investigation
was opened. CPJ sent a letter in October to the Russian government requesting information
on the progress of the investigation, and conducted a fact-finding mission to Russia in November to report on the unsolved murders of Alyakina and other Russian
journalists.
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Russia
July 10, 1995
NTV producers LEGAL, ACTION
The general prosecutor of Russia opened a criminal case against the producers of "Kukly"
for "humiliating public officials." The NTV program features life-size puppets in
the likenesses of public figures. Both President Yeltsin and Prime Minister Chernomyrdin claim not to have called for the action. On July 25, CPJ sent a letter of protest
to Yelstin and the general prosecutor, urging them to drop the case. No formal charges
were ever brought, and the case was thrown out on Oct. 12.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
July 13, 1995
Yelena Masyuk, NTV LEGAL, ACTION
The Russian general prosecutor's office opened an investigation against Masyuk, a
reporter for the independent television station NTV, for failing to provide information
on the terrorist Shamil Basaev. The case was filed under Article 189 (harboring a
criminal) and Article 190 (failure to report a crime) of the Criminal Code. The prosecutor
accused Masyuk of not informing authorities of Basaev's whereabouts during her June
25 interview with him in a population center in Nozhnay-Yurtovsky Rayon. The general prosecutor's office completed the investigation by late August and decided not to
press charges. It did request, however, that the Committee for Press and Information
make a ruling about existing Russian law to prevent further such incidents. The Criminal Code requires anyone with information about a serious crime to report it or face
legal prosecution.
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Russia
July 28, 1995
Andrew Shumack, Free-lancer KILLED
Shumack, an American free-lance journalist, was last seen on July 28, when he left
the Chechen capital of Grozny and headed toward the surrounding mountainous area.
The St. Petersburg Press, an English-language newspaper, had provided Shumack with
a letter of introduction on July 20 to help him obtain press credentials. In return, Shumack
was to provide them with photographs and stories for three months. He is feared dead
because no one from the newspaper has heard from him since, and U.S. Embassy officials have not been able to locate him, despite repeated trips to the region.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
October 8, 1995
Abdukaum Kaumzod, Charoghi Ruz IMPRISONED
Kaumzod, a reporter for the Moscow-based Tajik opposition newspaper Charoghi Ruz,
was taken to a police station during a routine street check. When police learned
he was wanted by the Tajik foreign ministry they detained him for two days. His detention
received a lot of media coverage, and as a result, the authorities released him on Oct.
10. In a letter, CPJ urged the Russian government to cease cooperating with the Tajik
government's attempts to stifle critical reporting by exiled Tajik journalists.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Russia
October 12, 1995
Alina Vitukhnovskaya, Free-lancer IMPRISONED
After widespread protest, Vitukhnovskaya, a poet and journalist, who had been imprisoned
for one year, was released from jail pending trial on charges of selling small amounts
of LSD to drug users. She was arrested in late October 1994 while reporting on the drug world in Russia. Prior to her arrest, Vitukhnovskaya had refused to give
security agents information about her sources. It is suspected that the security
agents framed her arrest.
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Russia
December 13, 1995
Shamkhan Kagirov, Rossiskaya Gazeta and Vozrozheniye KILLED
Kagirov, a reporter for the Moscow daily newspaper Rossiskaya Gazeta and the local
paper Vozrozheniye, was shot and killed in an ambush in Chechnya. Kagirov and three
local policemen were traveling in a car near Grozny when they were attacked. The
three policemen were also killed.
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Russia
December 27, 1995
Vadim Alferyev, Segodnyashnyaya Gazeta KILLED
Alferyev, a crime reporter with Segodnyashnyaya Gazeta in Krasnoyarsk, was beaten
to death in the entrance of his apartment building. Alferyev was writing about economic
crimes in the region and had received repeated threats. In a letter to the Russian
government, CPJ urged authorities to conSeptember
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Slovakia
Year in Review: 1995
There were renewed attempts by the ruling coalition to limit freedom of expression
in Slovakia in 1995. In the spring, CPJ's chair, Kati Marton, went to Bratislava
to meet with journalists and officials there to discuss recent developments affecting
the press, including the November 1994 dismissal of all but one of the 18 members of the
state radio and TV supervising councils. In the wake of those and other personnel
changes, there was less willingness to air opposing views on state radio and television
throughout the year.
Marton also learned that, at Prime Minister Vladimir Meciar's prompting, the Slovak
Parliament proposed that newspapers with foreign investors pay a 50 percent tax increase
on their earnings. Since most of the independent media have foreign investors, this would have dealt a severe blow to the independent press had the proposal passed.
In the fall, there was another bill pending in parliament that would regulate how
much money companies with partial government ownership could spend on advertising--some
proposed that that figure be as low as three percent. The law passed, but by year's end
it had not affected advertising levels in state-run or independent newspapers.
In September, another law was passed that stipulates that a defendant in a libel case
is responsible for submitting evidence showing that what he or she said or printed
is true. This law is expected to make journalists more cautious in their work, and
it deprives them of the ability to protect the anonymity of their sources. If a libel
case goes to trial, however, the burden of proof still lies with the prosecutor.
Under Slovakia's Criminal Code, which has been revised several times since 1989,
the provision currently in use calls for a one- to five-year prison sentence for disseminating
"false information...that can result in a threat to security or damage its interests
at home or abroad."
Adding to its leverage in dealing with the press, the state continued to run Danubiaprint,
the printing plant used by all newspapers in the country.
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Slovakia
September
Slovakian journalists LEGAL, ACTION
A law was passed that requires defendants in a libel case to present evidence to prove
what they said or wrote is true. Defendants have 30 days to submit the evidence.
Once a case goes to trial, however, the burden of proof still lies with the prosecution. The law was not aimed specifically at journalists, but many Slovakian journalists
consider it an unfair hindrance in their work since they cannot guarantee anonymity
to their sources.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Tajikistan
Year in Review: 1995
On Dec. 12, Mohyedin Alempour, the chief of the BBC Persian Service bureau, was murdered
near the University of Tajikistan in Dushanbe. Alempour was one of the few journalists
who stayed in the country to cover events throughout the civil war there, and his death brought to 28 the number of journalists who have been killed in Tajikistan
since May 1992. The last killing before Alempour's took place in November 1994. As
documented in CPJ's special report on the country, most of the 27 journalists were
murdered by paramilitary forces that once counted as their field commander the country's
president, Emomali Rakhmonov. Like those of his colleagues, Alempour's murder had
all the hallmarks of a political killing. He was found with a bullet wound to the
head, and his belongings, including a gold ring and his documents, were not stolen.
In September, Leonid Zagalsky, the former CPJ program coordinator for Central Europe
and the republics of the former Soviet Union, conducted CPJ's second mission to Tajikistan
in two years. He was accompanied by New Times and Radio Liberty correspondent Arkady Dubnov and a TV crew from the German-French channel ARTE, which aired a documentary
on CPJ's trip in November. The group met with Russian and Tajik journalists in Dushanbe
as well as with the country's general prosecutor, Amirkul Aziev, and the culture, information and press minister, Bobokhon Makhmadov.
The portrait that emerged from CPJ's visit was of a regime determined to brook no
opposition. Nearly all of the independent Tajik journalists have been driven into
exile. In light of this situation, one official in the prosecutor generals office
admitted to reading Charoghi Ruz, the opposition newspaper that is printed in Moscow and sold
clandestinely in the country. "At least," he told Zagalsky, "that is a real newspaper."
According to the prosecutor general, however, press freedom does exist in Tajikistan,
and as proof he cited the only independent newspaper in the country, The Evening
Courier. The Courier, which is privately owned, was on the brink of closure at the
time of CPJ's visit because Tajik authorities had imposed on it a fine of 1.6 billion Russian
rubles (US$320,000) for slighting the honor and dignity of the president of Turkmenia
Niyazov. When asked about this, Makhmadov said, "We cannot spoil relations with the Turkmen leader at the moment when Turkmenia is preparing to agree on the delivery
to us of natural gas."
The co-editors of the Courier also learned that criticizing economic policies can
be lethal: After one such story ran in September, they were abducted and threatened
with death and the deaths of their children if they published further criticism of
the government.
"Attempting to overthrow the government" is a charge that carries the death penalty
and that has been used frequently against opposition journalists since the present
regime came to power in 1992. The general prosecutor assured CPJ that this type of
persecution was no longer being carried out. But one official in his office said that there
was a safe full of arrest warrants, many of them for journalists. Among them was
one for Charoghi Ruz editor Dodozhon Atovuloyev. A correspondent for the paper, Mirzo
Salimov, was thrown in jail for several weeks in May, and after going to Moscow was
detained by the police for passport irregularities.
The Rakhmonov regime's efforts to silence the independent and opposition media have
not stopped at the curbing of reporters and editors. In the case of Charoghi Ruz,
for instance, CPJ learned of one case where a teacher was killed by a policeman after
he was found reading the paper. Others found possessing copies run the lesser risk of
being charged with "circulation of slanderous fabrications" and being sent to prison.
The attempts of Tajik journalists still working in the republic to interview and present
the views of the Tajik opposition in Dushanbe have been countered by the unannounced
resistance of authorities and special services. At the same time, members of the
opposition who met with the CPJ delegation in Moscow expressed dissatisfaction with
Charoghi Ruz and accused its editor of insufficient loyalty to them, demonstrating
that even the opposition does not respect press freedom.
As for broadcast media, Tajik citizens have few options. They receive Channel 1, a
Moscow public television station, and Tajikistan's state-run network, which broadcasts
for only three hours a day, with just 15 minutes allotted to news.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Tajikistan
May 1, 1995
Mirzo Salimov, Charoghi Ruz IMPRISONED
Salimov, a correspondent for the Moscow-based Tajik opposition newspaper, Charoghi
Ruz, was arrested by people dressed in military uniforms at the farmers market in
the Gissar region of Tajikistan. Salimov's family spent over a week trying to locate
him. Local police referred them to the Ministry of Security, which, in turn, sent them
back to the police. Neither of these organizations revealed any information about
Salimov's fate, and on May 9, an officer of the Tajik Ministry for Internal Affairs
informed Salimov's family that there was no information available about the case. That same
day, CPJ appealed to the Tajik government to release Salimov. After widespread protest,
he was freed later that month, and subsequently he left for Moscow, where he was
detained on Oct. 13 by police, reportedly for passport irregularities. When the officers
learned he had been wanted for arrest by the Tajik government, they sent a telegram
to Tajik authorities inquiring whether Salimov was still sought for arrest. They
received no reply and released him on Oct. 24.
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Tajikistan
December 12, 1995
Mohyedin Alempour, BBC KILLED
Alempour, head of the BBC's Persian Service bureau in Tajikistan, was found dead near
the University of Tajikistan in Dushanbe with a bullet wound to his head. Nothing
had been stolen from him, even though he was wearing a gold ring and carrying his
documents. Alempour was the 28th journalist to be killed in Tajikistan since mid-1992.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Turkmenistan
Year in Review: 1995
President Saparmarud Niyazov tolerates no dissent. His cult-of-personality regime
has rigorously suppressed all attempts at independent press coverage. Broadcasting
is wholly controlled by the state. Most news in periodicals is limited to official
pronouncements. Niyazov openly defends press censorship as necessary for Turkmenistan's transition
to sovereignty and a market economy.
CPJ staffers visited Turkmenistan briefly in June 1994 and attempted to send a formal
investigative mission to the country in August 1995. CPJ requested meetings with
officials in Ashkhabad, the capital, to discuss issues confronting locally based
journalists and visiting correspondents. Requests for visas were rejected, however. Turkmenistan's
ambassador in Moscow said a visit by CPJ representatives in August or September would
interfere with previously planned official events.
Attempts by journalists to cover public protests have been met with repression. The
Moscow daily Izvestia reported on July 29, 1995, that one of its correspondents,
Vladimir Kuleshov, was detained following the publication of his bylined report about
a July 12 protest rally in Ashkhabad. After prolonged interrogation, Kuleshov was told
to give a written account of all he had seen and all the people he had spoken to
on the day of the event. On July 20, people who described themselves as representatives
of an Ashkhabad municipal building maintenance agency sealed the offices of Izvestia.
Authorities also threatened Kuleshov and his family, after which he decided to leave
Turkmenistan. By year's end, Izvestia had not been able to replace Kuleshov with
a new correspondent due to financial constraints.
J
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Turkmenistan
July 18, 1995
Mukhamed Muradly IMPRISONED
Yovshan Annakurban IMPRISONED
Muradly, a former reporter for the journal Diyar (Land), was arrested following a
July 12 protest rally in Ashkhabad. Unofficial sources say he was accused of being
an instigator of the rally and sentenced in late August or early September for "distributing printed matter opposing the president." Authorities had conducted a search of Muradly's
home and found writings reportedly similar in sentiment to the views of the demonstrators.
One of Muradly's sons was also arrested but was released soon after. Annakurban, a former member of the Presidential Press Service, was arrested on July 25,
purportedly because of his association with Muradly. Both men were released on Jan.
13, 1996.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Turkmenistan
July 20, 1995
Izvestia THREATENED, HARASSED
Vladimir Kuleshov, Izvestia THREATENED, HARASSED
Several people who described themselves as representatives of the local authority's
building maintenance department sealed off access to the Ashkhabad office of the
Russian newspaper Izvestia. They did not have any sanction from the courts or the
prosecutor's office. The shutdown came two days after authorities interrogated Kuleshov, the
Izvestia correspondent in Ashkhabad, about an article he wrote concerning a July
12 rally in the city. Authorities told Kuleshov to give a written account of all
he had seen and a list of all the people he had spoken to on the day of the rally. According
to Izvestia, the authorities also accused Kuleshov of printing false information
when he wrote that the July 12 incident was a protest march. Kuleshov decided to
leave Turkmenistan after authorities threatened both him and his family. By year's end, Izvestia
had been unable to replace Kuleshov with another correspondent due to financial constraints.
Send inquiries to CPJ's Europe Program.
Ukraine
Year in Review: 1995
The press in Ukraine is relatively free but, in 1995, publications and various broadcast
outlets were vulnerable to pressure from the government and intimidation by organized
crime. So, too, were individual journalists.
Vladimir Ivanov, the editor of The Glory of Sebastopol, was assassinated in April
after he started a campaign in his newspaper against the Crimean Mafia and began
advocating for Crimean autonomy. In June, Viktor Frelix, a journalist who had investigated
an unexplained epidemic near a military base, was apparently poisoned and died from
kidney failure. The country's general prosecutor announced suspicion that Frelix's
death was the result of a terrorist act linked to his investigation.
Self-censorship was evident both in state-run newspapers, which were reluctant to
publish anti-government editorials or news items, and in many private publications
that continued to receive state subsidies.
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Ukraine
April 14, 1995
Vladimir Ivanov, The Glory of Sebastopol KILLED
Ivanov, editor in chief of the Sebastopol local daily The Glory of Sebastopol, was
fatally injured when a bomb, triggered by remote control, exploded in a garbage can
outside his home. He was taken to a local hospital where he underwent three operations
and had his legs amputated. He died of his wounds four days after the explosion. Ivanov
was an ethnic Russian, and his paper's editiorial position supported greater autonomy
for the predominantly Russian population of Crimea. Shortly before the attempt on
his life, Ivanov had begun a campaign in his newspaper denouncing the Crimean Mafia
and protesting the construction of an oil refinery by a Ukrainian-Swedish company.
His newspaper had also recently published several articles supporting the creation
of a free trade zone in Sebastopol, a plan that was expected to strengthen Crimean autonomy.
Local police initiated an investigation, but no suspects had been arrested by year's
end. In a letter to President Leonid Kuchma, whose government did not issue a statement about the assassination, CPJ denounced Ivanov's murder and urged Kuchma to order
a complete investigation into the matter and to bring to justice those responsible.
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Ukraine
June 2, 1995
Viktor Frelix, publisher KILLED
Frelix, a publisher and founder of the ecological group Green World of Ukraine, died
in L'vov of poisoning. He had been investigating the military's connection with an
epidemic in the city of Chernovtsy, and had alleged that the illnesses resulted from
the city's proximity to a military base. The Ukrainian prosecutor stated that Frelix's
death was the result of a terrorist act. Colleagues report that the day before he
died, Frelix obtained further evidence relevant to his investigation. The autopsy
concluded that the cause of the publisher's death was kidney failure caused by poisoning.
For two weeks before his death, Frelix predicted that his investigation into the
military would put him at risk.
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Uzbekistan
Year in Review: 1995
Uzbekistan, the most populous Central Asian state, has proven to be less physically
dangerous for journalists than its neighbor Tajikistan. But it is far from being
a bastion of press freedom.
A CPJ delegation visited the former Soviet republic in September 1995 and met with
government officials, representatives of the opposition and several Uzbek journalists.
It was clear from these meetings that press freedom conditions were, if anything,
worse than they were under the Soviet regime.
Even though the Uzbek constitution bans censorship, the State Committee on the Press
serves as a de facto censorship body. The vice chair, Omon Matchan, told CPJ that
the committee is concerned only with the protection of state secrets. There is, however, no list of such classified information, and, in practice, censors describe as secrets
anything they do not want to see in print. Use of the words dictatorship, opposition,
crisis and economic catastrophe are forbidden in the press, and Russian newspapers printed in Tashkent are censored in advance.
Uzbek authorities are also given to reading between the lines. An editor from the
newspaper Molodezh Uzbekistan was questioned by the State Committee on the Press
about whether he was making a veiled reference to Russia in an article about the
weather that carried the headline "The Wind Is Blowing from the North."
Independent papers exist in name only. They are primarily the publications of the
official political parties and serve no opposition function. The only paper that
truly represents a critical voice is Erk (Freedom), the banned publication of the
main opposition party. Distribution of the paper is illegal, and there have been repeated arrests
of Uzbek citizens who attempt to circulate it. On March 30, seven members of the
Erk Party were sentenced to long prison terms for crimes against the state, including
calling for the violent overthrow of the state. They are believed by many in Uzbekistan
to have been arrested and sentenced for their effectiveness in distributing Erk.
As Babakhan Sharipov, the main editor of The Uzbekistan Voice, told CPJ, "The main
task of journalists in our republic is to help the State and president, to educate
the people to work in peace and assure the great future of Uzbekistan."
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Uzbekistan
March 30, 1995
Murad Dzhurayev, Erk Party IMPRISONED
Eric Ashurov, Erk Party IMPRISONED
Nemat Akhmedov, Erk Party IMPRISONED
Shavkat Kholbayev, Erk Party IMPRISONED
Khoshim Suvanov, Erk Party IMPRISONED
Shavkat Mamatov, Erk Party IMPRISONED
Dilarom Iskhakova, Erk Party IMPRISONED
A five-month trial concluded with the sentencing of seven members of the Erk Party
who were found guilty of crimes against the state, including calling for the violent
overthrow of the state. All seven members were active in distributing the banned
newspaper Erk, and many believe that the trial and sentencing were in retaliation for circulating
the publication. During the hearings, some of the defendants who had previously incriminated
themselves retracted their confessions, claiming that they had been forced to give them under duress. Dzhurayev, who had set up an effective network of
distributors for the newspaper in the Kashadarya region in the south of Uzbekistan,
was sentenced to 12 years in a labor colony. Ashurov, Akhmedov and Kholbayev were
sentenced to 10 years in prison. Suvanov and Iskhakova were sentenced to six years, and Mamatov
was sentenced to five years. Iskhakova's sentence was suspended for three years,
however, in consideration of the fact that she is a single parent of two children.
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Yugoslavia
Year in Review: 1995
Economic and administrative sanctions, rather than police brutality, proved to be
the biggest obstacles facing the independent media in Yugoslavia in 1995. The government
enforced tax laws and exercised its ability to control broadcast licenses, paper
supplies, and printing and distribution networks in ways that discriminated against independent
news outlets.
The majority of the noncommunist political opposition is nationalist and, until the
signing of the Dayton, Ohio, peace accord in November, was in agreement with the
basic policies of the government. It was therefore only the independent media that
criticized the state and offered an alternative voice. But they were subjected to physical
and economic harassment from state forces. The beleaguered independent newspaper
Nasa Borba, for instance, could not rent space for its editorial offices because
potential landlords were harassed by the police.
As in previous years, the government persecuted anyone who advertised in the independent
media, usually through harassment by the tax police. The independent media also got
little cooperation from authorities. The radio station B92, for instance, got special permission to link up with the Internet despite the international sanctions against
Yugoslavia, but the government refused to give it a second telephone line to facilitate
that link-up. And the station was denied a permit for broadcasting, which it needs to obtain a stronger transmitter to reach not only Belgrade but all of Serbia.
Paper continued to be a government-imposed stumbling block for the independent press.
Only one factory produces paper, and the price of newsprint for independent publications
is three times higher than for state enterprises. And because of the international sanctions against Yugoslavia, it is impossible to import paper, which would be
cheaper. As for newspaper distribution, the state-run network sometimes declines
to sell independent papers on time, which leads to financial losses.
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Yugoslavia
January 6, 1995
NTV Studio B LEGAL, ACTION
A local court ruled that the 1991 privatization of the independent television station
NTV Studio B was not properly performed and that its private status should be revoked.
On Feb. 8, the government agency that oversees privatization approved the court decision. Faced with a fate similar to that of the independent newspaper Borba, which
was taken over by the government at the end of 1994, the television station was forced
to work out a financial deal with the government in order to continue operating as
a private entity. The legal pressure imposed on NTV Studio B was seen by local journalists
as part of the Belgrade government's harassment of independent medi