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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ORGANIZATION THEORY AND BEHAVIOR, 13 (2), 202-248 SUMMER 2010
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE,
ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES
Stig Berge Matthiesen and Ståle Einarsen*
ABSTRACT. This article examines the phenomenon and concept of bullying
in the workplace. Workplace bullying is a form of interpersonal aggression
that can be both flagrant and subtle, but is mainly characterized by its
persistency and long term duration. The relationships between bullying and
related concepts such as workplace aggression and interpersonal conflict
are discussed. With reference to previous empirical research as well as
theoretical contributions, an attempt is made to clarify some important
aspects about the phenomenon, such as various subtypes of workplace
bullying. Empirical findings on prevalence, antecedents and outcome factors
are outlined and reviewed. The paper also discusses the dose-response
perspective.
INTRODUCTION
Workplace bullying has received increasing attention in the
scholarly literature during the last 10 years. Yet, the term workplace
bullying has almost entirely been applied by European researchers,
with some few exceptions (Keashly, 1998; Lutgen-Sandvik, Tracy, &
Alberts, 2007). The first aim of this paper is to give a broad
presentation of the concept, and to link it to two closely associated
concepts (workplace aggression and interpersonal social conflict).
The second aim will be to scrutinize different types of behavior or
social situations which may cause someone to feel subjected
-------------------------
* Stig Berge Matthiesen, Ph.D., and Ståle Einarsen, Ph.D., are professors at
Faculty of Psychology, University of Bergen, Norway, and members of the
Bergen Bullying Research Group. Matthiesen's research interests are linked
to whistleblowing and ethical leadership, in addition to workplace bullying.
Ståle Einarsen’s interests are workplace bullying, destructive leadership and
creativity in organizations. E-mail: stig@uib.no
Copyright © 2010 by Pracademics Press
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 203
to workplace bullying, as well as to present an overview of the
prevalence of bullying behaviors. Research findings indicate that
workplace bullying may vary considerably across countries. Therefore,
we aim to examine prevalence numbers across national borders.
Bullying can be seen as interplay between various psychosocial,
cultural and individual factors. Thus, the third aim of this paper will be
to outline those psychosocial, cultural and individual characteristics
that previous studies have suggested as antecedent factors of
workplace bullying. It is, of course, a highly unpleasant and even
devastating experience to face bullying in a daily work situation.
Bullying may hit the target in different ways. However, the
organization and organizational life in general may also be negatively
affected. The fourth aim will therefore be to present knowledge on the
individual and organizational effects associated with workplace
bullying. Lastly, we introduce a dose-response perspective to explain
how negative social incidents may develop into workplace bullying.
The Rise in Interest
The person usually referred to as the first researcher on
workplace bullying is the American psychiatrist Carroll Brodsky
(1976). In his pioneering book, entitled "The Harassed Worker",
Brodsky described the fate and stories of many people being exposed
to systematic, long term harassment in their workplace, usually with
colleagues or superiors in the role as perpetrators. However, for more
than a decade, Brodsky's book was followed by limited research,
spurring little interest at the time. Then, by the end of the 1980s, a
growing awareness of bullying and non-sexual harassment in the
workplace emerged, especially in Northern-Europe and Australia
(Einarsen, 1999; Hoel, Rayner, & Cooper, 1999). The interest
resulted early in some books published in Scandinavian languages
(Einarsen, Raknes, Matthiesen, & Hellesøy, 1994, 1996; Kile, 1990;
Leymann, 1987a; Thylefors, 1987), as well as some empirical papers
(Einarsen, Raknes, & Matthiesen, 1994; Einarsen & Skogstad, 1996;
Leymann, 1990a; Matthiesen, Raknes, & Rokkum, 1989).
The Scandinavian countries have traditionally had a strong
orientation towards democracy (Heiret, Korsnes, Venneslan, &
Bjørnson, 2003). Countries like Norway, Sweden and Denmark have
also been found to have a low level of power distance as well as a
feminine orientation (Hofstede, 1980), which means that the “leader
204 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
– subordinate” relationship probably is more informal than in most
other countries in the world. An orientation towards democracy, with
low power distance, can be seen as a possible explanation why the
research interest in workplace bullying had its onset in Scandinavian
countries. Workplace bullying can be seen as the very antithesis to
sought after democratic values in the Scandinavian countries, a low
“power distance” preferably combined with relaxed, informal
communication expressed in a friendly way. Contrary to this,
workplace bullying often means that power is misused, and exerted in
a exceeding or aggressive way. From the North of Europe, the
research spread to the UK (e.g. Hoel & Cooper, 2000), Germany and
its neighboring countries (Niedl, 1996; Zapf, Knorz, & Kulla, 1996),
and to Australia (McCarthy & Barker, 2000; Sheehan, 1999). Only
recently, bullying has also become a subject of systematic research in
the US (Lutgen-Sandvik, Tracy, & Alberts, 2007; Rayner & Keashly,
2005), although some pioneering work was done early on using
concepts such as emotional abuse (Keashly, 1998), workplace
deviance (Robinson & Bennett, 1995) and generalized workplace
abuse (Richman, Rospenda, Nawyn, & Flaherty, 1997).
DESCRIPTION AND DEFINITION
Clarifying the Concept
The first aim of the present paper is to clarify the concept of
workplace bullying. Brodsky (1976), in his pioneering book, coined
workplace harassment as persistent attempts on the part of one or
more persons to annoy, wear down, frustrate or elicit a reaction in
another. Harassment denotes continual behavior that provokes,
presses, frightens, humiliates or in some other way creates
unpleasantness in the recipient. The Scandinavian term for bullying,
"mobbing", was initially borrowed from the English word "mob" and
was originally applied to describe animal aggression and herd
behavior and introduced as a concept in Scandinavia in the late
1960s by the school psychologist Peter-Paul Heinemann (1972).
Heinemann applied the term to characterize a specific type of
aggression among school children, where a “mob” or group of pupils
was attacking a specific target. It should be noted that the term
"mobbing" was employed in Scandinavia for more than 10 years,
denoting aggressive childhood behavior (see, e.g. Munthe, 1989),
before the concept was borrowed to also describe a special kind of
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 205
aggressive behavior in the workplace. Heinz Leymann, a Swedish
family therapist, systematically began investigating direct and indirect
forms of conflict usually of non-violent character in the workplace in
the mid-1980s (Zapf & Einarsen, 2005). Internationally, the term
"mobbing" was later adopted by German-speaking countries, the
Netherlands, as well as some Mediterranean countries, whereas
"bullying" became the preferred term in English-speaking countries. In
the US, concepts such as “emotional abuse in the workplace”
(Keashly, 1998) and the aforementioned “workplace harassment”
(Brodsky, 1976) have been in use, seemingly as synonyms for
bullying. It should be underlined that the present paper will
concentrate upon European perspectives on workplace bullying (see
Keashly and Jagatic, 2003, for an overview of US research).
Although different concepts are in use, they all seem to refer to
the same underlying phenomenon: One or more employees
systematically and over a long period of time perceiving to be on the
receiving end of direct or indirect aggression in the workplace, in a
situation in which the person(s) exposed to the treatment has
difficulty in defending themselves against this treatment (Einarsen,
2000). For instance, Bjørkquist defined bullying as "repeated
activities, with the aim of bringing mental (but sometimes also
physical) pain, and directed toward one or more individuals who, for
one reason or another, are not able to defend themselves"
(Björkqvist, Österman, & Hjelt Bäck, 1994, p. 174). Following
Hadjifotiou (1983), Einarsen and Raknes (1997) defined bullying as all
those repeated actions and practices that are directed to one or more
workers, which are unwanted by the victim, which may be done
deliberately or unconsciously, but clearly cause humiliation, offence and
distress, and that may interfere with job performance and/or cause an
unpleasant working environment.
The Einarsen and Raknes (1997) definition emphasizes the two
main features of most definitions of bullying at work: repeated and
enduring aggressive behaviors that are intended to be hostile and/or
perceived as hostile by the recipient. What has gradually become the
most common definition of bullying focuses on negative actions
occurring repeatedly over a certain period of time, and from which the
persons affected find it difficult to protect themselves (Einarsen,
1996; Einarsen, Raknes, & Matthiesen, 1994). This definition of
workplace bullying also resembles definitions used in research on
206 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
bullying in schools (see, e.g. Olweus, 1978; Olweus, 1993), and can
be fully formulated as follows:
Bullying at work means harassing, offending, socially
excluding someone, or negatively affecting someone’s work.
In order for the label bullying (or mobbing) to be applied to a
particular activity, interaction or process it has to occur
repeatedly and regularly (e.g. weekly) and over a period of
time (e.g. about six months). Bullying is an escalating process
in the course of which the person confronted ends up in an
inferior position and becomes the target of systematic
negative social acts. A conflict cannot be called bullying if the
incident is an isolated event or if two parties of approximately
equal ‘strength’ are in conflict (Einarsen, Hoel, Zapf, &
Cooper, 2003a, p. 15).
A recent review study by Aquino & Thau (2009) uses the term
"workplace victimization". According to Aquino and Thau, workplace
victimization occurs when an employee's wellbeing is harmed by one
or more members of the organization. Psychological or physiological
needs are unmet or thwarted. Needs not fulfilled due to victimization
may be e.g. sense of belonging, a feeling that one is a worthy
individual, believing that one has the ability to predict and to
cognitively control one's environment, and being able to thrust others.
Leymann (1990b) claims that to be characterized as a victim of
bullying, a person must suffer episodes at least weekly for a period of
six months. However, and as pinpointed in the above definition,
bullying seems to develop gradually through an escalating process,
the core being the victim’s experience of being exposed to
systematic, continuous and partly intentional aggression in a situation
(in this case, the workplace) in which such behavior should not occur
(Keashly, 1998).
A central feature of bullying is the imbalance of power between
the parties, as the persons targeted find it difficult to protect and
guard against ever more frequent and harsh treatment (Einarsen &
Skogstad, 1996). Consequently, it is not regarded as bullying if two
more or less equally “strong” persons come into conflict, or when only
an isolated instance has occurred. Typically, targets of bullying find it
difficult to defend or protect themselves against the behavior, as their
opportunity for retaliation is more or less ruled out (Zapf & Einarsen,
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 207
2005). Imbalance of power in the context of bullying means that the
person concerned has little control or few possibilities to retaliate in
kind. A work situation characterized by low control combined with
high strain has been found to be particularly stressful (Karasek &
Theorell, 1990), and may thus explain the severe health damage
often observed in the targets (Zapf & Einarsen, 2005).
Based upon clinical contacts with bullying victims (Einarsen,
Raknes & Matthiesen, 1994; Matthiesen, Aasen, Holst, & Einarsen,
2003), we would also suggest some additional facets to the
aforementioned definition in that the exposed individuals typically a)
perceive the bullying to be intentional and directed against them, b)
lack opportunities to evade it, c) lack adequate social support that
could act as a “buffer”, d) experience the bullying sanctions as unfair
or out of place (over-dimensioned), e) are personally or socially
vulnerable and f) feel extremely insulted, humiliated or ashamed by
the treatment. In a study of experienced emotions in leader-
subordinate relationships, Glasø and Einarsen (2006) found that
feelings of violation, including specific feelings such as resentment
and humiliation, were one out four basic emotional dimensions in
such work-related relationships. Hence, such feelings are at the
cornerstone of abusive relationships at work involving power
imbalances, as well as a potential feeling in all leader-subordinate
relationships.
More about the Synonymous Concepts of Bullying and Mobbing
As stated above, different labels, such as bullying or harassment,
have been applied, of which all are used to signify severe, repeated
and systematic non-sexual harassment at work. Generally, bullying
seems to be the preferred label in English-speaking countries (in
Europe), whereas mobbing is the label or term most commonly
applied in Central Europe and Scandinavia. For most parts these two
concepts seems to be highly overlapping with researchers who use
mobbing in their native language, yet publish in English using the
term bullying. According to Zapf and Einarsen (2005), however, it is
not only pure national linguistic preferences which differentiate
between the concepts of bullying and mobbing. Some researchers
who prefer the term "bullying" often focus on the bully or the behavior
of bullies, whereas the "mobbing" research focuses on the targets
and the victimization process leading to very severe cases of
208 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
mistreatment. An example of the "bully" orientation is the influential
book written by Adams (1992), presenting many illustrations of the
bully "in action".
Among the Scandinavian workplace researchers, however, the
primary concern has been the experiences of the targets, and their
reports of being severely victimized with focus on their reduced
subjective health and well-being (e.g. Einarsen, Raknes, &
Matthiesen, 1994; Mikkelsen, 2001). According to Leymann (1996),
the choice of the term "mobbing" in preference to "bullying" was a
conscious decision, reflecting the fact that the phenomena among
adults often refer to subtle, less direct forms of aggression as
opposed to more physical forms of aggression that may be associated
with the term "bullying". Yet, even among those who uses the term
bullying, empirical evidence suggests that the behaviors involved are
more often of a verbal, passive and indirect nature (Einarsen, Hoel,
Zapf, & Cooper, 2003b; Keashly & Harvey, 2005).
The acting out bully, behaving in a rude and dominant manner,
loudly speaking or demanding, the stereotype of the perpetrator
expressing overt tyrannical behavior, is probably not the typical
bullying case, at least as seen in many European countries. Hence,
albeit the focus may be on either the target or the perpetrator or both,
for all practical purposes the concepts used in this field refer to the
same underlying phenomenon. Furthermore, most research in this
field is more about a particular phenomenon that has been largely
ignored, than about a specific coherent theory (Zapf & Einarsen,
2005). Even so, it may be the case that the more subtle terms like
emotional abuse (Keashly & Harvey, 2005) and mobbing (Zapf &
Einarsen, 2005) make them more suitable concepts than is the term
bullying in terms of establishing an overarching concept to embrace
this special subtype of interpersonal conflict and aggression. Yet,
"bullying" is used by far in most studies published in peer-review
journals.
BULLYING AND RELATED CONSTRUCTS
Although research on bullying in the workplace has established
itself as an important research field in its own right (Mikkelsen &
Einarsen, 2002b), the concept of bullying is clearly related to a host
of concepts within the broader fields of stress, aggression and social
conflicts at work (Zapf & Einarsen, 2005). Lutgen-Sandvik, Tracy, and
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 209
Alberts (2007) even place workplace bullying within the broad body of
research that examines harmful communication and behavior at
work, identifying the following superordinate phenomena with a
relevance: counterproductive workplace behavior, organizational
injustice, organizational misbehavior, workplace deviance, antisocial
work behaviors, workplace violence, in addition to workplace
aggression. Workplace bullying may also be considered to be an
intermediate phenomenon, along with social undermining, emotional
abuse, and workplace mistreatment. Here, we will link workplace
bullying to two overarching constructs: namely the concepts of
aggression and social conflict.
Bullying and Workplace Aggression
Bullying can be regarded as a subtype of aggression (Neuman &
Baron, 2005). Aggression is any form of behavior directed toward the
goal of harming or injuring another living being who is motivated to
avoid such treatment (Baron, 1977). Clearly, targets of bullying are
motivated to avoid aggressive bullying behavior from the
perpetrators. Aggressive behavior is goal-directed and intentional in
nature, and can be direct or indirect of type (Neuman & Baron, 2005).
Hence, bullying can be seen as a situation where persistent
aggression is targeted towards one who is unable to defend oneself
against this behavior. Yet, the inclusion of intent differentiates
workplace aggression from bullying as intent is generally not
considered an essential element in bullying research (Zapf &
Einarsen, 2005) with some few exceptions (Björkqvist, Österman, &
Hjelt Bäck, 1994). First of all, it is normally impossible to verify the
presence of intent (Björkqvist, Österman, & Hjelt Bäck, 1994; Hoel,
Rayner, & Cooper, 1999; Zapf & Einarsen, 2005), as indicated by
research in the sexual harassment field (Pryor & Fitzgerald, 2003).
Furthermore, a distinction between (1) the intent to act, (2) the intent
to harm, (3) intent to victimize, and (4) the intent to be systematic
and repeated, may explain why definitions of bullying exclude intent.
While the former is probably present in most situations, the latter
kinds of intent are probably seldom present in actual bullying cases.
The behaviors of the perpetrator may of course be conscious and
deliberate. Still, the perpetrator may not intend to cause harm or at
least not be willing to admit such an intent (Hoel, 2002). However,
the involved behaviors may still be considered instrumental in the
210 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
sense that they are portrayed in order to achieve certain goals or
objectives. Even more, the behaviors may reasonable cause someone
to feel bullied, even if this intent was not there on behalf of the
perpetrator. Situations where someone offends, provokes or
otherwise angers another person may be perceived and interpreted
quite differently by the two participants (Baumeister, Stillwell, &
Wotman, 1990). Thus, a more important question to ask than the one
about intent would be to ask to what extent is the bully aware of his
or her behavior? How does the bully interpret and justify this
behavior? Yet, as mentioned earlier, perceptions of such intents are
probably crucial to the subjective perceptions made by the targets.
Bullying and Interpersonal Social Conflict
Many authors have related bullying to the broader concept of
conflicts (e.g. Zapf & Gross, 2001), viewing bullying as a certain
subset of conflicts (Zapf & Gross, 2001). Based on the Dutch
researcher Evert van de Vliert’s (1998) definition of conflict as "Two
individuals, an individual and a group, or two groups, are said to be in
conflict when and to the extent that at least one of the parties feels it
is being obstructed or irritated by the other" (p. 351), bullying would
clearly fall under such a rubric. Van de Vliert contends that important
aspects covered in this definition are (a) conflicts are subjective
experiences (they do not necessarily have an objective basis), (b) the
frustration may be cognitive or affective, or both (e.g. blocked goals,
feelings of hostility), (c) the frustration is blamed on another
individual or group, (d) the magnitude of the frustration may vary
(conflicts escalate or de-escalate across a time dimension), (e) the
frustration is not necessarily coupled with particular conflict behavior
towards the other party, and (f) the conflict can be one-sided (e.g.
when only one party feels frustrated or attributes the frustration to
the other).
Conflict can also be perceived as a divergence of interest
between individuals or groups - a belief on the part of these entities
that their current aspirations cannot be achieved simultaneously
(Pruitt & Rubin, 1986). In certain cases conflicts can poison the social
climate and escalate into serious personal conflicts and internal
office war (van de Vliert, 1998). According to Zapf, Knorz and Kulla
(1996), the bullying process may start between two equal parties as
an interpersonal conflict, but their relative strength may alter in the
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 211
course of time, as is the case when conflicts arise between leaders
and subordinates . If the victim is forced into an inferior position in
which it is difficult to defend oneself, a conflict may turn into bullying.
In such cases, the total destruction of the opponent seems to be the
aim of the parties (Einarsen, Matthiesen, & Mikkelsen, 2000; Glasl,
1980). Denial of the human qualities of the opponent opens the
potential for manipulation, revenge, elimination and destruction.
Such denial may be a core reason why work place bullying in some
instances may last for several years, even if the mental health of one
of the conflicting parties deteriorates dramatically (Mikkelsen &
Einarsen, 2002b). In other cases, power imbalance exists as a pre-
condition between the parties, possibly changing a conflict into
bullying.
The van de Vliert (1998) definition of conflict earlier share many
similarities with this article’s definition of bullying; the subjective
experience is crucial and both cognitive and affective elements may
be part of the experience of bullying as well as other types of conflict.
The target of bullying typically blames the perpetrator for the bullying
behavior, which is felt to be unjust and improper conduct. Like other
types of conflicts, the bullying conflict can be one-sided. The bully
can, for example reject that there is any conflict or bullying taking
place whatsoever. The distinction between single incidents and
enduring hostile interaction is, however, important when workplace
bullying is compared with interpersonal conflicts in general (Keashly,
1998). While escalation is a key concept of the conflict literature (e.g.
Thomas, 1976; van de Vliert, 1998), it has only more recently made
its way into the research literature on workplace aggression (Baron &
Neuman, 1996; Keashly & Jagatic, 2003a; Thomas, 1976; van de
Vliert, 1998). Discussions of escalation have implicit assumptions of
dynamic interaction between actor(s) and a target, mutuality of these
actions and increasing severity of behavior (Keashly & Jagatic,
2003a), a process that also have been described in relation to
bullying (Einarsen, 1999, 2000).
Yet, Keashly and Jagatic (2003b) caution against seeing bullying
as only a kind of conflict, as this may underscore the seriousness,
unethical and counterproductive aspects of the bullying. Their main
argument for such a warning is based on the fact that conflict may be
seen as inherent in social interaction, whereas bullying must be seen
as deviant and unacceptable behavior, never to be minimized or
212 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
normalized. Secondly, to merely label bullying as a conflict may create
a sense of shared responsibility and accountability among the
parties, and as something that the target must endure or be able to
manage. Hence, to label bullying as a conflict without important
qualifications may indeed be disastrous for the target, potentially
causing even more distress, shame and a diminished sense of self-
esteem and competence. Yet, according to Keashly and Jagatic, a
conflict perspective may still have much to offer in the understanding
of processes involved in bullying, as well as in its handling or
management.
BEHAVIORS AND SOCIAL SITUATIONS CATEGORIZED
Another important aim of the present paper is, as previously
stated, to scrutinize different types of behavior or social situations
that may cause workplace bullying. Many kinds of situations may
involve behaviors and experiences of being bullied. Einarsen (1999),
first of all, make a distinction between 1) work-related actions that
make it difficult for victims to carry out their work or involve taking
away some or all of their responsibilities, and 2) actions that are
primarily person-related. When it comes to person -related bullying,
Einarsen differentiates between dispute -based bullying and bullying
of a "predatory" type. Social exclusion, spreading rumors, libels,
ignoring opinions, teasing/insolence, and undesired sexual
approaches are all examples of person-related bullying. Based upon
empirical and theoretical evidence, Zapf (1999) broadens the
categorization of bullying to five types. These five are (1) work -related
bullying (changed or difficult to manage work tasks), (2) social
isolation (exclusion from daily communication, or from daily events),
(3) personal attacks (ridicule, insulting remarks), (4) verbal threats
(criticism, telling-off, humiliation in front of others) and (5) spreading
rumors (attack on social reputation).
Bullying in the form of social exclusion involves being ignored,
frozen out or excluded from social relationships. Organizational
exclusion means that one feels superfluous, passed over or demoted
within the organization, based on illegitimate actions by others. A
typical event here is "being sent to Coventry". Being exceedingly
blamed for poor work performance may take many forms, (e.g. that
one is unfairly criticized for one’s work, that one’s professional
competence is brought into doubt, or that one’s efforts are ridiculed).
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 213
In other cases, the work of the victim may be checked or monitored
unnecessarily. Hurtful jokes and teasing are matters of both
unsuccessful attempts at humoring, and of more direct public
ridicule.
Activities that comprise bullying may well involve most people at
work from time to time (Leymann, 1990a). Single occurrences of such
negative encounters may in themselves be common in working life,
and are more or less harmless. However, to the extent that they are
systematically, exceedingly or continuously aimed at a particular
person, and to the extent that the victim feels defenseless against
the actions or against the persons performing them, these
occurrences may become acts of bullying and create a situation
capable of threatening the targets’s physical and psychological health
(Einarsen, Matthiesen & Mikkelsen, 2000). Although single acts of
aggression and harassment do occur frequently in everyday
interaction, research clearly show that they are associated with
severe health problems when occurring on a regular basis (Einarsen
& Raknes, 1997; Leymann, 1987b). The extent or quantity of
humiliating or aggressive acts required before one feels bullied
probably differs from person to person, due to individual differences
in vulnerability. Another important aspect is probably the extent to
which they are seen as unfair and illegitimate.
Workplace bullying is a negative social transaction in the
workplace with one of its core features being that the target is
humiliated and victimized by exposure to frequent unwanted negative
acts over a long period of time by other organizational members.
Hence, bullying may occur in a range of different situations and
settings and with many different kinds of origins and precursors.
Table I shows nine such subtypes of bullying
Einarsen (1999) has differentiated between cases of bullying that
are dispute-related in nature and cases that appear to be of a predatory
kind. In cases of predatory bullying, the target has personally done
nothing provocative that may reasonably justify the behavior of the bully,
but is more or less accidentally in a situation where a predator
demonstrates power or exploits an accidental target into compliance. A
highly aggressive boss may be an example of such bullying. Dispute-
related bullying has developed from an interpersonal conflict, often
involving social control reactions to perceived wrong-doing. Two
214 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
TABLE 1
Some Subtypes of Workplace Bullying
1. Dispute-related bullying
2. Predatory bullying
3. Scapegoating
4. Sexual harassment
5. Humor-oriented bullying
6. Work -related stalking
7. Bullying of workplace newcomers
8. The judicial derelicts (secondary bullying)
9. Retaliation from whistleblowing
studies (Leymann, 1990a; Zapf & Gross, 2001) have shown how
bullying cases typically are triggered by a work-related conflict, where the
social climate between the conflicting parties have gone sour,
escalated into a harsh personified conflicts, where the total
destruction of the opponent is seen as a legitimate action by the
parties. In highly escalated conflicts both parties may deny the
opponent's human value, thus clearing the way for manipulation,
retaliation, elimination and destruction (van de Vliert, 1998). If one of
the parties acquires a disadvantaged position in this struggle, he or
she may become a target of bullying (Björkqvist, Österman, & Hjelt
Bäck, 1994).
Two early works, previously mentioned, points out that
scapegoating is a particular type of work harassment, where
frustration is displaced on an available target which is seen to
"deserve" it (Brodsky, 1976; Thylefors, 1987). Here, the target may be
bullied by being an easy target of frustration and stress ventilated
against a scapegoat. In situations where stress and frustration are
caused by a source which is either indefinable, inaccessible, respected
or too powerful to be attacked, the group may turn its hostility towards a
person who is less powerful than themselves, using this person as a
scapegoat, creating a situation that will fall under the rubric of bullying.
Although a field of research in itself, it may also be argued that
sexual harassment (for a review, see Pryor & Fitzgerald, 2003) may
been seen as a subtype of work harassment, where a target, in many
cases a younger female worker is exposed to repeated and unwanted
sexual attention by a more powerful and often older co-worker or
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 215
superior. In addition, the target feels threatened by the unwelcome
sexual attention. This attention may also be combined with threats
about future job prospects, in order to coerce the target to
subjugation, or may in itself act to create a hostile work environment.
Humor-oriented bullying is the fifth category presented in the
table. In many work places, ridiculing, teasing or interpersonal humor
may be widespread between colleagues. Matthiesen and Einarsen
(2002) contend that such people-oriented humor played out between
equals (i.e. work colleagues within the same in-group) may create job
satisfaction or work commitment. Humor can be symmetrical, in that
employees tease one another. However, if such person-oriented
humor is directed towards someone in an out-group position, the
individual may come to experience it as bullying. Here, the jokes or
humorous behavior may be imbalanced or asymmetrical. The
consequence can be that the person subjected to teasing perceives it
as aggressive, and in the long run as bullying. The target is the targets
of jokes, but none of the jokes are repaid or in other ways indicate a
reciprocal relationship with mutual respect.
Work related stalking may be another form of bullying, again
involving behaviors that if considered individually may seem
inoffensive and not particularly threatening to the uninvolved
observer, such as sending letters or gifts, making telephone calls, or
waiting outside a person's home or workplace (Purcell, Pathe, &
Mullen, 2004). Stalking can be defined as a course of conduct in
which one individual inflicts upon another repeated unwanted
intrusions and communications, to such an extent that the victim
fears for his safety (Pathe & Mullen, 1997), in this case against an
employee or another organizational member. Most episodes of
stalking covered by the media seem to consist of rejected an ex-
partner after separation or divorce, bombarding or terrorizing a
former wife or husband with telephone calls, mobile phone text
messages, or e-mails. Yet, celebrities, pop stars or sports heroes, may
also be exposed to stalking because of their fame and role in working
life, as may ordinary workers. In Norway, a tourist bus driver was
stalked for years by one of the accompanying female tourists he met
in his job. The male driver was terrorized with thousands of letters
and telephone calls and stalked day and night. The stalker was finally
imprisoned due to the vast number of bullying episodes that she
initiated, despite several warnings.
216 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
Bullying of workplace newcomers, or rite de passage bullying,
comprises an old type of workplace bullying, known for centuries,
especially occurring within shipping, military service, or numerous
tribe societies (Brodsky, 1976) . In such cases, newcomers in the
work place are met with intimidating behavior as a kind of hazing.
This conduct can of course be regarded as a cultural tradition, in
which the new person is "tested". Yet, the rites may be so intense or
so long lasting that they may qualify to be perceived as bullying. An
old sailor once told us a story about a young colleague who on his
first voyage was unable to handle or endure the humiliating and
frequent rites de passage he was faced with as a new sailor. The
outcome in this case was fatal; he ended up drowning himself.
Judicial derelicts may take place when an individual perceives
himself to be bullied, but not by a specific, single person or group.
Instead, the victim feels bullied by a system, be it various bureaucrats
and their decisions or the legal system itself. We often meet people
who after being exposed to bullying at work are fighting a hopeless
case for justice or support from the organization or from the
authorities, finding themselves target of aggression and passive
obstruction from a wide range of people or roles thought to be places
of rescue. This judicial derelict bullying can sometimes be the
consequence of what Einarsen, Matthiesen and Mikkelsen (1999)
labeled as secondary bullying. The term secondary bullying means
that the target of bullying feels ignored by the employer, health and
safety authorities, or even the labor union, when he or she makes a
complaint about bullying. Thus, if a person feels subjected to bullying
in his work place, and then tries to stop this, asking for assistance
from such authorities, secondary bullying may arise. Thus, when the
targets of secondary bullying try to stop the perceived injustice, or
when they seek redress afterwards, they are met with a lack of
concern or even obstruction from the authority that was expected to
be helpful.
The last kind of bullying listed in Table 1 arises as retaliatory acts
after whistleblowing. Near and Miceli (1996) define whistleblowing as
an act that takes place when an employee is witnessing wrongdoing
at the work place (e.g. unethical conduct, corruption, violence or
bullying against others, or criminal acts) from a fellow employee or a
superior (or a group of employees or superiors). A restrict version of
the aforementioned definition excludes voices of concern about
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 217
misconduct directed against the person himself/ herself (cf. Bjørkelo,
Einarsen & Matthiesen, 2010). The whistleblower tries to stop the
wrongdoing by informing someone who would be expected to stop the
wrongdoing. The whistleblower may voice concern internally (e.g. to a
superior within the company), but may also do it externally (e.g.
informing the rightful authorities, revealing the case in the media
informing a local nature conservation association). Sometimes such
whistleblowing leads to a victimization process where the
organization or its members “shoot the messenger”, that is retaliate
against the person that exposed the wrongdoing. Whistleblowing was
the second most frequent reason given for work place bullying in a
Norwegian survey conducted among a group of severely affected
targets (n= 221, own unpublished data), when they were asked to
rank reasons why they were targeted for bullying. A typical mode of
punishing or sanctioning whistleblower is ostracism, to completely
isolate the person from others or from work tasks (Miethe, 1999).
Many whistleblowers are simply sacked from their jobs, or their work
contracts are not renewed. They may even experience that rumors
about this “disloyal” worker are spread around widely, including in
other companies, making it difficult for the person to obtain another
job (Miceli & Near, 2005).
Bullying can be seen as a subset of the overarching term
“workplace aggression”, as previously mentioned. According to Buss
(1961), aggressive behavior in general could be conceptualized along
three dimensions: physical-verbal, active-passive, and direct-indirect.
These dimensions can be divided into eight subtypes of behavior, as
outlined by Keashly and Jagatic (2003a). Table 2 gives an overview of
these types of behavior of which bullying can take any form. Table 2
shows the most likely placement of the bullying categories listed in
Table 1. Person-related bullying of the predatory type is quite
frequently verbal, active, and direct. Whistleblowers facing retaliation,
for instance, are commonly met with the "silent treatment" or social
exclusion from work groups (can be seen as verbal, passive, direct
type of aggression, cf. also Miethe [1999]). The aggressive content
may of course vary across bullying cases. Thus, the suggested Buss
categorization may also be different, when specific case stories are
examined.
Although bullying may come in many shapes and forms, the
behaviors involved seem mostly to be of a verbal nature and only seldom
218 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
TABLE 2
Conceptualization of Various Types of Workplace Bullying along Three
Dimensions of Aggression
Active -
Passive
Direct -
Indirect
Examples of Negative Acts
Types of workplace bullying
listed in Table 1, proposed to
occur most likely with these
Buss dimension features
Active Direct Insulting jokes, ridiculing,
being yelled at, personal
attacks, verbal threats
Person related bullying
(predatory)
Sexual harassment, humor-
oriented bullying
Active Indirect
Unfair treatment, being
subjected to false
accusations, spreading
rumors
Person related bullying
(dispute based)
Passive Direct Ostracism, expressing
silent treatment, having
your contributions ignored
Whistleblowing relaliation
Passive Indirect
Being given little or no
feedback, deliberately
excluded, social isolation
Work related bullying
Active Direct Sexual harassment with
direct contact, hitting,
slapping, physical
assaulted
Work related stalking
Bullying of workplace
newcomers
Sexual harassment
Active Indirect
Deliberately assigned
work overload, destruction
of property, removal
meaningful work
Work related bullying
Juridicial derelicts
Whistleblowing
Passive Indirect
Work related bullying
Notes: Modified after Buss (1961) and Keashly and Jagatic (2003a).
include physical violence (Keashly, 1998). Yet sexual harassment,
stalking and rite de passage may also be of a physical kind. Overall,
several studies have documented that the most common aggressive
behavior among adults is verbal behavior, indirect and passive
(Keashly & Jagatic, 2003a; Neuman & Baron, 1997). In line with
these findings, a study of 138 Norwegian bullying victims identified
three main types of bullying on the basis of how the victims
themselves felt they were being bullied: (a) being blamed for poor
work performance, (b) being hurt by teasing, jokes and ridicule and
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 219
(c) suffering from social and/or organizational exclusion (Einarsen,
Raknes, & Matthiesen, 1994).
PREVALENCE OF WORKPLACE BULLYING
The third aim this paper addresses is to examine prevalence
numbers of bullying across national borders. Most studies conducted
since the onset of workplace bullying research, have applied a
prospective survey approach (e.g. Einarsen & Raknes, 1997;
Mikkelsen & Einarsen, 2001; Vartia, 1996; Zapf, Knorz, & Kulla,
1996). Bullying has generally been included as one of several topics
in general organizational study questionnaires. Longitudinal studies
are so far scarce.
The prevalence of bullying varies greatly, with figures ranging from
1% at the lowest level to above 50% at the highest level, dependent
upon the applied measurement strategy, occupation or sector, as well
as country (Martino, Hoel, & Cooper, 2003). A meta study undertaken
in Norway in 1996, in which 14 sub-samples were summarized to
encompass 7,118 subjects in total, demonstrated that 8.6 percent
reported being bullied during the last six months (Einarsen, 1996).
Specifically, 1.2% were bullied weekly, 3.4% "now and then" and 4%
once or twice. A decade later, the prevalence numbers of workplace
bullying seemed to be considerably reduced in Norway. A national
representative study, with 2,539 respondents participating, revealed
that 4.6% of the employees reported being exposed to workplace
bullying (Einarsen et al., 2007). In the new study ten years later,
0.6% was bullied weekly, 1.3% "now and then", and 2.5% once or
twice. In other words, for a period of around 10 years, the prevalence
of bullying in Norway has apparently undergone a nearly 50 %
reduction.
Quine (1999) in a 1,100 person study of UK National Health
Service employees revealed a prevalence rate of 38%. O’Moore
(2000, referred in Martino, Hoel, & Cooper, 2003) in a 1,009 person
random Irish national sample found a prevalence rate of 17%,
whereas a 2,410 representative Spanish sample revealed an
occurrence of 16% (Piňual & Zabala, 2002, referred in Martino, Hoel,
& Cooper, 2003). Correspondingly, British studies have found that
about 30% of employees report that they are faced with negative
behavior directed against them as often as weekly and for a time
period of 6 months or more, and half of these also label themselves
220 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
as bullied (Rayner & Keashly, 2005). In a large scale UK study by
Hoel, Cooper and Faragher (2001) some 10% were considered self-
labelled victims of bullying. These prevalence numbers seem
extremely high. If bullying exists at such a level, one may ask whether
the organization or department is able to continue functioning under
such extreme social stress (cf. Hoel, Zapf, & Cooper, 2002).
However, the observed prevalence rates of bullying seem to be
highly influenced by the research strategy applied. Where bullying is
measured by means of a precise definition and refer to a regular
experience on a weekly basis for a period of 6 months, less than 5%
of the population is normally found to be bullied (Martino, Hoel, &
Cooper, 2003; Zapf, Einarsen, Hoel, & Vartia, 2003). Also, when using
a single item methodology (see Mikkelsen & Einarsen, 2001; Salin,
2001) where respondents are asked to self label as a victim after
being presented with a strict definition, a prevalence of 3% to 7% is
most typical (Zapf et al., 2003). In a study of 745 Norwegian
assistant nurses, 3% reported being bullied at present, whereas 8%
had previous experiences as victims (Einarsen, Matthiesen, &
Skogstad, 1998).
Leymann and Tallgren (1989) who defined bullying as the
exposure to one out of 45 predefined negative acts on a weekly basis
for more than six months, found that 4% of the employees of a
Swedish steelmaking company were targets of bullying at work, in a
representative Swedish sample of employees (n= 2,438). Leymann
(1992) found the incidence rate of bullying to be as low as 4%.
According to Martino, Hoel, and Cooper (2003), a representative
German sample (n= 1,317) also had a prevalence level varying
between 3% and 6%. An American study with 403 employees
revealed a 9.4% prevalence rate (Lutgen-Sandvik, Tracy, & Alberts,
2007). Bullying frequencies between 8% and 10% have been
reported repeatedly, when less restricted frequency criteria, such as
less often than weekly have been included in the prevalence
estimates (Einarsen & Skogstad, 1996; Zapf et al., 2003). Hence,
Keashly and Jagatic (2003a) conclude that the lack of common
terminology and well -developed methodology make it difficult to
determine the exact prevalence of workplace bullying.
A forthcoming meta-study of workplace bullying across countries
applied 102 prevalence estimates of bullying from 86 independent
samples with 130, 000 respondents altogether (Nielsen, Matthiesen
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 221
& Einarsen, in press). At an average, the statistically independent
samples provided a prevalence rate of workplace bullying of 14.6%,
when the phenomenon of bullying is mapped across countries. It
should be added, however, that the prevalence rate for studies
without a definition of bullying addressed to the victims was found to
be 18.1%. The rates were consistently lower when the respondents
of survey studies, be it convenient sample studies or representative
studies of various workforces, were given an established definition of
workplace bullying, such as the previously referred to Einarsen et al.
(2003, 2010) definition. When a bullying definition was addressed,
11.3% of those taking part in the studies exploring workplace bullying
were exposed to this kind of negative conduct.
Theoretically, bullying is a long lasting process consisting of
recurring negative acts. Large representative samples in Sweden
(Leymann, 1996) and Norway (Einarsen & Skogstad, 1996) have also
found the average duration of bullying to be rather long -lasting,
varying between 15 and 18 months (Zapf et al., 2003). The
Norwegian national representative study found that a considerable
amount of the bullying incidents, 4 in 10 cases, had lasted for more
than 1 year (Einarsen et al., 2007). A British study revealed that 39%
of the targets had been bullied for more than two years (Hoel &
Cooper, 2000), while 67% of the sample had been bullied for more
than 1 year (Hoel, Cooper, & Faragher, 2001). A Finnish study found a
mean duration of 2.7 years (Salin, 2001).
In most studies the targets of bullying are about one-third men
and two-thirds women (Zapf, et al., 2003). However, gender
differences in the Scandinavian countries regarding prevalence of
bullying are only minor (Einarsen, Raknes, & Matthiesen, 1994).
However, Vartia (2003), for example, refers to a Finnish study among
police officers, where females consist of the minority. In this study,
8% male and 14% female police officers were subjected to work
place bullying. Likewise, in a random sample of 6,485 Norwegian
assistant nurses organized in the Norwegian Union of Health - and
Social Workers, 10.2% men and 4.3% women reported that they had
been exposed to bullying at work during the previous six months after
adjustments for a series of background factors (Eriksen & Einarsen,
2004). In this sample, men comprised no more than 3% of the
workforce. Thus, the Vartia (2003) and Eriksen and Einarsen (2004)
studies indicate that gender minority may be a particular risk factor.
222 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
ANTECEDENTS OF WORKPLACE BULLYING
The fourth aim of this paper will be to outline some psychosocial,
cultural and individual characteristics that previous studies have
suggested as antecedent factors of workplace bullying. What triggers
workplace bullying? Very simplified, the bullying process can be
described by the following model:
Yet, workplace bullying can be seen as part of a more complex
psychosocial interaction, with multiple antecedents and
consequences on many levels. Figure 1 (borrowed from Einarsen et
al., 2003a) illustrates the complexity of the phenomenon. The figure
portrays, among others, that organizational action factors such as
bullying policies, support and tolerance, as well individual factors as
propensity to bully and individual pre-dispositions of targets, may play
crucial roles in the ongoing process of workplace bullying. However,
the causal factors and the antecedents of bullying have so far been
investigated only to a limited degree. Also, controversies have
emerged regarding the causes of bullying (Zapf & Einarsen, 2005),
especially related to the issue of target and perpetrator personality as
a risk factor for exposure to bullying. Yet, a few dominating
explanatory models can be differentiated and will be presented in the
following.
Individual Antecedents: Targets
Exposure to bullying has been linked to individual factors such as
a sensitive personality (cf. Box D and F in Figure 1). The relevance of
the personality of the target was demonstrated in a victim study of
221 members of two bullying associations (Nielsen, Matthiesen, &
Einarsen, 2008). Here, it was found that sense of coherence, a
personality factor that reflects how coherent and meaningful one
perceives the world in general and life situation in particular, offered
protective benefits to targets exposed to low levels of bullying.
However, when the bullying exposure had terminated, a high sense of
Workplace
Bullying
Antecedent
Conditions
Various Outcome
Results
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 223
FIGURE 1
A Comprehensive, Multifaceted Model of Bullying
Notes: Adapted from Einarsen et al. (2003a).
224 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
coherence decreased the vulnerability to be affected with subsequent
mental problems. Coyne, Seigne and Randall (2000) revealed that
targets seem to be highly conscientious, more traditional, rigid, and
moralistic than the non-targets. Such qualities may collide with group
norms (Zapf & Einarsen, 2003), causing frustration among colleagues
who may respond with aggressive behavior.
Based on interviews with American targets of bullying, Brodsky
(1976) claimed that many targets are of a humorless nature, which
may render them susceptible to bullying, especially when meeting an
artless teaser or when working in a team characterized by “humor
gone sour.” A study (Glasø, Matthiesen, Nielsen, & Einarsen, 2007),
with 72 victims who were matched with a control group, revealed
significant differences on four out of five personality dimensions.
Victims tended to be more neurotic and less agreeable, conscientious
and extraverted than non-victims. However, cluster-analysis split the
targets into two groups. One sub-sample which comprised 64% of the
victim group did not differ from non-victims as far as personality was
concerned. It was actually a group consisting of merely 36% of the
victims that was found to have a personality profile with the above
mentioned characteristics. These findings may indicate that some
targets possess a personality style or vulnerability that causes them
to be more prone to bullying, while simultaneously indicating that
there is no such thing as a general victim profile.
A widespread assumption among the public and in the media has
been that many victims of bullying cause their own misfortune, by
acting in a provocative or conflict-escalating way, or with what Zapf
and Einarsen (2005) denote "queruluous behavior". However, Zapf
and Einarsen also conclude that there is no such thing as a target
personality that can explain bullying in general. This assumption was
also supported by another study by the present authors among 85
Norwegian targets of bullying using a comprehensive measure of
personality called the MMPI-2 (MMPI= Minnesota Multiphasic
Personality Inventory). Similarly, this study revealed that there is
probably more than one target profile (Matthiesen & Einarsen, 2001).
One group, labeled the “seriously affected”, reported a range of
emotional and psychological problems although they reported a
relatively low exposure to specific bullying behaviors, a result
indicating that personality is of importance in determining how
bullying is experienced and how it is dealt with. These targets were
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 225
depressive, anxious, suspicious, uncertain of themselves, and
troubled by confused thoughts.
A second group, referred to as the “disappointed and depressed”,
were depressed and somewhat suspicious of the outside world. The
third group called the “common group” portrayed a quite normal
personality, in spite of having experienced a large number of specific
bullying behaviors. Such results may indicate that a specific
vulnerability/hardiness factor may exist among some but not all
targets of bullying at work where those already suffering from mental
problems may more likely suffer long-term consequences in the wake
of bullying. Persons with psychological problems, low self-confidence
and a high degree of anxiety in social situations may also be more
likely than others to feel bullied and harassed, and they may find it
more difficult to defend themselves when exposed to the aggression
of other people. Yet, “victim blaming” is obviously not justified by such
results, at least not due to the fact that exposure to bullying may also
alter the personality of those exposed.
In addition to the personality issue, social or ethnic background
may play a crucial role concerning the risk of being exposed to
workplace bullying. For instance, in a Welsh study (n=247), it was
found that ethnic minority respondents were more likely to label
themselves as suffering from bullying behavior, than were their white
counterparts (Lewis & Gunn, 2007). They were consistently exposed
to more negative acts in their daily work. For instance, the ethnic
minority respondents were given more tasks or jobs which were
demeaning to them, they were more subject of practical jokes, and
their felt that they were ignored or excluded at work by their
colleagues. As mentioned previously, Eriksen and Einarsen (2004)
showed that belonging to a gender-minority at the workplace may
represent a strong risk factor with regards to the exposure to bullying.
Individual Antecedents: Perpetrator
A rather popular view is that these kinds of behaviors are deeply
rooted within the personality structure of the office or shop-floor bully.
However, not much empirical evidence exists for this notion (cf. box B
and C in Figure 1). Yet, a study by the present authors based on a
sample of 2200 Norwegian workers showed that self-reported bullies
described themselves as being high on aggressiveness and low on
self-esteem, the latter being particularly true for a group of offenders
226 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
who also claimed to be a target of bullying (Matthiesen & Einarsen,
2007). These perpetrators, labeled as provocative targets, were also
found to be low on social competence and high on social anxiety. In
summarizing the empirical findings of perpetrators, Zapf and
Einarsen (2003) suggest three types of explanations, namely bullying
due to protection of self-esteem, bullying due to lack of social
competencies, and bullying due to micropolitical behavior, where the
first two are considered individual antecedents. Protecting and
enhancing one's self-esteem is considered a basic motive in
individuals, something that will modify and govern one's behavior
(Brockner, 1988).
Environmental Factors
A dominating explanatory framework of bullying in the early
Nordic research on bullying was related to the psychosocial work
environment (see Boxes A and E of Figure 1). The basis of the work
environment hypothesis first put forward by Leymann (1990a; 1993)
is that the stress and frustration caused by a negative psychosocial
environment may lead to bullying of an exposed target, especially if
management does not handle the situation in a firm and just way (cf.
box A in Figure 1). Zapf (1999) provided support for the view that
bullying is associated with a negative work environment, comparing
targets of bullying with a control group of non-victimized individuals.
Targets assessed their environment more negatively than the control
group on all features related to quality of work environment, including
the work environment quality that existed prior to the onset of
bullying.
A range of studies have shown workplace bullying to be related to
role conflicts and role ambiguity, reduced work control, a heavy work
load, organizational restructuring, change of management,
"destructive management" styles, organizational climate, and
interpersonal conflicts (Baron & Neuman, 1996; Björkqvist,
Österman, & Hjelt Bäck, 1994; Einarsen, Raknes, & Matthiesen,
1994; Vartia, 2003; Zapf, 1999). A study among 30 Irish victims of
bullying found their workplace to be a highly stressful and competitive
environment, troubled with interpersonal conflicts and a lack of a
friendly and supportive atmosphere, undergoing organizational
changes and managed through an authoritarian leadership style
(Seigne, 1998). Targets of bullying have also reported that their
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 227
superiors are autocratic, and the environment competitive, strained
and stressful (O'Moore, Seigne, McGuire, & Smith, 1998).
Having a weak superior, competition for tasks, status or
advancement, or competition for the supervisor's favor are other
perceived reasons for bullying among targets (Einarsen, 2000; Zapf &
Einarsen, 2005). The link between leadership, role conflict and
bullying seem to be important. In a national representative Norwegian
study, role conflict, interpersonal conflicts and destructive forms of
leadership behavior were strongly related to workplace bullying
(Hauge, Skogstad, & Einarsen, 2007). A low quality work environment
and increased role conflicts, as well as dissatisfaction with the social
climate and leadership at the workplace, have also been reported by
observers of bullying (Einarsen, Raknes, & Matthiesen, 1994).
Leymann (1993) claimed that four factors are prominent in eliciting
bullying at work. These were 1) deficiencies in work design, 2)
deficiencies in leadership behavior, 3) a socially exposed position of
the victim, and 4) a low moral standard in the department.
The social-interaction approach to aggression (Felson & Tedeschi,
1993) is another model that spells out environmental factors as
antecedents of bullying (Vartia, 2003). The social-interactionist
perspective argues that situational or external factors may affect
bullying indirectly by eliciting rule and norm-violating behavior (cf. box
E and G in Figure 1). This approach maintains that stressful events
affect aggression indirectly through their effect on the target's
behavior. Stressful events may cause people to behave in ways that
make others attack them. In a bullying situation, a person who is
distressed by an unsatisfactory or stressful work situation may irritate
others, with provoked aggressive or hostile behavior as a result.
Bullying may here be seen as an intentional response to such
behavior and an instrument for social control (Hoel, Rayner, &
Cooper, 1999). In addition, certain perceptions of injustice may play
an important role in bullying acting as an additional antecedent, as
proposed by Dieter Zapf (2004).
Neuman and Baron (2003) delineate between "unjust" situations
that (a) violate norms, (b) produce frustration and stress, (c) induce
negative affect, and (d) assault the individual’s dignity and self-worth.
All those kinds of felt injustice may be precursors of bullying. Formal
norms may be violated when people are treated differently.
Individuals may perceive that they have been unfairly benefited or
228 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
have been unfairly disadvantaged. If this happens repeatedly, they
may feel subjected to bullying. Lack of distributive justice for some
period of time, e.g. related to downsizing (who should be the "layoffs"
or "survivors" after organizational re-structuring), career promotion
(feeling "parked" in one's job without understanding or accepting
"why"), wage increase (witnessing that colleagues receive frequent
pay increases, contrary to one's own situation) may attack the
worker's dignity and self-worth, and a feeling of being bullied may
arise. In addition, Neuman and Baron (1997) also found that
individuals who reported that they had been treated unfairly by their
supervisors were significantly more likely than those who not were
treated unfairly to indicate that they engaged in some form of
workplace aggression.
The organizational culture may also comprise an important
precursor of work place bullying. Organizational culture is a
multifaceted concept, based on the assumptions, beliefs, values and
expectations that members take for granted and have come to share
(Schein, 1985). Culture tends to manifest itself at the group level,
with specific norms and rules for the behavior of group members
(Hoel & Salin, 2003). Values and norms within the organizational
culture, for instance a general low level of mutual support and
understanding, may foster bullying. The organizational culture may
permit hostile work behavior like bullying, what Brodsky (1976) refers
to as a "sense of permission to harass". Brodsky even claimed that
workplace harassment may be the result of a general belief in
industrial society that workers are most productive when subjected to
the goad or fear of harassment. This notion implies that harassment
is viewed as something functional by the management, and perhaps
necessary to achieve productivity and acceptable performance from
employees. Brodsky proposed that harassment at work cannot occur
without the direct or indirect agreement of management.
One of the targets of bullying interviewed by Einarsen, Raknes,
and Matthiesen (1994) and associates admitted that he was
severely punished in his job as a middle manager, due to his lack of
ability to "act like Hitler" against his subordinates. Keashly and
Jagatic (2003a) found that higher rates of emotionally abusive
behaviors were reported in organizations in which respondents
perceived that employee involvement was not facilitated, morale was
low, teamwork was not encouraged, and supervision was vague.
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 229
Andersson and Pearson (1999) use the term "incivility spiral" to
describe how bullying may evolve in such situations.
The incivility spiral, which may be a part of a destructive
organizational culture, may culminate with bullying. This can be the
outcome, if repeated episodes of uncivil or rude behavior have been
allowed to unfold, especially if the episodes systematically have been
directed against one person, a scapegoat (cf. Thylefors, 1987). An
illustrative example of organizational cultures that may allow bullying
is the luxury restaurant kitchen. Here the chef is often viewed as an
artist, whose bullying and abusive behavior can be understood as
idiosyncratic behavior born out of artistry and creativity (Johns &
Menzel, 1999). The bullying and abusive chef is excused, since the
raw materials are refined into top class gourmet food. Everyone
around has to adapt to this kind of demanding, oppressive behavior
from the talented chef artist. Thus, the norms and values within an
organization as well as the type and quality of the organizational
communication patterns may constitute some of the essence of the
bullying problem. Yet, a recent study has shown that bullying in
restaurant is not conducive to creativity and quality within a specific
restaurant (Mathisen, Einarsen & Mykletun, 2008).
Summarizing, bullying is clearly to be regarded as a multifaceted
phenomenon with causes to be found on different explanatory levels
(see also Einarsenet al., 2003a; Rayner & Keashly, 2005). Probably,
the antecedents of workplace bullying may be found in combinations
of organizational and individual antecedents.
OUTCOMES OF BULLYING
The fifth aim of this paper is to present and discuss outcome
effects associated with workplace bullying (cf. box H, I and J of Figure
1). A host of research shows that workplace bullying produces a
range of detrimental consequences for both the target of bullying as
well as for the organization, in line with findings in stress research.
From the first, research on workplace bullying, attention has primarily
been focused on the negative effects the experience has on targets
(Hoel, Einarsen, & Cooper, 2003). However, a "ripple effect" have
also been observed in bullying (Hoel, Rayner, & Cooper, 1999), as
several studies have found that observers of bullying reported higher
levels of generalized stress and lower job satisfaction than those who
had not observed bullying take place (Einarsen, Raknes, &
230 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
Matthiesen, 1994; Vartia, 2003). Still, most research has addressed
the targets of bullying, and the negative impact on their health and
well-being. For instance, Quine (2001) found that nurses who had
been bullied reported significantly lower levels of job satisfaction and
significantly higher levels of anxiety and depression. Still, the
organizational perspective and organizational consequences of
workplace bullying have to a small extent been investigated.
Furthermore, since most all workplace bullying research so far has
been based on cross-sectional and not longitudinal designs, the
cause and effect relationships in this respect are not yet certain.
Individual Outcomes
By far, the most systematically researched relationship in this
domain is the relationship between exposure to bullying and
psychological strain (Keashly & Harvey, 2005). As with other forms of
social stress, bullying is likely to manifest itself behaviorally as well as
attitudinally. To be a victim of intentional and systematic
psychological harm by another person seems to produce severe
emotional reactions such as fear, anxiety, helplessness, depression
and shock (Mikkelsen & Einarsen, 2002a). Victimization, in this case
exposure to intense bullying at work, has been shown to alter the
individuals' perceptions of their work-environment and life in general
to one of threat, danger, insecurity and self-questioning (cf. Janoff-
Bulman, 1992). Pervasive emotional, psychosomatic, and psychiatric
problems are therefore seen in those exposed to bullying (Leymann,
1990a). The reactions are found to be especially pronounced if the
perpetrator is in a position of power or the situation is unavoidable or
inescapable (Einarsen, 1999; Niedl, 1996). Hence, the results in this
field indicate that workplaces seem to be settings where people are
especially vulnerable if they are facing aggression, abuse, or
harassment (Einarsen & Raknes, 1997).
About 100 targets of harassment by stalking were interviewed in
order to assess the impact of the experience on their psychological,
social, and interpersonal functioning (Pathe & Mullen, 1997).
Increased levels of anxiety were reported by 83%. The majority of the
targets had been subjected to multiple forms of harassment such as
being followed, repeatedly approached, and bombarded with letters
and telephone calls during periods varying from 1 month to 20 years.
Threats were received by 58% and 34% were physically or sexually
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 231
assaulted. Many targets of long term bullying at work also report
symptoms indicating that they suffer from post-traumatic stress
disorder – (PTSD) (Matthiesen & Einarsen, 2004; Mikkelsen &
Einarsen, 2002a). In one study (Matthiesen & Einarsen, 2004), about
80% of the targets of bullying reported post-traumatic symptoms
equivalent with those suggested for PTSD. The literature on post-
traumatic stress focuses primarily on factors such as life-threatening
menaces, object loss and physical harm as the main risk elements in
development of PTSD (Davidson & Foa, 1993). A study of post-
traumatic stress among women abused by their husbands concluded
that psychological abuse, even in rather subtle forms, seems to
produce clear cut symptoms of PTSD (Vitanza, Vogel, & Marshall,
1995). On the basis of case studies, Scott and Stradling (1994)
argued that enduring psychosocial stress in the absence of one single
acute and dramatic trauma may produce full symptomatology of
PTSD.
In a Finnish study of 350 University employees, 19 persons
subjected to victimization by harassment were interviewed in a follow-
up study (Björkqvist, Österman, & Hjelt Bäck, 1994). They reported
high levels of insomnia, various nervous symptoms such as anxiety,
depression, aggression, melancholy, apathy, lack of concentration,
and socio-phobia, leading the authors to conclude that these victims
portrayed symptoms reminiscent of posttraumatic stress disorder. In
his 1992 report, the Swedish psychologist Heinz Leymann (1992)
argued that PTSD probably was the correct diagnosis for
approximately 95% of a representative sample of 350 targets of long-
term bullying at work. A Swedish study of PTSD in a group of 64
victims attending a rehabilitation program for victims of bullying at
work revealed that most of these victims were troubled with intrusive
thoughts and avoidance reactions (Leymann & Gustavson, 1996). A
Danish study of 118 targets of severe bullying revealed that 76%
portrayed symptoms indicating posttraumatic stress disorder
(Mikkelsen & Einarsen, 2002a).
According to Janoff-Bulman (1992), post-traumatic stress
following victimization is largely due to the shattering of the basic
assumptions that victims hold about themselves and the world,
including assumptions creating a sense of personal invulnerability.
The sense of invulnerability is tied to the three core beliefs: (a) the
world is benevolent, b) the world is meaningful, and c) the self is
232 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
worthy. The just world hypothesis (Lerner, 1980), our need to believe
that we live in a world where people get what they deserve and
deserve what they get, is threatened by the experience of being
bullied. The belief in a just world and the three core beliefs enable the
individual to confront the physical and social environment as if it were
stable, orderly, coherent, safe and friendly. A traumatic event
presents information that is incompatible with these existing mental
models or schemas (Horowitz, 1975).
This incongruity gives rise to stress responses, requiring
reappraisal and revision of the schemas. The person tends to use
avoidance strategies in order to ward off distressing thoughts,
images, and feelings caused by the incident, thus giving the control
system tolerable doses of information. Phases of intrusion and
avoidance occur as the person attempts to process or “work through”
the experience (Horowitz, 1975). The target may repeatedly re-
experience the most humiliating or frustrating aggressive events, or
the person may systematically avoid certain work situations, be it
lunch breaks, meetings or other people while at work. The target can
even find it difficult to approach or pass a former workplace, as
described in one case (Einarsen & Hellesøy, 1998).
In a theoretical framework of trauma at work, Williams (1993)
argues that individual variables in personality and coping styles may
have some overlap with PTSD, in regard to emotional distress.
Although the causal relationship between individual differences and
victimization from bullying is a debatable one (Einarsen, 1999, 2000;
Leymann, 1990a, 1996), targets of bullying at work do differ from
non-targets on a range of factors (see Figure 1, box F). For instance,
Vartia (1996) found a high level of negative affectivity among a group
of Finnish victims of bullying at work, while Zapf (1999) found
German victims of bullying to be high on negative and low on positive
affectivity when compared to a control group. Experiences of negative
social interactions in general seem to be associated with increases in
negative affectivity as well as low self-esteem and many dysfunctional
attitudes (Lakey, Tardiff, & Drew, 1994).
Whereas Zapf (1999) argues that these characteristics may have
caused bullying in the first place, Mikkelsen and Einarsen (2002a)
claim that negative affectivity acts as a mediator and thus accounts
for the relation between the victimization and symptomatology by
explaining how bullying takes on a psychological meaning. In a study
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 233
of battered women, the relationship between abuse and PTSD
depended to a certain degree on vulnerability factors of psychological
dysfunctions such as cognitive failure and private self-consciousness
(Saunders, 1994). The former is defined as the tendency to have
perception and memory failures as well as engaging in misdirected
action, while the latter refers to people who tend to focus on their
own perceptions, feelings, and thoughts. Both concepts are
considered to be produced by the excessive worry and anxiety caused
by a highly threatening situation. Therefore, they may be seen as
partial mediators of the relationship between the experience of abuse
and the evolving post traumatic stress symptoms. Nevertheless, more
research is needed within this area before firm conclusions are
drawn.
Organizational Outcomes
Less attention has been paid to the potential organizational
outcomes although the costs of bullying are hypothesized to be
related to increased absenteeism and turnover, as well as reduced
productivity for both targets and work groups (Hoel, Einarsen, &
Cooper, 2003). Turnover has to date been the organizational
outcome that has received most attention in research, with studies
revealing greater intention to leave the organization for both targets
and observers of bullying (Hoel, Einarsen, & Cooper, 2003; Quine,
1999), causing Rayner and Keashly (2005) to estimate the
replacement costs relating to bullying in an organization with 1,000
employees to be in the area of $750,000.
In studies exploring the association between bullying and
sickness absenteeism, relationships have normally been found to be
relatively weak (Hoel & Cooper, 2000; Vartia, 2003). However, a
Finnish study among hospital staff demonstrated that risk of
medically certified sickness absence was 51%, or 1.5 times higher for
those who had been bullied, compared to the others in the study
sample (Kivimäki, Elovainio, & Vahtera, 2000). In a study of
Norwegian trade union members (Einarsen, Raknes, & Matthiesen,
1994), 27% agreed with "bullying at my workplace reduces our
efficiency". Increased health problems resulting from exposure to
bullying may also de-motivate employees with gradually reduced job
satisfaction as a consequence and with increased absence and
lowered productivity as possible long-term results (Hoel, Einarsen, &
234 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
Cooper, 2003). In a study of bullying at two Finnish hospitals,
Kivimäki, Elovainio, and Vahtera (2000) estimated that the annual
cost of absence, from bullying alone, accounted for about £125,000.
Correspondingly, Sheehan et al. (2001, referred in Hoel, Einarsen &
Cooper, 2003) calculated bullying costs of $0.6 to $3.6 million per
year for an Australian business with 1,000 employees. Thus,
workplace bullying costs organizations and the society billions of
dollars, pounds, or Euros, in Australia, US, or other industrialized
countries. However extensive research is required within this field.
It seems to be a well established notion that the subjective
experience of being bullied is the crucial aspect (Einarsen et al.,
2003a; Einarsen & Skogstad, 1996). Bullying occurs as long as the
target experiences it as such, even if the perpetrator had no intent to
perform bullying, or (showing low empathy) does not realize that such
an experience may be the outcome of one's own behavior. Thus, an
aggressive person, with low social skills-and a limited conception of
how others may perceive the expression of anger or hostility can be
labeled as a bully. Additionally, a target may misinterpret or
exaggerate the intent of the perpetrator. A vulnerable person--for
instance, an individual who has experienced a range of bullying
episodes in the past in previous jobs, or in childhood-- would be more
prone to attribute intentional negative acts of bullying. The target may
well feel subjected to bullying even if he or she is uncertain whether
the perpetrator actually intended to bully (cf. Jones & Davis, 1965).
DOSE-RESPONSE PERSPECTIVE
The last aim of this paper is to present the dose-response
perspective. How much harassment or negative acts must occur
before an individual experiences it as bullying? In this respect, work
place bullying may be understood in terms of a dose-response
perspective. According to this, a person must be exposed to a certain
amount of bullying episodes (dose), before the feeling of being
victimized sets in (response). The dose-response perspective is well-
known within medicine and epidemiology. A significant dose-response
relationship was for instance observed between career solvent
exposure, blood lead level, and subsequent personality disturbance
symptoms among house painters (Condray, Morrow, Steinhauer,
Hodgson, & Kelley, 2000). Another study demonstrated a dose-
response association between exposure to sexual assaults, and
BULLYING IN THE WORKPLACE: DEFINITION, PREVALENCE, ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES 235
subsequent manifestations of health problems, as arthritis, in a
population-based study of older adults (Stein & Barrett-Connor,
2000). Correspondingly, scores of adverse childhood experiences
were found to have a strong dose-response, graded relationship to
the probability of lifetime as well as to recent depressive disorders,
with an increased odds ratio probability of about 2.5 (that is, 2.5
times higher risk for depression), as compared to a control group
(Chapman et al., 2004).
The dose-response perspective is not applied empirically within
the “at work bullying” research field. Thus, little is known about the
“dose” of bullying episodes that is prerequisite for the unique and
subjective feeling of being bullied. How many bullying episodes that
must take place before the onset of the unique feeling of being
bullied will most likely vary from person to person. Distinctive
individual features, such as former work experience, personal
vulnerability, childhood experiences, age, or educational level
represent but a few of the conditions that may interfere with the
feeling of being exposed to bullying. What kind of personal factors
that may lower or increase the dose-response ratio has still not been
investigated. However, a dose-response perspective may be implicit
in the judicial view of what comprises workplace bullying. When a
person is exposed to a certain amount of insulting episodes during a
specific period of time may be regarded as bullying.
CONCLUSION
The International Labour Organization (ILO) has recognized
workplace bullying in the broader context of violence at work. In a
2000 monograph, it was observed that workplace bullying “by itself
may be relatively minor but which cumulatively can become a very
serious form of violence” (Yamada, 2003, p. 400). Workplace
bullying is a complex multi-causal phenomenon with severe negative
impact on those affected. Different conceptualizations do exist, and
the construct is closely linked to the overarching concept of
workplace aggression, and also to the concept of interpersonal social
conflict. Bullying seems to be more widespread in some nations than
others; many different antecedent factors may cause workplace
bullying, in particular role stressors and destructive leadership;
bullying may lead to deteriorated health for targets. Workplace
bullying may also hit the organization in various negative ways.
236 MATTHIESEN & EINARSEN
Increased turnover, a poor level of job satisfaction and reduced
productivity among those involved comprise only some of many
possible outcomes of bullying.
Workplace bullying is neither the product of chance nor of destiny.
Instead, it should be understood as an interplay between individuals
in their daily work (Einarsen, Matthiesen, & Mikkelsen, 2000).
Personal factors alone cannot, nor can situational or contextual
factors, explain the multiplicity of the phenomenon. Solid research
based information on the causes and consequences of workplace
bullying are needed to develop sound interventions and preventive
strategies. Unfortunately, the workplace bullying research field is still
in short supply when it comes to longitudinal studies and studies on
the effects of intervention. Thus, in forthcoming years, longitudinal
studies should supplement prospective studies. Similarly, Hoel,
Rayner and Cooper (1999) suggest that quantitative approaches
should accompany qualitative research such as case studies, semi-
structured interviews and focus groups. These research practices
might reveal more subtle processes involved in workplace bullying,
than can be revealed by survey studies alone.
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