U.S. AND SOVIET SIGN STRATEGIC ARMS TREATY; CARTER URGES CONGRESS TO SUPPORT ACCOR

VIENNA. June 18 — President Carter and Leonid I. Brezluiev, the Soviet leader, signed an arms control treaty today that for the first time limits both sides to the same maximum number of longrange bombers and missiles.

Special to The New York Times

After the formal signing in the white and gilt ballroom of the Hofburg, the former Austrian imperial palace, Mr. Carter reached out to shake Mr. Brezhnev's hand, the two leaders embraced, and, to rising applause, kissed each other on both cheeks, Russian‐style.

It was, after six years of difficult negotiations and false starts and promises, “an event long awaited,” the 72‐year‐old Soviet leader said. He added that the new treaty went far beyond the first arms control agreement, signed in Moscow in 1972, in imposing equal numerical ceilings and limits on qualitative improvements in strategic weapons.

Need for Shared Rules Stressed

President Carter responded by saying that a decade of negotiations had taught that “a nuclear arms competition without shared rules, and without verifiable limits, and without a continuing dialogue, would be an invitation to disaster.”

With an evident eye on opponents of the treaty in the Senate, he added: “We cannot interrupt or endanger this process.” Later, in an effort to sustain the momentum, he flew home to address Congress and urge approyal of the accord.

The treaty signed today runs until the end of 1985. It embodies the concept of parity, limiting both sides within six months to 2,400 and later to 2,250 bombers and missile launchers, and takes a step toward restraining arms modernization by limiting each side to one new missile.

Treaty Does Not Halt Arms Race

But, as Mr. Carter noted, it does not halt the arms race because it permits expansion in the numbers of warheads and continuation of programs for improving existing weapons.

The one major change negotiated here was a more explicit acknowledgment from Mr. Brezhnev that the Soviet Union would not step up the present production rate of 30 a year of its 111‐22M bomber, known in the West by the military codename of Backfire.

The signing ceremony this morning ended the first Soviet‐American summit meeting since late 1974. The two principals agreed to more regular meetings in the future, perhaps on an annual basis, American officials said.

Although the treaty had been negotiated beforehand and the two leaders made little visible progress on other issues, they pronounced their “mutual satisfaction” with the three days of talks. Personally they got along well and the treaty, they said, helps promote, “the deepening of détente.”

Other participants said that, after two troubled years since Mr. Carter took office, the low‐key, realistic candor of the talks had helped put Soviet‐American relations back on a more even keel though the sessions did not resolve differences over how to deal with regional conflicts in Africa, Asia and the Middle East or with conventional force reductions in Central Europe.

But, in a joint communiqué, President Carter won Mr. Brezhnev's public assurance that the Soviet Union, like the United States, was “not striving and will not strive for military superiority” —statement that could help win votes in the battle for Senate approval of the treaty.

U.S. Pledge on Trade Reported

The communiqué also disclosed that the two sides had completed “major elements” of an agreement to ban radiological weapons and had agreed on the need to woi‐k toward “the elimination of obstacles” to expanded trade relaions. This appeared to be an indication that President Carter was preparing to seek more favored trading status for Moscow in exchange for a liberalization of emigration from the Soviet Union.

And in a separate statement, the two leaders committed themselves to work toward a third arms accord, in which they would seek “significant and substantial reductions” of their offensive arsenals and new qualitative curbs on new weapons. Although the Americans had hoped to win Soviet approval for a specific lowering of ceilings, the Russians were not ready to commit themselves.

The health of Mr. Brezhnev, who stumbled on a couple of occasions and closed his eyes in apparent fatigue during President Carter's brief statement this morning, seemed to have curtailed the scope and duration of the talks. He was less ebullient and active than he had been on previous encounters with American presidents, though American negotiators said that at times he was animated during the talks here.

One Private Meeting Is Held

He and Mr. Carter held only one extended private meeting, for 90 minutes this morning at the American Embassy. Later, Jody Powell, the American spokesman, said, without giving details, that they had dealt with a number of issues, including human rights. ‘

The signing ceremony involved four sets of documents: a 22‐page treaty that runs until the end of 1985, a two‐page protocol that prohibits testing and deployment of mobile missiles and cruise missiles before 1982: 43 pages of agreed statements and common understandings that interpret the treaty, and a threepage joint statement of principles guiding the next round of arms negotiations.

Two other documents exchanged today gave the present inventory of strategic arsenals. They showed that the Soviet Union gave the total number of its longrange missile launchers and bombers as 2,504, meaning that it will have to destroy 254 by Jan. 1, 1981, to comply with the new maximum of 2,250, while the United States gave its force as 2,283 missiles and bombers, and must destroy 33 mothballed B‐52 bombers to comply with treaty terms.

The treaty itself provides several subordinate limits within the overall ceiling of 2,250, including the following:

9A combined total of 1,320 launchers for ballistic missiles with multiple warheads and heavy bombers equipped with cruise missiles or ballistic missiles.

9No more than 1,200 launchers. for ballistic missiles.

91.4o more than 820 land‐based launchers for ballistic missiles with multiple warheads; the Soviet Union has a separate limit of 308 on the number of launchers for its heavy SS‐18 missiles.

After the documents had been signed, Mr. Brezhnev spoke briefly, in a low, thick and occasionally slurred voice, calling the treaty “a major step forward” in improving Soviet‐American relations and praising Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance, Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromvko. Secretary of Defense Harold Brown and Defense Minister Dmitri F. Ustinov for their contribution.

After they had concluded, the two men rose, shook hands with the members of their own and the other delegation and made their final embrace, to resounding applause. After a brief farewell to the Soviet leader, Mr. Carter headed directly to the airport.

The communiqué provided evidence that the two had agreed generally on improving the atmosphere of Soviet‐American relations without being able to settle specific points of dispute. The text endorsed the following points:

()Impetus to other arms control measures, but it offered no evidence of progress on a comprehensive nucleartest ban, a prohibition on antisatellite weapons or on conventional force reductions in Europe.

()Efforts to spread détente “to all areas to the globe” and the principles of “responsibility and restraint” in regional tensions, but it revealed disagreement over the main areas of dispute in the Middle East, Africa and Asia.

‘ ()More regular summit meetings, with no specific schedule.

Progress Made in Two Areas

Progress was achieved in two areas: on a treaty to ban radiological weapons and on American willingness to resume talks on limiting military involvement in the Indian Ocean. The United States suspended the Indian Ocean talks a year ago in protest over Soviet involvement in Ethiopia.

The one change negotiated here in the arms‐treaty package concerned the Soviet assurances on the Backfire. Some people in Washington consider it a strategic, long‐range bomber, fit for inclusion in the treaty, but the Russians insist it is an intermediate‐range plane.

The United States_ had planned to resolve the dispute by an exchange of documents, ‘,including general assurances from Mr. Brezhnev reinforced by more specific statements by Mr. Carter. This procedure was followed in the session on Saturday afternoon, Mr. Powell said, but the Americans were not satisfied. When they raised the matter again yesterday, he said, “a lively discussion ensued,” ending with Mr. Brezhnev's oral assurance that, as an American statement put it, “the Soviet Backfire production rate would not exceed 30 a year.”

The New York Times/Teresa Zabala

Among those who heard President Carter's address were Senator Edward M. Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts, center, and from the New York area Senators Harrison A. Williams, lower left, and Bill Bradley, center top, Democrats of New Jersey, and Abraham A. Ribicoff, second from right at bottom, Democrat of Connecticut.