ORIGINS OF ISLAM: POLITICAL-ANTHROPOLOGICAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT (final version)

ORIGINS OF ISLAM: POLITICAL-ANTHROPOLOGICAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT Author(s): Andrey Korotaev, Vladimir Klimenko and Dmitry Proussakov Source: Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Vol. 52, No. 3/4 (1999), pp. 243- 276 Published by: Akadémiai Kiadó Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43391394 Accessed: 22-05-2020 07:32 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Akadémiai Kiadó is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hung. Volume 52 (3-4), 243-276 (1999) ORIGINS OF ISLAM: POLITICAL- ANTHROPOLOGICAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT Andrey Korotaev, Vladimir Klimenko, Dmitry Proussakov (Moscow) The authors suggest to view the origins of Islam against the background of the 6th century AD Arabian socio-ecological crisis whose model is specified in the paper through the study of clima- tological, seismological, volcanological and epidemiological history of the period. Most socio-po- litical systems of the Arabs reacted to the socio-ecological crisis by getting rid of the rigid supra- tribal political structures (kingdoms and chiefdoms) which started posing a real threat to their very survival. The decades of fighting which led to the destruction of most of the Arabian kingdoms and chiefdoms (reflected in Ayyãm al- 'Arab tradition) led to the elaboration of some definite "anti- royal" freedom-loving tribal ethos. At the beginning of the 7th century tribes which would recog- nise themselves as subjects of some terrestrial super-tribal political authority, the "king", risked to lose its honour. However, this seems not to be applicable to the authority of another type, the "ce- lestial" one. At the meantime the early 7th century evidences the merging of the Arabian tradition of prophecy and the Arabian Monotheist "Rahmanist" tradition which produced "the Arabian pro- phetic movement". The Monotheist "Rahmanist" prophets appear to have represented a supratribal authority just of the type many Arab tribes were looking for at this very time, which seems to ex- plain to a certain extent those prophets' political success (including the extreme political success of Muhammad). Key-words : Islam, Arabia, ecology, political anthropology, history, climate, evolution South Arabian puzzle For many years we were a bit puzzled by a strangely quick collapse of the South Ara- bian Empire of the "Kings of Saba' and dhū-Raydān and Hadramawt and Yamanat and Their Arabs in the Highland and the Coastal Plain" (' mlk SB' w-d-RYDn w- HDRMWT w-YMNT w- ' 'rb-hmw TWDm w-THMT) in the second half of the 6th cen- tury AD. Of course, at the beginning of this century South Arabia experienced a series of rather turbulent events: dhū-Nuwās' coup, violent persecutions of the Christians, Ethiopian invasions and conquest, rebellion (successful) of the Ethiopian soldiers deployed in Yemen, their leader (Abraha) getting the royal power etc. - see Sabaic 0001-6446 /99/ $ 5.00 © 1999 Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 244 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV inscriptions C621; Ry507; 508; 510; Ja 1028; as well as: Pirenne and T (1982); Carpenter (1869); M0berg (1924); Berzina and Kubbel' (1990, p 249); Shahīd (1971); Lundin (1961); Kobishchanov (1980, pp. 10-88); Piot (1985, pp. 17-23); Smith (1954); Robin et al. (1996) etc. Then, however, Abrahams rule the Empire seemed to have stabilised and achieved rea florescence by the end of the 540s: Abraha managed to organise the su repairs of the famous Mārib Dam ('RAf [C 541]), campaigns to Central and N Arabia etc. (Ry 506; Vasil'ev 1907; Kobishchanov 1980, pp. 64-89; Piot 1985, pp. 23-24) And then in the second half of the century the Empire (together with the year-old South Arabian civilisation) simply collapses without any apparent reason. The study of this collapse is further complicated by the fact that the ca phe appears to have been so profound that the written texts seem to have st be produced in South Arabia - since the 7th decade of the 6th century (this including) we have no authentic dated South Arabian texts up to the Islam which stands in a sharp contrast with the comparatively well documented 5 decades of the century.1 The collapse seems to have been so profound that when in 570 AD (Sh 1995, p. 365) Khusraw [I] Parwěz reluctantly sent (as a sort of punishmen hundred convicted criminals to put Yemen into the Persian sphere of influe sidering this such an adventure that it would be wiser not to risk with the troops), they (the convicted criminals) did manage to overthrow the dyna Abraha, though, of course, not without the help of the Yemenites opposed to th nasty - see e.g. al-Tabarī (1964, pp. 950-956). North Arabian puzzle Of course, it is evident that what happened in the 6th-century Yemen was not a lated event. Already if we look at Arabia as a whole, we shall get a bit dif perspective. To begin with, in the Soviet Islamology up to the 1980s the dominant theory of the origins of Islam connected it with the crisis and degeneration of the clan-tribal system in the 6th-early 7th century Arabia, the process of the state and class forma- tion (Tolstov 1932; Smirnov 1954, pp. 180 ff; Beljaev 1965; Petrushevskij 1966, pp. 5-11; Mavljutov 1974; Zhukov 1974, p. 29; Fil'shtinskij 1977, p. 22, p. 107; Negņa 1981 etc.; a preliminary critique of this point see e.g. Bol'shakov 1989, p. 40). A somewhat strange theory, we must say, as the very well-known facts show quite clearly that the actual processes were simply contrary to the ones described above. The clan-tribal systems in pre-Islamic Arabia were strengthening and consolidating, 1 The last dated Sabaic text (C 325 - see Müller 1991) is (see line 5) of the year 669 of the "Himy arite" Era ~ AD 554/555, or much more likely AD 559/560, depending on the solution of the problem of the beginning of this era - for the current state of this question see de Blois (1990); Shahīd (1994); Kitchen (1994, pp. 1-9); and especially Robin et al. (1996). Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 245 whereas these were precisely the state in the first century before al-Hijrah . see a few kingdoms controlling most huge Kingdom of the tabãbVah in Y bian South but also considerable par dom (the vassal of the first one) in ent on the Sassanid Empire) in the A parts of Northern and Central Arab the Byzantine Empire) in the North (1899); Olinder (1927); Pigulevskaja What is more, even in the territo mentioned kingdoms we normally f chiefdoms rather than true tribes. T (sg. malik ) "kings" - see e.g. Negrj The situation at the beginning of th ginning of Muhammad's Prophecy) great Arabian kingdoms had disappear almost no "kings" left in Arabia; and now we see true free tribes.2 Some neglected causes of th It appears that the 6th century AD ev tion and the peak of the tectonic an the Mediterranean region [see Appen is not quite self-evident what this h Naturally, the earthquakes affected century AD Arabian societies, leavin ginning of the famous Earthquake hã {2.} wa-akhrajat 1 ' l-arçt ath the earth is shaken with an earthquak 'What has happened to it?'" etc.). St 34) have already proposed to connec bian civilisation with the seismic a final deadly blow to the most ancient Yemeni desert, which were already o AD and which depended heavily on 2 Even for the 6th-century Mecca there tion of a quasi-chiefdom polity into a trib 1964, pp. 1083-1100). At the age of Muha e.g. ibn Hischām 1858-1860, II, p. 971), but towards the replacement of the "royal" aut (see below in the section on "Origins of Is Acta Orient. Hung This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 246 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV could be significantly affected by the earthquakes. But this does not seem to be t case with the kingdoms and chiefdoms of the Arabian North which could not be parently affected by the earthquakes to a critical extent. Thus, the most signific outcome of the seismic activity seems to be volcano eruptions rather than eart quakes. Again, it is not self-evident how, say, the volcano eruptions on the New Brit- ain Island near New Guinea could affect the evolution of the Arabian communities. Again, what is significant here is not the direct effect though some of the South Ara- bian sites were destroyed just in this way (though not necessarily in the 6th century - see e.g. Müller and Wissmann [1976]). What is really important are volcanic gases and tephra which are thrown to the atmosphere in great quantities during such erup- tions. And this could affect significantly really huge areas. E.g. sulphuric aerosols would halt partially solar radiation, causing the cooling of the Earth surface and, hence, droughts, or otherwise floods, and various disbalances in the ecological sys- tems, which could result in the outbursts of the numbers of the epidemic disease bear- ing' animals, plague fleas etc., and the causal link between the tectonic and volcanic activity and the epidemics was noticed long ago. However, the most significant factor seems to be the droughts - and there are documented cases when, say, changing solar activity or massive volcano eruption, resulting in a global climatic shift, caused severe droughts in various parts of the world (naturally, North Arabia could have been affected in such cases too [see Ap- pendix C for detail]). Hence, global climate deterioration and the peak of the tectonic activity pro- duced such an array of primary, secondary, and tertiary factors (earthquakes and volcano eruptions themselves, epidemics, droughts, barbarian invasions caused by the socio-ecological crises on the barbarian peripheries) which could pose a deadly threat for the survival of most of affected civilisations of the time. We ourselves came to terms with the sudden death of the 1500-year-old pre-Islamic South Arabian civilisation when we realised that this happened simultaneously with the severe crisis in the Byzantine Empire which put it on the brink of an almost complete collapse (the early 7th to early 6th century comparison would produce for Byzantine results rather similar to the ones obtained above for the Arabian North and South in any case). And what was an almost deadly blow for strong Byzantine appeared to have been just a deadly blow for the weaker South Arabian civilisation as well as for most Arabian kingdoms.3 This is not a mere speculation, especially for the Arabian North. Indeed, as was mentioned above the second half of the 6th-century history of South Arabia is documented very poorly (especially, in comparison with the earlier periods). But this is not as true for the Arabian North. It is not simply that by the early 7th-early 6th- century comparison we can deduce that most North and Central Arabian kingdoms disintegrated, without knowing what happened in between. No, it is possible not only 3 The weakening of the state structures of the Byzantine, Sassanid and Yemeni empires (caused to a considerable extent by the same socio-ecological factors), of course, led to the further decline of the Arabian kingdoms and chiefdoms most of which were to a considerable degree rather dependent on the support of those Near Eastern great powers. Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 247 to deduce this disintegration, but also gration proceeded. Indeed, we have Arab historical tradition, the so cal And one of the typical "Days" can b strongman (a head of a kingdom, o and arrogant manner. Such a behavi a she-camel of some woman,4 but, ver to collect taxes in a "lean" year (us p. 249); Ibn al-Athīr (1867, pp. 368- e.g. the description by the Day of H uprising against Hujr (which finally killing of Hujr and the destruction of Irina Hujr m kãnafl Banī Asad wa- sanat1" ... thumma ba'atha ilay-him mana'ü dhãlik wa-Hujr yawma-id hu wa-darajü-hum "Hujr was [th from them were due to him every them [Banū Asad] and they [Banū was that time in Tihāmah), beat t them" ("the Day of Hujr" - al-Isf Ibn al-Athīr [1867, p. 376]; al-Maw The beginning of the "Day of al-Nafra rendered as follows (for the full qu the Hawäzin had to bring their taxe did not like the quantity and quality o old woman and rudely pushed her Athīr 1867, p. 413; Ibn 'Abdi-Rabbi al. 1942, pp. 235-236). A typical reaction to "royal" misb ins would go to such a chief and ju attempts on the part of the murdered "Day" which could last for years fil (e.g. "the Day of Hujr" [al-Isfahānī pp. 373-382; al-Mawlā-bik et al. 194 Isfahānī 1955-1964, XI, pp. 77-83 Rabbi-hi 1949-1965, V, pp. 135-13 Day of Khazāz" in Yaqüt's edition [1 the famous pre-Islamic poet 'Amr b 4 Incidentally, according to Ayyäm , su hostilities, known by the name of the abo (al-Isfahānī 1955-1964, V, pp. 29-55; Ibn 1965, V, pp. 213-250; Yâqût 1410/1990, etc.), c. 490-530 AD. Acta Orient. Hung This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 248 ANDREY KOROTAEV- VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV 38-54] who himself took an active part in his tribe's struggle against the La Kingdom which seems to have contributed significantly to the weakening an dissolution of this political entity; on the struggle of Arab tribes against th sanid kings see e.g. Negija [1981, pp. 36-37]; see also e.g. al-Bayātī [1407/198 232 ff]). In any case, at the end we normally find original chiefdoms or kin disintegrated with free true tribes in their places. The Arab adaptation to the 6th century AD socio-ecological crisis Actually, what was described at the end of the previous section may well be cons as an important component of this rather effective adaptation. This was simp most socio-political systems of the Arabs (or, for the extreme methodologic vidualists, the Arabs themselves, anyhow, it could be well described in both reacted rather adequately to the socio-ecological crisis by getting rid of th supratribal political structures (i.e. all those kings, chiefs and their retainers started posing a real threat to their very survival. Indeed, it is rather difficult t ine anything more nasty than the royal messengers coming to you in a "lea (which may well have been preceded by one or two similar years) and dem from you to pay royal taxes when you yourself have nothing to eat and to feed y children. However, the Arabs did not only destroy most of those rigid political communal structures which were alienating the tribal sovereignty; they als oped their alternatives - soft structures not posing any threat to the soverei tribes. Most noticeable of them seems to be the development of the system o enclaves, regular pilgrimages to them and the regular pilgrim fairs ( mawãsim ) w accompanied those pilgrimages. The result was the development of rather effective intersocietal networ which the best known is the Western Arabian religious-political area (the functio and evolution of which, incidentally, left a noticeable trace on the history of the System as a whole). It seems to have been formed as a result of the expansion zones of influence of the respective sanctuaries, their interweaving into one less integrated religious-political area. This of course was primarily a religious area, yet it had evident politic mensions too. It was in the pilgrimage-fairs ( mawãsim ) at the above-mentioned tuaries "that traditional tribal society established its manifold contacts, the e of the religious and cultural ideas, as well as the barter of products with on value. Furthermore, the various legal problems (armistice, debts, benefits, p of blood-money, bailing out of prisoners, finding of clients, looking for disa persons, questions of heritage, etc.) of the participants were also settled ther exchange of ideas and goods, as well as the spreading of legal customs and cul mon to several tribes, that is, regular social contact in general, played no ne role in the extension of particular tribal consciousness" (Simon 1989, p. 90; a especially Wellhausen [1897/1961, pp. 88-91]). Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 249 As a result we can observe the for less correlating with the religious one, ious, but also the political culture we travellers in ashhur hurum , the holy the year as the holy months), where th the same places to settle their conflicts mediation etc. The most remarkable cant intertribal warfare in "the Are Majāz, 'Ukāz and Mecca5) between the in the last decade of the 6th century lims. Actually at this time we can o tural-political entity, which in the ab secured the existence of a huge cultu very productive) exchange of informat Incidentally, these types of cultural- (without any reasonable justificat theories of social evolution (e.g. C et al. 1985; Fried 1967; Hallpike Sanderson 1990; 1995; Service 19 seem to fit in all these essentially cially in their most popular band (with all its modifications). Indeed the early 7th century appear to have 5 Of course, 'Arafah and Mina could be a ever, they could be also regarded as parts o 6 In the early 7th century AD it covere parts of the other Arabian regions. 7 Being polycentric (it is rather doubtful tant centre [see e.g. Crone 1987]) the Weste erogeneous structure including a few inter aries. The best known is the hums amphycti 1858-1960, 1, pp. 126-129; al-Azraqï 1858, Ibn Habib 1942, pp. 178-181). Kister observe mainly spread along the trade routes of Qu was made that this was a kind of trading a 1989, pp. 63-64). This might appear impl affiliation to hums was normally transmitte p. 127; al-Azraqī 1858, p. 122), which is ap religious norms through alliances. However, before Islam practised extensively exogamic fortuitous at all and aimed at establishing all could be also taken into consideration tha unless on the condition that the children w unpublished Ms by al-Jāhiz; see also al-Azr clans that they became hums just in this consideration the fact that the main inter routes, it is not so surprising to find the hum Acta Orient. Hung. This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 250 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV cal structures (which seems to be valid even with respect to the Meccan community [see e.g. Dostal 1991]) and, according, to such schemes could be only classified as "autonomous communities", "tribes", at most as "chiefdoms" (though most Arabian "chiefdoms" seem to have disintegrated in the second half of the 6th century AD). However, they were parts of a much wider cultural-political entity whose overall level of social complexity may well be compared with the one of an average "early state"; though lacking the political centralisation this entity fails to find its place in the above-mentioned schemes (this appears to be true with respect to any processes of socio-cultural growth which are not accompanied by the growing political centralisation, or especially going in hand with the political decentralisation). In general, the Arabs appear to have developed a rather effective adaptation to 6th century socio-ecological crisis. The soft intersocietal networks they created permitted them to assume a role of the guardians of the important World Sys links in the World System Southern area, a role which the Great Powers of the 6th-early 7th century were already unable to perform. In the late 1980s two monographs specifically dedicated to the subject of the Meccan trade were published (Crone 1987; Simon 1989). Crone questioned the usual point that the Meccan trade was extremely profit- able and important, and that Mecca itself was the capital of a huge mer- chant empire. Indeed, the plausibility of the caravan trade route between Southern Arabia and the Fertile Crescent which the Meccans were sup- posed to serve does not appear very high after the beginning of the CE; as is well known, in the 1st century BC-lst century AD the main trading routes between South Arabia and the North were transferred to the sea (J. Ryckmans 1951, p. 331; Bowen 1958, p. 35; Irvine 1973, p. 301; von Wissmann 1981, p. 66; Robin 1982a, I, p. 98; 1982b, p. 17; 1984, p. 212; Crone 1987, pp. 23-36; Audouin-Breton-Robin 1988, p. 74; Bauer-Lundin 1994, pp. 105-106). After that the old Transarabian caravan "incense" route definitely lost all its importance unable to com- pete with the much more effective sea way. Hence, it is rather difficult to imagine after that anything like a "Meccan commercial empire" thriving on just the Transarabian caravan trade. Meccan Trade and Islam by Róbert Simon was published two years after Patricia Crone's Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam. Actually, Simon's monograph is the English translation of his A mekkai kereskedelem kialakulása és jellege originally published by Akadémiai Kiadó in Budapest in 1975. However, the impression is that Simon's monograph was actually writ- ten after Crone's book, as he managed to find the "golden middle" be- tween the uncritical traditional accounts of the ancient and huge "Mec- can commercial empire" (e.g. Lammens 1910; 1924; Watt 1953, p. 3; 1964, p. 1; Donner 1977) and the hypercritical position of Crone. Simon Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 25 1 has shown that the reasonably (thoug able Meccan Transarabian trading ne late phenomenon, having arisen in a the 90s of the 6th and the very beginn the Meccan direct trade with Iraq on the 7th century; Simon e.g. cites (p. pronounced by a rather famous conte yān b. Harb (the father of the first ing what seems to have been the Mec at the beginning of the 7th century direct commercial links between Me masīri-nā la- * alā khatarin mã qudümu dhan la-nã fi 'l-qudüm 'alay-hi wa-la ("We are indeed in danger on our prese ful king who did not give us permiss no trading place for us" [al-Isfahānī directly suggests that the formation o network became possible just becaus Arabian kingdoms which earlier cont any Meccan control over the Arabian lematic before the destruction of the controlled this trade). Thus the form network could well be seen as a part century socio-ecological crisis.8 8 However, Simon seems to have overlooke enhanced significantly the viability of the Tran of the Meccan trading network at the beginnin of Yemen by the Persians at the very end of have been extremely risky for the Greek merc taking into consideration the very unstable expedition, internal strife etc.). And, of course the Greek merchants with Yemen after the f immense Greek-Persian hostilities just at that circumstances appear to have been precisely (though in no way extremely) profitable Mecc between Yemen and Syria). Demonstrating the the Meccan (and in general, Arabian) trade Cr a curious people in that they sailed to Africa reaching their native shores" (Crone 1987, p. 9 jens 1962, p. 115; Doe 1971, p. 50). This refers nobody seems to insist on the probability of th to be valid for the 6th century AD as well - an chandises could be first delivered by sea to Yem than the Red Sea. However, after the final Pe 25 -year Persian-Byzantine war this really stran beginning of the CE, became reasonable. Pet "Muhammad and the Origins of Islam" (Peters Acta Orient. Hung. This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 252 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV Origins of Islam: socio-political context Though some pre-Islamic Arabian tribes managed to find a rather effective ada tion to the crisis along the lines described in the previous section, this adaptation do not appear to have been quite perfect everywhere. After the destruction of the polit Crone and Simon (whose monograph, although, does not appear to be known to him), maint that "the Arab caravan cities like Petra. . . still bear eloquent testimony to the prosperity of its m chants in the form of capital investment in municipal buildings and monuments. Muhamm Mecca, on the other hand, boasted one unroofed stone building, the Ka'bah, amidst its mud-b dwellings" (p. 72). Surprisingly Peters fails to recollect at this point (though he manages to do a considerable bit later [pp. 102, 138-141]) that there was at least one major "capital investm of this kind in pre-Islamic Mecca. This "investment" is rather well known and that is the "re struction" of the Ka'bah in c. 603-605 AD, a "reconstruction" which, incidentally, involved t pulling down of all the sanctuary walls and the construction of the new ones, twice as high (c. 9 as the old ones, as well as the roofing of the building (apparently for the first time in its histo additionally the walls were plastered and artistically painted from inside (al-Azraql 1858, pp. 118; Ibn Hischām: 1858-1860, 1, pp. 122-126). Actually, the old unroofed sanctuary building pulled down and a new, twice as high, roofed one was built. After that "Muhammad's M (< contra Peters) could boast at least one decent roofed "municipal" building. Note that this w capital investment in the most strict sense of this word (of course, if one at least partly believe traditional Muslim accounts of the fact that the Meccans derived a considerable part of their we from the servicing of the pilgrims coming to the Ka'bah, and that their commercial links en special protection due to their special association with this apparently rather venerated Ara sanctuary [e.g. Kister 1965]). Of course this only major pre-Islamic "capital investment" doe fit well in the traditional portrayal of the fabulously rich Meccan commercial empire flourishin the way through the 6th century AD since the time of Hāshim, but it fits entirely well Sim reconstruction, according to which the effective Transarabian Meccan trading network was a tively recent phenomenon with the Meccan community achieving a reasonable (but by no m fabulous) level of well-being just by the time of the "Reconstruction of the Ka'bah". Anyhow general impression is that the Meccan Transarabian commercial network formed in its full-fledg form just at the end of the 6th century and the beginning of the 7th century. Just during the first ades of Muhammad's life the Meccans appear to have managed to finalise the formation of t commercial network and to make it work rather effectively (Muhammad himself took his pa this, e.g. participating in the 590s in the 'Ukaz Battle [e.g. Ibn Hischām 1858-1960, I, pp. 119; Ibn Saad 1905, pp. 181-182; Ibn Habīb 1942, p. 210, p. 211, p. 218] of the War of Fijār which Mecca eliminated the last internal and external middlemen and obtained supremacy ove transit trade [in] the Arabian peninsula" (Simon 1989, p. 159; see, however, a different interp tion of these events in Crone 1987, pp. 145-148). Just by the beginning of Muhammad's Prop the Meccans seem to have finally and completely succeeded in finding their rather effective out of the 6th-century Arabian crisis, having sorted out all the major economic and political p lems and achieved a rather reasonable (but by no means fabulous) level of well-being. Note t the Qur'ân itself portrays a rather affluent society where it could be rather difficult to unders why some other people have to kill their new-born babies when there are lots of food all aro (VI, ayahs 140-141; ayah 151; XVII, ayah 31; CVIII). Hence, there is no surprise that the M community (which had sorted out all the major problems and did not really need any radical str tural changes, any new type of political authority) was not at all the best place where Muhamma Prophecy could be completely accepted, though it seems to have provided a good environment the initial development of the prophecy (with its lack of the political centralisation and a re able level of well-being, when a considerable proportion of Meccans could afford to spend lot time on thinking about the things other than their daily bread, without being too much afra some state-sponsored persecutions). Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 253 cal structures of the Arabian kingdom ties entirely succeeded in working ou have succeeded e.g. in the Meccan ar space for Muhammad's Prophetic activ so successful already on the peripher tribes could not sort out their relatio authority. Such a problem was not new in Arabia. And at the end of the 5th, or the begin- ning of the 6th century the answer was quite clear - to send messengers to some great Arabian King and to ask him to appoint a king over those tribes (see Appendix A; or e.g. Ibn Habib [1942, p. 249]). However, such a practice appears to have become unacceptable by the 7th century. The decades of fighting which led to the destruction of most of the Arabian kingdoms and chiefdoms seem to have also led to the elaboration of some definite "anti-royal" freedom-loving tribal ethos codified in the tribal historical traditions and poetry - see e.g. al-mu'allaqah of 'Amr b. Kulthūm [e.g. Ibn Kulthūm 1983, pp. 263- 269; or al-Zawzanī 1972, pp. 163-187], or such lines as: wa-laysa ' alay-nã qatlu- hum [al-mulūk] bi-muharramn ("It is not forbidden to us to kill the kings!" - al-Dabbī 1964, p. 21 1, note 42, the second half of bayt 20; a line with a similar sense see e.g. in the "Warning to Imru'-'l-Qays" by 'Abīd b. al-Abras [1983, p. 164/ bayt 20]) etc. The reflections of this ethos seem to be present even in al-Qur'ãn - see XXVII/34: al-mulūk" idhã dakhalü qaryaf1 afsadü-hä wa-ja'alü a'izzaf ahli-hã adhillať" wa- ka-dhãlika yaf ' alün ("The kings, when they enter a town, they corrupt it; they make the most glorious of its folk the most base, they do it this way"). The second Caliph, 'Umar, would even say: inna-hu la-yaqbuhu bi-'l-'arab an yamlika ba'du-hum ba'cfn ("It is disgusting for the Arabs that some of them reigned over others" - al-Tabari 1964, p. 2012) - a striking contrast with the situation a century before when most Arabs were subject (in one, or another way) to the kings. Anyway, at the beginning of the 7th century a tribe which would recognise itself as subject of some terrestrial supertribal political authority, a "king", risked to lose its honour. However, this seems not to be applicable to the authority of another type, the "celestial" one. Note, e.g. the words of a famous Arab poet al-Hutay'ah said at the time of the Arab tribes' revolts after the death of the Prophet during the reign of the first Caliph, Abū-Bakr: ata 'nã rasüf ' llãfi idh kãna bayna-nã fa-yã la- 'ibãct ' llãht mã li-Abī Bakr a-yãrithu-hã Bakrn idhã māta ba'da-hu ... "We obeyed the God's messenger, when he was among us. We are the servants of the God, not the servants of Abū Bakr! Will he leave us to Bakr9 as inheritance?" (al-Isfahānī 1955-1964, II, p. 130). 9 Abū Bakr literally means "the father of Bakr". Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 254 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV Hence, the impression is that whereas for many Arab tribes becoming sub some terrestrial king was entirely unacceptable, was tantamount to an enorm of honour, the recognition of some "celestial" authority (naturally through its te trial representative) was more or less acceptable. Another group of facts should be also taken into consideration here. Th Islamic Arabia knew rather well the figure of "prophet" ( kãhin - see e.g. al-M 1965, pp. 151-176; Ibn Khaldūn 1415/1995, pp. 96-98; Fahd 1966, pp. 91 Anyhow, an average Arab seems to have known quite well how a "prophet" like, what the prophetic trans was, etc. However, all the pre-7th-century Arab pr ets ( kahanah ) were the ones of the pagan deities. Hence, their authority was best possible one, as the recognition of their authority would mean the reco of the authority of the respective pagan deity, whereas all the cults of such would be normally connected with a specific tribe, whose protector this deit hence, such a recognition would imply the recognition of the authority of the re tive tribe as well (as is amply evidenced e.g. by the South Arabian epigraph e.g. Beeston 1984a). Hence, the best possible figure here would be rather some Monotheist proph However, the prophets of the established Monotheist Faiths would not be en suitable as well, as the recognition of their authority would imply the depend some extra- Arabian powers, or in the case of Judaism would put the Arab tribes in an advantageous position. At the meantime there seems to have been a more or less independent M theist Arabian ("Rahmanist"/al-Hanîfiyyah) tradition.10 However, its North A adherents ( hunafã ') do not appear to have given any prophets before the 7th cen (see e.g. Piotrovskij [1984, p. 20]). Yet, in the early 7th century both traditio Arabian tradition of prophecy and the Arabian Monotheist "Rahmanist" trad seem to have merged, producing what Piotrovskij calls "the Arabian prophetic ment" (Piotrovskij 1984). It should be taken into consideration that in addi Muhammad there were at least 5 other Monotheist prophets (pseudo-proph course, from the Moslem point of view) in Arabia at the time of Muhammad one Judaic prophet in Yathrib (Ibn Sayyäd - see e.g. Halperin [1976]) and a Christian prophetess, Sajāh (e.g. al-Tabari 1964, pp. 1911-1916), 3 others (al-M limah, al-Aswad and [rather hypothetically] Tulayhah b. Khuwaylid) seem t belonged to the Arabian "Rahmanist" tradition (e.g. Bartol'd 1925; Piotr 1984). Note (e.g. al-Tabari 1964, p. 1933, p. 1937; Balādhūri 1866, pp. 10 that both al-Musaylimah and al-Aswad called the God al-Rahmān (just as wa by Muhammad - see especially al-Qur'ãn XVII, p. 110: qui ud'ü {A}llãha a 'l-Rahmãn ayyan-mã tad'ü fa-la-hu ' l-asmä'u 'l-husnã "Say - invoke the Go invoke Rahmān, however you would call, He has the best names" - it has bee suggested that bi-smi '{AJllãhi ' l-rahmãni yl-rahīm may well be translated as "In 10 This hypothesis is still under attack (see e.g. Rippin 1991), however we do not th has been either finally proved, or rejected, and can be still regarded as a working hypoth especially Shahid 1989, pp. 154-156, pp. 162-172, pp. 332-338; and Beeston 1984a; 1984 Rubin 1990; Peters 1994, pp. 117-128; Korotayev 1996b etc.) Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 255 name of the merciful God Rahmān" also called Rahmãn(ãn) authors o by the Arabia (incidentally, most of them co or as Christian [e.g. Robin 1980; 199 By the moment our impression is th independent autochthonous monoth millat/dīn Ibrahim (= al-Hanlfiyya and "Rahmanism" of Yemen and al best, to our knowledge) collection bian millat Ibrahim see Peters 199 1990, pp. 85-112, as well as Ibn Hi p. 293, pp. 311-312 etc.; Watt 1975 etc. The Rahmanist tradition which i two autochthonous Monotheist pro from the Muslim point of view), limah in al-Yamāmah (cf. e.g. al lādhūrī 1866, pp. 105-107), seems than the Northern Abrahamic trad cially judaicised population of the fact that the North-Western Abrahamic monotheist tradition was con- siderably more ancient than the Southern Rahmanist one seems to be shown by the data supplied by Sozomen and Theodorite (see e.g. Shahid 1989, pp. 154-156, pp. 167-172, pp. 332-338; cf. Robin 1991, p. 146). The point that unlike millat Ibrahim the Rahmanist tradition seems to have been virtually unknown in pre-Islamic Mecca appears to be evidenced by the well-known fact: when Muhammad during his second Meccan period started using al-Rahmān as the name of the God, it turned out that this name (unlike the notion of Allãh ) was unknown to almost all the Meccans, as is shown e.g. by the following Qur'anic ãyah: idhã qlla la-humu * sjudū li- 'l-Rahmãn qãlã wa-mã ' l-Rahmãn".. . "If it is said to them: 'Prostrate yourselves before al-Rahmān', they will say: 4 And what is al-Rahmān?' ..." (XXV/60; see also XIII/30; XXI/36). Indeed, Rahmān as the name of the God is attested in the Northern Jewish texts (Sokoloff 1990, p. 522), including the epigraphic ones, e.g. l-smh d-Rhmnh "in the name of Rahmān" (MPAT-A22/10; see also MPAT-A 39/2 ff). However, the pervasive use of RHMNn as the name of the God (in the Jewish, Christian and indefinite Monotheist texts), seems to be a peculiar phenomenon of the late 5th-early 6th-century South Arabia; at this time here the God was named Rahmān8" in 11 " Dans V invocation bi-{i}smi { AJllāh ar-rahmān ar-rahïm, il est clair que ar-Rahmãn était à V origine un nom propre et que les sens premier était : 'au nom du dieu ar-Rahmãn le misé- ricordieux (Robin 1991, p. 146). 12 In any case, apparently not earlier than 460-470 AD when RHMN" appeared as the main name of the God in the South Arabian Monotheist inscriptions (e.g. Robin 1980; 1991, pp. 146-147). Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 256 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV virtually all the texts mentioning the God's name (c. 2 dozen cases) (Robin 1980, pp. 85-96), which stands in quite a sharp contrast with e.g. the Jewish Palestinian Aramaic epigraphic texts of the Byzantine period where the God is named Rhmnh only twice (Sokoloff 1990, p 522), though the total number of these texts exceeds the number of the late 5th-early 6th-century South Arabian texts. Within such a contex any Monotheists "deviating" from the established Monotheist faiths were most likely to call the God just Rahmãnãn/al-Rahmãn. Inciden tally, these developments could not be without repercussions in Centra Arabia (including al-Yamāmah) where the Yemenites exerted consider- able influence just at this time through their Kindite vassals (e.g. Gajd 1996; Robin 1996), hence, the presence in al-Yamāmah of the inde- pendent Rahmanist tradition which at the age of Muhammad even pro duced a Rahmanist prophet (or, naturally, pseudo-prophet from the Mus- lim point of view) appears here of no surprise - for more detail see e.g Korotayev (1996b). Irrespective of what have been mentioned above, i this paper we denote as "Rahmanist" all the prophets belonging to th Arabian autochthonous monotheist traditions for the present-day lack of any other more adequate term. The Monotheist "Rahmanist" prophets appear to have represented a supert thority just of the type many Arab tribes were looking for at this very time. N all the "Rahmanist" prophets achieved considerable political success in th (al-Musaylimah in al-Yamamah [e.g. al-Tabari 1964, pp. 1929 ff], Tulayhah tral Arabia [e.g. al-Tabari 1964, pp. 1885 ff], al-Aswad in Yemen [e.g. 1964, pp. 1851 ff], though the political success of Sajāh in the Arabian ex North-East [e.g. al-Tabari 1964, pp. 1908 ff] also appears relevant in this re their success could not be compared with the one of Muhammad, but their success was considerable, however; and they seem to show that in the early tury Arabia such success could be achieved by a "Rahmanist" prophet rather a king. In general, our impression is that the origins of Islam could be well considered as a rather logical outcome of the Arabian processes of adaptation to the 6th-century socio-ecological crisis in the context of the developing autochthonous Arabian pro- phetic and monotheist traditions, i.e. this adaptation did not actually cause the forma- tion of Islam, but rather created in many parts of the Peninsula a socio-political environment most suitable for the development of an autochthonous Arabian mono- theist religion (spiritual preconditions of which already existed by the age of the crisis). Some world system consequences: pilgrimage structures From what has been mentioned in the previous section it must be rather clear that the Arab adaptation to the 6th century AD crisis influenced the world system develop- ment mainly through one of its more or less logical outcomes, the formation of Islam. Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 257 Indeed, it seems possible to show that many of the important patterns, structu Arabs during this adaptation. One of the most obvious points here is Arabian type. Of course, the Arabian pilg century AD. They are much older being at documents of the beginning of the 1st m epigraphy [YM 375 = YM 1064 = CIAS { 1 6th century AD when the most effective largely on the enhanced pilgrimage pract network which served as a rather potent su structures principally destroyed by the A century crisis. Islam was embraced and spread by the of the Western Arabian intersocietal networ essential "structure-constituting" role. Of scribed by al-Qur'ān, but not all such pres the Arabs to the same extent13. The pilgrim tently and effectively to a considerable exte was self-evident for the Arabs. For a specialist in pre-Islamic Arabia t tion appears (to a considerable degree) as many important ancient Arabian structur traced in Arabia for about 1500 years bef of these patterns look more like South (rath The South Arabian religious-political ar expansion of respective South Arabian sta sion of the conquerors' religion within th The formation of the religious-political area of its kingdom-creator (on evolution and cultural-political area see e.g. Korotayev The Western Arabian religious-political ated by the proliferation of the religious au could of course have some connection with however, this political activity was entirely sion of the South Arabian states). The expansion of the religious authority the correlating political culture. Hence, in Arabian religious-political areas "the polit Western Arabia religion appears to have "go 13 Note e.g. the prohibition of wine (a rather raqten 1993]) which was not applied quite fully a poetry" ( khamriyyãt ). Acta Orient. Hung. 5 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 258 ANDREY KOROTAEV- VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV Surprisingly, we can observe the South Arabian pattern with respect t evolution of the religious-political area with the centre in Western Arabia in lamic Age. This religious-political area is just what is usually called the "Isl Civilisation". Indeed, its evolution presents just the familiar South Arabian s of the development of a religious-political area: the political (mainly military sion creates an "empire" - the religion of conquerors spreads within this e after the disintegration of the empire religious-political area remains and ex beyond its borders; the population of the area shares common religious norm common norms of political culture; a very important role in the integration of t ligious-political area is played by the pilgrimage to the central sanctuary. Anyhow, the establishment of the Islamic Pilgrimage system had impo consequences for the world system evolution. It should be taken into consideration that the pre-Islamic West Arabian grimage system (on the basis of which the Islamic one was formed) was ve adapted to serve as an integrating mechanism for an intersocietal commun network lacking the political unity. It might not be a mere coincidence th Islamic one turned out to have rather similar properties. Of course, for the f years of Islam the Moslem pilgrimage area was more or less identical w territory controlled by the united Islamic polity. However, after the disintegrati the latter, this system turned out to work precisely as its pre-Islamic Arabian co parts, serving as an important integrating mechanism for an intersocietal commu tion network not united politically. Hence, one might suppose that one of the world system consequences o Arab adaptation to the 6th-century crisis was the formation of an important nism securing the integration of a huge intersocietal network covering som important central areas of the world system (and many peripheral areas as a mechanism which secured the unity of some significant patterns, values an tices throughout all this territory, guaranteeing the annual meeting of the repre tives of all the societies covered by the respective network in one place, the exch of information between them, the constant reintegration of the network, etc. Some world system consequences: tribal structures As has been already mentioned above Arabs elaborated a rather effective ada to the 6th-century crisis to a considerable extent through the massive tran tion of their state and chiefdom structures into the tribal ones. This could h regarded as a "degeneration" because the newly elaborated tribal structures out to be able to serve the functional needs of rather complex stratified societies With the Islamic conquests these tribal structures and tribal ethos (< al byalah) appear to have proliferated through almost all of the territory of t Islamic state. Of course, it should be stressed that there is not so much of al-qabya Islam itself. Yet it seems necessary to take into account the following points. Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 259 To start with, within the Russian traditionally designated as the "Arab- objections on the part of our Moslem [e.g. Ahmadjonzoda 1988]). However, we would stress that thi spects. The fact is that this civilisatio Islamic Empire) seems to contain imp be understood without taking them i of them. It is essential to mention that the Arabs were the dominant ethnos within the Islamic Empire at least till the Abbasid revolution in the middle of the 8th century AD; and the Arab culture as a whole (including its non-Islamic components, like al- qabyalah) acquired a rather high prestige and proliferated within the borders of the Empire. The proliferation of the tribal structures and tribal ethos seems to have had both positive and negative consequences. On the one hand, in the areas where most of the population acquired the tribal organisation it often permitted the existence of complex systems of non-oppressed agriculturists (which is very difficult to find otherwise in the pre-industrial world). One of the most evident cases is the North-East Yemen Highlands of this millen- nium, where the tribal organisation for most time effectively prevented the exploita- tion of most agriculturists (who were honourable armed tribesmen), at the meantime securing the existence of an intense network of markets, towns, centres of learning etc. [see e.g. Dresch 1989]. Notwithstanding all the attractiveness of such systems, some negative conse- quences of their proliferation should neither be overlooked. Looking rather attractive from inside they often looked entirely unattractive for their non-tribal neighbours, who often had to deal with rather destructive side-effects of their functioning. In general, the proliferation of the tribal structures seem to have played a rather impor- tant role in the inducing of the cyclical "Khaldunian" processes (for a model of such processes in addition to Ibn Khaldūn's al-Muqaddimah [e.g. Ibn Khaldūn 1958] it- self see e.g. Gellner [1981, pp. 1-85]) which contributed significantly to the Middle Eastern "involution" in the 1 1th- 18th centuries, and through this to the loss of its for- mer central part in the world system. Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 260 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV Appendix A The "Inviting of the kings" in ''pre-crisis" Arabia 1) Lammã tasãfahat Bakr ibn Wä'il wa-ghalaba-hum sufahã'u-hã ... irta'ā ru 'sã ' li- hům fa-qälü inna sufahã'a-nã qad ghalabü 'alã amri-na fa-akala 'l-qawiyyu 'l-da'īf, wa-lã nastatV 14 taghylr dhãlik, fa-narã an numallik a 'alay-nã malik™ nu 'tī-hi ' l-shãf wa-'l-ba'îr fa-yďkhudhu li- 'l-da'īf1 mina ' l-qawiyy , wa-yarudď 'alã 'l-mazlüm mina ' l-zãlim , wa-lã yumkin an yakün min ba' d qabã 'ili-nã fa-ya 'bã-hu 'l-ãkharun ... wa-lãkin-nã na'tī Tubba'an fa-numalliku-hu ' alay-nã . Fa-ataw-hu fa-dhakarü la- hu amra-hum, fa-mallaka 'alay-him al-Hãritha 'bn 'AmrÀkil al-Murãr al-Kindī "When [the tribal confederation] Bakr b. Wä'il got corrupted and dominated by shameless people among it..., the leaders of them [i.e. of the confederation tribes] came to decision and said: 'We are unable to change this; our opinion is to make king over us to whom we shall give (as a tax) sheep and camels, and he will protect the weak from the strong, and the oppressed from the oppressor; it is impossible that he will be from one of our tribes, as the other (tribes) will not accept him... Rather we shall come to the tubba' [the Himyarite king of Yemen], and make him a king over us'; so, they came to him and told him about their problem and he made al- Hārith b. 'Amr Ākil al-Murār al-Kindī king over them" (Ibn 'Abd Rabbi-hi 1949- 1965, V, p. 222; see also e.g. al-Isfahānī [1955-1964, XII, p. 207]; Ibn al-Athīr [1867, pp. 374-375]). 2) Lammã tafãsadaí '1-qabã'it min Nizãr atã-hu ashrãfu-hum fa-qalü in-nã fi dīni-ka wa-nahnu nakhãf an natafãnã fi-mã yahduth" bayna-nã, fa-wajjih ma ' a-nã banī-ka yanzilüna fi-nã fa~yakufļuna ba'da-nä ' an ba'd fa-farraqa wulda-hu fi qabã* it 7- ' Arab fa-mallaka 'bna-hu Hujrm * alã Banī Asad wa-Ghatafãn, wa-fbna-hu Shurihbīl ... ' alã Bakr b. Wä'il ... wa-mallaka ' bna-hu Mďadkarib ... 'alã Banī Taghlib ... wa-mallaka ť bna-hu 'Abď ' llãh ' alã ' Abct 'l-Qays; wa-mallaka ' bna-hu Salamah ' alã Qays "When the tribes of the Nizār [confederation] got corrupted, their nobles came to him [i.e. to al-Hārith b. 'Amr, reigning in al-Hīrah at that moment] and said: 'We are in your power (judgement) we are afraid that we shall annihilate each other because of what is happening between us; send with us your sons so that they will rule us - they will secure the order among us (lit.: hold some of us back from the others). So he distributed his offspring among the tribes of the Arabs: he made his son Hujr king over Banū Asad and Ghatafān, his son Shurihbīl ... - over Bakr b. Wä'il ..., his son Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 26 1 Ma'adīkarib ... - over Banū Taghlib .. his son Salamah - over Qays" (the be 1955-1964, IX, pp. 80-81; Ibn al-Athīr 1 see also the beginning of "the First Da p. 207; Ibn al-Athīr 1867, p. 406; Ibn 'A lā-bik et al. 1942, p. 46; see also the beg of Yāqūt [1410/1990, II, pp. 418-419]; a Appendix B End of Arabian chiefdoms 1) The end of the previous story ("the killing of the kings" taking place in the 530-40s, i.e. after the beginning of the Arabian socio-ecological crisis): Mallakat Banū 'Āmir Sharāhīl ibn ' l-Hãrith wa-mallakat Banū Tamīm ... Mu- harriqan ibn ' l-Hãrith wa-mallakat Wã 'il Shurihbīl ibn ' l-Hãrith ..., kãna malika Ba- ni Taghlib ... Salamať 'bri* 'l-Hãrith, wa-mallakat baqiyyať Qays ... Ma'adīkarib ibn 'l-Hãrith ... [!!!] fa-qatalat Banū Asad Hujr"1 ... wa-nahadat Banū 'Āmir 'alã Sharāhīl fa-qatalü-hu ... wa-qatalat Banū Tamīm Muharriq an ... wa-qatalat Wä'il Shurihbīl .. [!!!] "Banū 'Àmir made Sharāhīl the son of al-Hārith king [over them]; Banū Tamīm ... made Muharriq the son of al-Hārith king [over them]; Wä'il made Shurihbīl the son of al-Hārith king [over them] ...; Salamah the son of al-Hārith became king over Banā Taghlib ... ; and the rest of Qays . . . made Ma'adīkarib the son of al-Hārith king [over them]... Then Banü Asad killed Hujr ...; Banū 'Āmir rose up against Sharāhīl and killed him ...; Banū Tamīm killed Muharriq ...; and Wä'il killed Shurihbīl.. " (the end of the introduction to "the Day of Khazāz" in Yaqůťs edition [1410/1990, II, pp. 418-419]). 2) End of an Arabian chiefdom [Kãnat] Hawãzin lã tarã Zuhayr b . Jazīmah illã rabb™ wa-Hawãzin yawma idhin lã khayr fi-hã... wa-inna-mã hum ri'ã'u 'l-shãyi fi ' l-jibãl ... wa-kãna Zuhayr ya'shuru- hum... fa-ta'tī-hi Hawãzin bi-'l-itâwat* ' llatī kãnat la-hu fi a'nãqi-him fa-ya'tūna-hu bi- 'l-samrí wa-yl-aqii wa- 'l-ghanam. . . atat-hu ' ajüzm min Hawãzin bi-samnin fi nahy, wa-"tadharat ilay-hi wa-shakat1 ' l-sinīna 'llatī tatāba'na ' alã 'l-nãs fa-dhãqa-hu fa- lam yarda ta' ma-hu fa-da" a-hã bi-qausin fi yadi-hi 'utuť fi sadri-hã fa- 'stalqat li- Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 262 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV halãwai ' ' l-qafã ... fa-ghadabat min dhãlika Hawãzin wa-haqadat 'alay-hi i kãnafl sadri-hã mina 'l-ghayz wa-'l-diman... wa-tadhãmarat 'Āmir b. Sa' sa' ah ãlã Khãlid b. Ja' far fa-qãl wa-'llahl la-aj'alanna dhirä'ayya warä'a 'unuqi-hi hat uqtať aw yuqtaf . . . wa-qãla Khãlid b . Ja' far yamunn 'alā Hawãzin bi-qatli-hi Zuhayr n. . . : bal kayfa takfuru-nī Hawãzin ba ' da-mã a ' taqtu-hum fa-tawãladã ahrãrn wa-qataltu rabba-hum Zuhayrn ba ' da-mã jada'a ' l-unüf wa-akthara ' l-awzãrã wa-ja 'altu hazin bilãdi-him wa-jibãli-him *an s> i _ « an t i an * • t - an ara *an fada s> i _ « an sahlat t i an wa- * ishar • t - "The Hawãzin [confederation] considered Zuhayr b. Jazīmah [their] lord. That time they lived in poverty ,... they grazed [their] goats in the mountains... Zuhayr was taxing them with 'ushr [a 10% tax]... The Hawãzin people brought to him the tribute which he imposed on them, they brought to him melted butter, cheese, sheep... Once an old Hawãzin women brought him a skinful of melted butter, apologised to him [for the modesty of her tribute ]y and complaint of the ["lean"] years which struck [her] people (The emphasis is ours - A. K., V. K., D. P.). He tried the butter, did not like its taste and pushed her with a stringless bow which he held in his hand - she fell flat on her back... The Hawãzin got angry because of that, bore rancour against him; this added to spite and rancour which they nursed against him. And [the tribe] 'Ãmir b. Sa'sa'ah [one of the Hawãzin tribes] began to call for war, and Khãlid b. Ja'far swore: I swear in the name of the God that my hands will reach his neck - either I shall die, or he will..." [Finally {not without lots of trouble} Khãlid and his fellow tribesmen manage to kill Zuhayr and destroy his chiefdom.] ". . .And Khãlid b. Ja'far said, boasting in front of the Hawãzin of killing Zuhayr. . . Well, how may the Hawãzin not recognize me now after I brought free life for them - they have been reborn as free people! I have killed their tyrant Zuhayr after the time when He cut off [their] noses and increased [their] burdens, I have transformed their land which was cramped and rugged Into an open plain full of camels! . . ." (al-Isfahānī 1955-1964, XI, pp. 77-83; see also Ibn al-Athīr 1867, pp. 411-414; Ibn 'Abd Rabbi-hi 1949-1965, V, pp. 135-137; al-Mawlā-bik et al. 1942, pp. 235-241 etc.). Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 263 Appendix C Some environmental background Lately historical research has been c natural sciences. Systematic socio-nat often allowing us to considerably dev don't think that research of this kind when we deal with such problems as approach is the most objective of all the factors and the course of the social ev of the environmental conditions of the The latest Russian interdisciplinary history of civilisations (Klimenko 19 (Kuť pin 1990) and Egypt (Proussakov are in close connection with natural p natural impacts. All this is utterly relev as its birth was preceded by a series o the Mediterranean region and in the Here we are going to discuss those phen physical than historical pattern, it bear tory of Islam, because the Arabian so socio-ecological crisis of the 6th centu For those who deal with socio-natu an outstanding epoch. First of all, the m ised by a considerable global cooling w of the 6th century (Klimenko 1997). about 0.7-0.9 °C lower than now, i.e. c the so-called "Little Ice Age" (betwee dence of this cooling can be found i advances in the Alps, Himalaya/Kara cas, New Zealand (Röthlisberger 1986 tions of tree-ring widths and densitie cal reconstructions of climate based o marine microfauna data, received th Leclerc and Schräder 1987); and hi Easton 1928). Among those listed, there are two which have the best temporal resolut nological and historical. Let us have a climate of the middle of the first m that the years 535, 536, 541 and 685 was the coolest bidecadal period of t Acta Orient. Hung. This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 264 ANDREY KOROT AE V- VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV noted, however, that dendrochronological data provide reliable information concern- ing only a warm part of the year, covering typically April through September. For the information concerning a cold part of the year one should consult the results provided by historical climatology (see e.g. Easton 1928; Weikinn 1958; Chu Ko- chen 1973). Historical evidence shows that there were several unusually cold winters in Europe and Byzantine in the 6th and early 7th centuries - in 508, 509 AD (possibly these two dates refer to the same event), 524, 545, 548, 554, 559, 565, 566, 568 (possibly these three dates refer to the same event), 609, 620 and 642 (Easton 1928; Weikinn 1958; Borisenkov and Pasetskij 1988; Camuffo 1987); Chinese re- cords also confirm that the 6th century was one of the coldest and driest in the first millennium AD (Chu Ko-chen 1973, p. 252; Zhang Deer 1984, p. 826; Fang and Liu 1992, p. 162). Later from around the middle of the 7th century the number of reports about cold winters and droughts sharply decreases. Therefore, there is a lot of direc evidence that the 6th and early 7th centuries have witnessed a considerable globa cooling which affected undoubtedly all parts of the globe including Middle East and adjacent regions. To one of the most important regional manifestations of global climate change one can attribute the resumption of the intensive monsoon circulation. As was shown by Fairbridge (1986), between 1400 BC and 500 AD the catastrophic collapse of regular monsoonal circulation above the North-Western part of the Indian Ocean took place which was followed by a general desiccation of the savannas of North- western India and semi-deserts of South Arabia. After 500 AD the Indian Ocean monsoon recovered, although since that time it has never reached the intensity recorded in the early and middle Holocene. Nevertheless, one can assume that in th course of the 6th-7th centuries AD there was a sudden increase of summer precipit tion in South Arabia. It may well be that it contributed to the final destruction of the famous Mārib Dam through a catastrophic flood. There is also another piece of indi rect evidence pointing to the reappearance of intensive monsoon rains - the increas of the Nile discharge up to the levels which were by 30-40% higher than the moder ones (Fairbridge 1976, p. 535). One can assume that the Northern part of the Arabian Desert also became wetter in the middle of the first millennium AD. Palaeoreconstruction data show that, starting from about the late 6th century, the Dead Sea level, which was extremely low in the preceding two millennia (or more), experienced a rapid rise (Varushenk et al. 1987, p. 149). On the other hand, based on palaeoreconstructions and contemporary instru- mental data, one can assume that in the middle of the first millennium AD climate of the major part of the Arabian Peninsula (excluding its northwestern and southern portions discussed above) was drier than at present (for details see Klimenko [1998 and references herein). Apart from massive climatic changes, the 6th and 7th centuries AD were also a period of large worldwide tectonic and volcanic activities. In the history of th Mediterranean region, we may compare it, perhaps, only with the tectonic catastro phe of the middle of the 2nd millennium BC, which was crowned with the greates Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 265 Santorini eruption in the Aegean Se 1978) that seems to have become fata Galanopoulos 1960; Duginov and Stre ture of these phenomena it is importan tion, which had the most substantial cl of the second half of the Holocene (B 1983a, p. 412, tab. 1), correlate closely temperature curve for the past 4000 curve was recently obtained in the M the superposition of three major long-t yr connected probably to solar and means that the ecological crisis of the 6 be actually explained from the stand appearance of the Earth. The problem of a relationship bet quite recently disputable (Stothers 19 hall and Self 1982, p. 1235). But afte (Gushchenko 1979; Simkin et al. 19 were published in the late 70s and the e relation between peaks of volcanism turned out that eruptions tend to conc mums, though a few large eruptions mum (Stothers 1989, pp. 17378-17379 shown that the later part of the 6th ce activity (Mikushina et al. 1997, p. 32 may be that this peak which overlaps w cycles has played its part in the dev disaster of the 6th century. The mechanism of solar-volcanic follows. According to one of the hy cycles, increase in the solar activity i and continental glaciers and, corresp Ocean level; as a result, the angular velo forces decrease; the globe becomes le solar radiation and growing of the ice and the Earth becomes more "flattened the Globe along its axis triggers in th of the gravitational equilibrium: the tions. During such "adjustments" num place on the Earth (Reznichenko-Rezn minor solar variations cause changes induce additional crustal stresses p. 17378). This is the geophysical mod of the 6th century. Acta Orient. Hung. This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 266 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV Nowadays the most reliable method of reconstruction of the Holocene ism is through the detection in ancient glaciers of volcanic, first of all sulphuri which is stored in the ice layers as a result of deposition of acid aerosols (from 2 [Zielinski et al. 1994, p. 948] to 3-4 or even 5-6 years) after eruptio turov et al. 1986, p. 181). Rich sources of this information for the Norther sphere are the ice cores drilled in the Greenland ice sheet; these cores are d well dated acidity records. Nowadays several cores are at researchers' Thus, the core from Camp Century, North-West Greenland, 1390 m long (Jo al. 1970; Johnsen et al. 1972), and the core from Crête, central Greenland long (Hammer 1977, pp. 483-486; Hammer et al. 1980) both cover 10,00 giving us a clear picture of the Holocene volcanic history. A peak of acidity second core corresponds to 553 AD, but unfortunately there is a 500-year ga data of the two cores including the first half of the 6th century: 40 to 540 AD mer et al. 1980, p. 230, fig. 1, p. 231, tab. 1; Stothers-Rampino 1983a, pp. 4 One of the latest, the so-called GISP2 Greenland ice core, providing a reco volcanism since 7000 BC, due to drilling problems tells us almost nothing a 6th century (Mayewski et al. 1993a; Zielinski et al. 1994, p. 949, tab. 1). An cores are silent also, because they are not deep enough (Legrand and Delm Delmas et al. 1992). The lack of information is supplemented either by spec ern volcanological research (Kelly-Sear 1984) or by original sources (direct o rect atmospheric observations) (Stothers-Rampino 1983a; 1983b), which corr the statement of high world volcanic activity in this period. For example, 536 AD was marked by Vesuvio explosion (Simkin et al. 1981, p. 1 12). Besid the famous historical event of the "dry fog" and other atmospheric phenom Europe and Middle East in 536-537 AD (Stothers 1984) were caused by an u eruption twice as large as that of Tambora in 1815 AD; some scientists belie be the explosion of Rabaul volcano, on the New Britain Island near New (Palais-Sigurdsson 1989, pp. 41-42), which took place 1450±60 radiocarb BP (Heming 1974, p. 1258); according to another theory, it might have been cano eruption at the upper reaches of the Yukon river, Alaska (Macdonald p. 141), preliminary dated to 540±10 AD, of estimated global acid fall-out million tons (Hammer et al. 1980, p. 235); besides, it is not unlikely that bo explosions took place almost simultaneously. The information about large ex volcanic activities between 533 and 537 AD is confirmed by data from the Greenland deep ice core (Herron 1982, p. 3055). According to recent Russi search (Brajtseva et al. 1997) another giant eruption took place in 606 AD fr Opala volcano in Kamchatka - this one was the most violent Kamchatka er during the past 1500 years and could match the most powerful history in Tambora eruption (1815 AD) which had long-lasting atmospheric and clim sequences. Volcanic explosions inject great volumes of silicate dust and aerosol-forming sulphur gases into ¿he troposphere and stratosphere; while the fine ash gravitationally settles down within a few weeks or months, aerosols are spread globally with strato- spheric winds and suspend in the stratosphere for several years altering the planet Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  ORIGINS OF ISLAM 267 heat balance and, therefore, climate Rampino-Self 1982; 1984). The effect During the first few months after a rather large, a warming of the Earth's flected terrestrial radiation by these soon decrease or are washed down by ra into the stratosphere cools the Earth phuric acid to solar radiation (Baldwi known that the Krakatau explosion i mospheric transmissivity in the Nor aerosol distribution after large erupt 1977, p. 482; Stothers-Rampino 1983 addition, rather rapid (Hansen et al. 1 explosion of 536 AD mentioned abov take not more than 2 or 3 weeks for th nean region; as for the territorial scal by contemporary authors from Rom ple, the latter wrote: "The Sun was dark each day it shone for about four hour ... the fruit did not ripen and the wi quoted from: Stothers 1984; Stother in Europe and the Middle East was ex Mesopotamia (Stothers 1984; Stothe of zonal mean temperature is observed 1975). Thus, the Tambora event in 18 sphere temperature decrease within 0 the "year without summer" in the No Europe (Stommel-Stommel 1979). Eve the so-called clustered eruptions that ence of volcanoes on climate is so considerable that the information about volcanic eruptions was even used as a basis for estimating possible climatic effect of a nuclear war in various nuclear winter models (Rampino-Stothers 1985). The fact is estab- lished that massive volcanic eruptions triggered initially the great Pleistocene ice sheets (Bray 1974; 1976; Rampino-Self 1992; Zielinski et al. 1996). A prolong term of volcanism is considered to be an actual cause of the so-called Younger Dry as - the period of near-glacial conditions which began 12-13 thousand years BP and lasted for 1300±70 years (Alley et al. 1993; Mayewski et al. 1993b). As for the so- cial history, it is of great importance that cooling of the Earth's surface in all the tropical and some of the subtropical latitudes (including the Arabian Peninsula) re- sults in droughts (Borzenkova 1992, pp. 162-174); droughts lasting for several years can sometimes lead to significant social transformations. Besides, warming and cool- ing after explosive eruptions, being abrupt climatic shifts, may disbalance the bio- sphere and trigger endemic hotbeds of plague or other diseases (Bogolepov 1912, Acta Orient. Hung. 52, 1999 This content downloaded from 109.72.76.80 on Fri, 22 May 2020 07:32:10 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 268 ANDREY KOROTAEV-VLADIMIR KLIMENKO-DMITRY PROUSSAKOV p. 21); for example, cooling in tropical latitudes creates favourable living conditi for fleas - carriers of plague (Cavanaugh 1971). The ancient historical sources do not definitely mention volcanic eruptions Arabia proper, but according to modern natural studies the influence of volcanis upon it is beyond doubt: it is conditioned both by geological structure and geographi- cal location of the Arabian Peninsula. On the one hand, the Red Sea and the Oce coasts of Arabia is a part of the seismic East-African Rift System (Belousov et 1974); thus, Western and Southern Arabia is situated in a volcanic zone (Belousov al. 1974, I, p. 41; Koronovskij 1971; Macdonald 1975, p. 327, fig. 14-1). On t other hand, Arabia could feel the force of tectonism and volcanism of the Mediterra- nean region and the rest of the world, e.g. the consequence of earthquakes and in tions of volcanic aerosols into the atmosphere. It is also important to note that th is natural hotbed of plague in Arabia (Kozlov-Sultanov 1993, pp. 201-203) and th earthquakes and plague epidemics often coincide (Biraben 1976, pp. 16-17). In the 6th century AD the Mediterranean region has been going through o of the heaviest tectonic disasters in its recent history. According to historical d (Gezer 1867), it began in 512 AD with the Vesuvio eruption (see also Simkin et [1981, p. 112]). In 526 AD there was a great earthquake in Syria, where 250 tho sand people perished only in Antioch; it was followed by heavy earthquakes in A Minor and Europe. In Egypt in summer 547 the highest Nile flooded the Delta an prevented the sowing; as a result, the whole country suffered from famine. In 5 a new wave of earthquakes rolled from Constantinople to Alexandria. Earthqua and volcanism were accompanied by inundations, droughts and widest spread o plague - the so-called Justinianos pandemia, 531-580 AD, during which about se eral million people perished (Ostrovskij 1978, p. 258). It is important that volca activity at the same time was characteristic also for the Arabian Peninsula proper the 6th-7th centuries AD there were eruptions of at least 5 volcanoes in Arabia according to the recent volcanological research (Simkin et al. 1981, p. 1 12; Aprod 1982, pp. 269-270; Gushchenko 1979, pp. 12-13). Taking the mechanism of interaction of processes in the atmosphere, hydro sphere and lithosphère, as well as after-effects of seismic disasters (droughts, pla pandemics etc.) into consideration, we have certain grounds to consider the 6th- centuries AD as one of the ecologically most crucial periods in the history of t Middle East including the Arabian Peninsula. The scale of the ecological catastrop under consideration forces us to bear it in mind while studying the early history of I lamic Arabia. We think that a socio-ecological rather than a purely social crisis in 6th century AD caused the disintegration of most Arabian kingdoms and chiefdo and, consequently, the development of some alternative cultural-political structur which provided the optimum environment for the development of the autochthonous Arabian monotheist religion. As volcanologists say, "empirical studies concerning volcanic effects on cl mate tend to raise as many, if not more, questions than they answer" (Kelly-S 1984, p. 742). But we think the more questions we have, the more interesting further work will be. In this paper we tried to raise an important problem of soc Acta Orient. 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