Reprint from: Rafid on the Golan A profile of a Late Roman and Byzantine village Dan Urman Edited by Shimon Dar, Moshe Hartal and Etan Ayalon BAR International Series 1555 2006 This title published by Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England bar@archaeopress.com www.archaeopress.com BAR S1555 Rafid on the Golan: A profile of a Late Roman and Byzantine village © the estate of D Urman 2006 and the individual authors ISBN 1 84171 984 6 Printed in England by The Basingstoke Press All BAR titles are available from: Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford 0X2 7BP England bar@hadrianbooks.co.uk The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com  THE GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING PART ONE INTRODUCTIONS 1  CHAPTER ONE page 2 - empty 2  THE GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING Chapter One The Geographical Setting Moshe Hartal Rafid is situated in a region covered by thick layers of The Golan (ancient Gaulanitis) – is a plateau that stretches volcanic rock called Lava Lands (Miller 1984:1). The region from the Mt. Hermon foothills in the north to the Yarmukh spreads from south of Damascus to the Yarmukh river and river in the south and between the Jordan river in the west from the Jordan river to the Jebel Hawran (Jebel Druz) and and the Nahr el-Ruqad in the east. The plateau reaches the Syrian desert, and forms the northern part of Transjordan. elevations of 1000 m above MSL in the northeast and the It is divided into several sub-zones that differ in their cinder cones reach 1200 m and more. The Golan descends geographical characteristics (Map 1): gently to an elevation of c. 300 m. In the west it is bounded Damascus i on n rm a e t . H i Mt Damascus L Sa‘sa‘ Basin Banias Jedor Northern Hula Golan Qunei†ra Mismiyyeh eß-Íafa eß-Íanamein n Bash Golan Tel el-Óara a Ard anit d el-Batanea r Qaßrin Mt. Peres Rafid Leja o Central J Golan Nawa Bu ad lan Ezra‘ tei uq ha ‘A Bashan -R Sea of Shahba el- el-Óara el Galilee Southern r Golan (Nuqra) ah hr N el-Qanawat Na Y a r m u k h Jebel Ajlun Der‘a es-Suweida Hawran Irbid Boßra esh-Sham Íalkhad Hawran Plain 0 5 10 15 20 Umm el-Jimal Km © Moshe Hartal Map 1. Northern Transjordan. 3  CHAPTER ONE by steep slopes that drop to the Hula valley, the Jordan and Jebel Hawran (Jebel Druz, Jebel el-‘Arab, Hauran, the Sea of Galilee, at an elevation of c. 200 m below sea level. ancient Auranitis) was created by huge lava flows that The Golan itself can be subdivided into three main units: accumulated to a maximum height of 1860 m above MSL. The mountain is approximately 60 x 30 km. The summit 1. Northern Golan is the high region, covered by young plateau, at the northern end, is at an elevation of 1500 m basalt and topped by cinder cones interspersed with and is surrounded by many cinder cones. The steeper sides small, fertile valleys. The precipitation is the highest in are on the east and west. South of the summit plateau the the Golan and reaches an average of 900 mm and more slopes are less steep and they descend to Ajlun, the plain of in the high areas. Arable land is limited but land suitable Íalkhad and Boßra esh-Sham and south to Umm el-Jimal, for grazing is rich and plentiful. which is sometimes called ‘southern Hauran’. This area is 2. Central Golan descends gradually from an elevation of suitable both for grazing and for winter crops. On the 650 m above MSL in the east to the Butei˙a valley which mountain slopes there is fertile soil, suitable for cultivation. forms the estuaries at the northern end of the Sea of Because of its high elevation, the mountain is wooded and Galilee, at an elevation of 220 m below MSL. This area there is much available water on the summit plateau. The is primarily covered by the fractured Dalwe Basalt and mountain slopes are the eastern edge of permanent the Muweisse Basalt, which produce fertile soil. The settlements in the Lava lands and form the boundary with amount of precipitation varies from 650 mm at the high the desert. The western part of Jebel Hawran enjoys high end to 450 mm in the Butei˙a valley. In central Golan precipitation and is utilized for agriculture. On the western too the landscape is that of fractured basalt and plots slopes, at elevations of 1000-1300 m there is a belt of oak suitable for agriculture are small. forests. The growing of vines and orchards is possible from 3. Southern Golan is a flat area surrounded by steep slopes 950 m and upward. At lower elevations cereals and legumes that descend to the Sea of Galilee, the Yarmukh and the are grown. Ruqad. It is covered by ancient basalt that eroded and created large tracts of fertile land. This is the best Eß-Íafa and el-Óara are east of Jebel Hawran, also agricultural area in all of the Golan. Precipitation here covered by lava flows. This is a desert landscape, where is lower, at c. 400 mm rain in a year. precipitation is less than 200 mm per year and dwindles further eastward. Throughout most periods the area served The Nuqra (ancient Batanea) is a vast plain east of the nomadic or semi-nomadic peoples. Seasonal agriculture is Golan, reaching the foot of Jebel Hawran. It is 500-700 m possible in the wadi-beds and in areas close to Jebel Hawran above MSL, and is covered by eroded basalt that created and the Leja (Ard el-Batanea). large tracts of fertile, stone-fewer areas, particularly suitable for cereals. Jebel Hawran and the Leja bound the Nuqra Rafid is located at the junction of three geographic units. from the east and northeast. West of the Leja, the Nuqra To the northwest lie the cinder cones of northern Golan, to extends north to eß-Íanamein. In the south it gradually the west the fractured rocky plateau of central Golan and to merges into the Jordanian desert. Because the relatively low east the vast land of the Nuqra. The immediate vicinity of precipitation (200-350 mm per year) hardly any trees grow Rafid is rich in small springs and provides rich pasture. In there and lack of water is the major obstacle to settlement. various periods throughout history Rafid and the neighboring villages served as a horse breeding center. Jedor is the area northwest of eß-Íanamein, where the Schumacher (1888:89) recounts that the tribe of ‘Arab el- ground rises gradually to a small lava field at the foot of Nu‘em, whose summer camp was at Mt. Faras (Tel el-Faras), Mt. Hermon. It differs from the Nuqra in the fractured rock west of Rafid, which was “country, rich in springs, is well landscape and its elevation, which reaches 600-900 m above suited for … great herds of cattle” was lately chased off the MSL. Volcanic cinder cones in the area, such as Tel el-Óara land by the government, to keep this rich pasture for the reach 1000 m elevations. In many ways this is a continuation horses of its soldiers stationed in Damascus. The two rivers of the volcanoes and valleys of northern Golan. that influence the most in the area are the Nahr el-Ruqad The Leja (ancient Trachonitis) is an area of c. 1000 sq. and the Nahr el-‘Alan. Both reach the Yarmukh through km between Shahba, Mismiyyeh and Ezra‘, covered by solid deep and impressive gorges, difficult to cross and serving basalt with hardly any soil, creating alternating patches of as natural boundaries. At their northern ends however, they large basalt boulders and irregular basalt labyrinths. The are no more than shallow rivulets, hardly visible in the region looks like a desert, and has served as shelter to landscape. Throughout most of the year their flow is light shepherds and as hideout for bandits. At its southern end and there is no difficulty in crossing them. Only during there are a few basins of fertile agricultural land without floods they turn into turbulent streams that carry enormous stones. The settlements are divided between those that are quantities of water and cannot be crossed. Scholars are around the circumference of the Leja, enjoying its protection divided as to which of the two rivers forms the eastern and the fertile land around, and those that are inside the boundary of the Golan. In any case, near Rafid the two are Leja, especially in its south, near the fertile basins. very close to each other (3 km), shallow and hardly noticeable. 4  THE GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING Rafid is situated on the road connecting Golan (Golanitis) passes through southern Golan and the other descends from to Hauran (Auranitis). Though this is not the principal road of Qunei†ra along the foot of the Bashanit ridge. At Rafid the the area and there were two Roman roads that passed five and two merge and continue to Nawa in the Nuqra (Batanea) and ten km south of it, near the village two roads merge. One to Jebel Hawran (Auranities). 5  CHAPTER ONE page 6 - empty 6  THE HAURAN STYLE ARCHITECTURE Chapter Two The Hauran Style Architecture Moshe Hartal Travelers and researchers who passed through the Hauran bordering areas (For a bibliography, see Hartal 2005). in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century Following the 1973 war, a survey was conducted in the same were surprised by the multitude of sites that harboured year in the Jedor and northern Bashan areas, where impressive remains of buildings from the Roman and additional sites with Hauran style architecture were found. Byzantine periods. The buildings are virtually all constructed The most important of these is Kafr Nasaj, where imposing of local basalt, which is weather-resistant and was instrumental buildings survived (Ben-Dov 1975). The distribution of in their preservation. Another reason for the preservation was these sites is shown on Map 2. the fact that the buildings stood abandoned for hundreds of In the Hauran and Trachon many public buildings years and their stones were not reused. The first travelers, survived, including temples, theaters, nymphaea, gates, as including De Vogüé (1865-1877), still found many buildings well as churches and monasteries. While these buildings preserved to a considerable height, sometimes to the roof. were built under the influence of Hellenistic-Roman During this period visited the area also S. Merrill (1881) architecture, they nevertheless have characteristics unique and G. Schumacher (1886, 1888). A thorough survey of the to the Hauran. As often happens, most publications that deal Hauran (Auranitis), Bashan (Batanea) and Trachon with the region were devoted to the study of the public (Trachonitis) was carried out during 1904-1905 and again buildings, and the research of domestic buildings, and in 1909 by the Princeton University Archaeological especially the rural buildings was, by and large, neglected. Expedition to Syria, headed by H.C. Butler, and the results Since on the Golan in general, and at Rafid in particular, no were published in a series of books that are the richest public buildings survived, this chapter will deal with the documentation to date of the Hauran style (Butler 1903-1929). rural architecture. The construction elements were described The renewed settlement in the ruins towards the end of in detail in the various buildings. Our aim is to present a the nineteenth century caused deterioration in their state. synoptic picture of the basic components of Hauran style Some served as dwellings but most were used as source for architecture and the various ways in which they were building stone. The damage continued and increased in the combined. To illustrate the points, the reader is referred to twentieth century. the photographs throughout the book, as well as to several In the 1970s interest and research into the Hauran style photographs of buildings in the Hauran and Bashan that architecture was renewed. In the Hauran and Bashan a serve to better illustrate the finds from Rafid. French team operates, led by M. Dentzer (1986) and F. Northern Transjordan is mostly covered by volcanic Villeneuve (1985). Umm el-Jimal in the southern Hauran, rocks, especially basalt. In the basalt covered areas there where many buildings were preserved sometimes three are plenty of stones that served as raw material for all kinds stories high, was surveyed by Butler in 1913 and in the of construction, from the most modest to the most elaborate. years 1972-1981 by B. De Vries (1998). The Golan, which The simplest buildings are constructed of raw field stones was surveyed in the nineteenth and twentieth century by that were collected in the field and used ‘as-is’. In many Schumacher (1888) received much attention and research cases however, the stones were prepared for building. Basalt after its occupation by Israel in 1967 through numerous is a very hard stone, but is extracted relatively easily, because surveys conducted in it. Rafid was also surveyed and the basalt rock tends to be fractured. It is also easily worked; results of this survey are presented in this volume. C.M. its brittleness enables trained workmen to shape it with a Dauphin and others conducted thorough surveys in four few well-placed hammer blows. The main drawback of villages that preserve Hauran style architecture: Farj, er- basalt is its porosity, which varies greatly. Stones with little Rumthaniyeh, Kafr Nafakh and Na‘ran (Dauphin 1979, porosity are best for the cutting of smooth ashlars. These 1980, 1982a, 1982b, 1983a, 1983b). Unfortunately, the stones served also as the raw material for architectural results of these surveys have not been fully published, but elements made in relief and carving. The durability of basalt only as preliminary results. Hauran style buildings have been preserved works of art for hundreds of years (see chapter found also in excavations conducted on the Golan and three). 7  CHAPTER TWO Damascus Public buildings n er mo Private buildings t. H Farj Well preserved site M Deir Maker Tel Tanim Kh. Namra Jubata el-Khaseb Ofaneh el-Habriyeh Ra‘abane Bab el-Hawa Jaba Kafr Nasaj Mismiyyeh Baiederus Qunei†ra Mas˙ara Sha‘rah Sa˙r Kafr Nafakh eß-Íanamein Khalkholeh Mumsiyye Dier Saras Dakkir Jueizeh Damit el-‘Alya Waqm Na‘ran er-Rumthaniyeh Qaßrin Inkhil el-‘Aßim Djren el-‘Assaliye Farj Íur Umm el-Butheineh Korazim el-Uber Lubben ez-Zeitun Deir el-Hayat Gamla Bu†miyye el-Mesikeh Qeru˙ Shaqra Rimet Breikh Giv‘at Or˙a Nawa Shaqqa Mazre‘at Qunei†ra el-Lu˙f Kanaf Ezra‘ Tafha Umm el-Qana†ir Sleim Shabba Khisfin Nimreh Tarba ‘AtÌl el-Qanawat el-Mushannef Si‘ Busan es-Suweida Sayda Jmarrin Mayamas Óebran el-Muta‘iyyeh Mu‘arribah Bostra Íalkhad Samma ed-Dier el-Majdel Semej Umm es-Surab 0 5 10 15 20 Umm el-Jimal Íub˙iyah Íab˙ah Km © Moshe Hartal Map 2. Hauran Style Buildings. Traditional houses in the Middle East are usually roofed and earth. Most houses are built of dressed stones (Fig. 241) with flat roofs made of wooden beams covered by reed mats or ashlars (Fig. 625). In the houses of the wealthy, of which and earth. In most of northern Transjordan however, the there are examples in Rafid, the front was constructed of quantity of precipitation is low, and trees are scarce. This high-quality ashlars (Figs. 18-23). Buildings of all three necessitated the expensive importation of wood when this was qualities were found in the Hauran and the Bashan as well necessary. The inhabitants exploited the tendency of basalt to (Butler 1903:313-314; Ben-Dov 1975:176; De Vries fracture into columns creating 3-5 m long basalt beams 1998:113, Fig. 64). naturally, and these were used for roofing. Thus, stone roofs The roofing was made of long and narrow basalt beams, became one of the characteristics of Hauran style architecture. usually supported by corbels jutting out of the walls (De “The Architecture of the Hauran was the most truly lithic that Vogüé 1865-1877: Pl. 12:2; Butler 1903:315-316; 1909:62). the world had seen; it was entirely of stones, sometimes even Most corbels were made of dressed stones (Figs. 59-65), to the doors and windows shutters” (Butler 1909:68). and in some houses of ashlars (Figs. 159-162). The length of the basalt beams limited the spaces that could be bridged to four m wide. This figure could be doubled with the aid of The Characteristics of the rural Hauran Style arches: stones were laid across the top of the arches, which projected on either side and served as double-ended corbels All construction was with the local basalt. The walls were (Figs. 82-86; 109-117). The roof beams were laid over the on the average 0.80 m thick, dry-built without a binding corbels in two layers at right angles to each other (Figs. 64- agent of two faces of basalt stones, the core filled with rubble 65). In wealthy houses the beams were smoothed (Fig. 605; 8  THE HAURAN STYLE ARCHITECTURE Villeneuve 1985: Pl. 6:c) but normally they were only incorporated into the wall and projecting from it without roughly dressed (Figs. 64-65; Ibid.: Pl. 6:b). Over the beams additional support. In many cases two sets of stairs start a layer of compacted earth was placed, which waterproofed from the center of the façade (De Vogüé 1865-1877: Pl. 12; and insulated the roof (Figs. 15, 89, 200; Ben-Dov 1975:177- Butler 1909: Ills. 48, 53; 1913: Figs. 179, 181; Villneuve 179, Figs. 11-14; Butler 1909: Ill. 50; De Vries 1998:113- 1985: Pl. 2:b; De Vries 1998:117, Figs. 69, 70). On the 117, Figs. 62, 63, 65). Golan, such stairs were found only at Rafid (Figs. 16-20). The considerable weight of the stone roof necessitated The stairs led to a doorway on the second storey – if this the construction of massive walls, and this is the reason for existed – or to the roof. The same technique was used for the paucity of windows, which weaken the walls. Openings the construction of balconies in front of the second storey and windows were only in the front wall (Villeneuve doorways (Figs. 16, 19, 23 and cf. De Vogüé 1865-1877: 1985:91). The lintels were also made of long beams, and to Pl. 12). prevent breaking, were provided with either small windows In front of some of the houses in the Hauran and Bashan or relieving arches above (Figs. 244, 245, 403; De Vries porticoes were built with columns in front and roofed with 1998: Figs. 75-78). The outside doorways were constructed stone slabs (Ben-Dov 1975:179, Figs. 2, 3, 5, 12, Pls. 32:1, of ashlars cut as frames, including hinge sockets and recesses 34:1, 2). Such porticoes were not found in Rafid. for bolts (Figs. 457-459). The doors opened inside and were The basic unit of these houses included a high front room bolted from inside. The original doors, doubtless made of whose ceiling was supported by a central arch. Behind it wood, did not survive, but a good idea of their shape can be were low, narrow rooms creating two semi-storeys and open gained from the stone doors preserved at Kafr Nafakh (Hartal to the front room (Figs. 289, 365; De Vogüé 1865-1877: Pl. 2005: Fig. 181). In the Hauran, stone doors served also in 12:2; Butler 1913: Fig. 181; 1919: Ill. 369; Epstein and houses (De Vogüé 1865-1877: Pl. 14; De Vries 1998:117- Gutman 1972:273; Villeneuve 1985:91, Figs. 8, 9; Tepper 118, Figs. 71, 72). 1997: Fig. 19). The few windows that do exist are small, and are usually The front room was the principal space in the building constructed above the lintel to relieve stress. The most and it is double or even treble the size of the back rooms. common windows were created by leaving out a stone in The ceiling is supported by one or more arches, which allow the wall above the lintel or elsewhere in the front wall and a larger roof in spite of the limitations imposed by the length are rectangular (Figs. 407, 618, 620). In a few cases the of the basalt beams (Figs. 109, 110, 112). Sometimes the window was constructed with a dressed frame as that of the ceiling is supported by full height built piers or columns doorways (Figs. 38, 40, 458, 459). A few of the windows (Hartal 2005: Fig. 196). The simple arches are constructed have an arched lintel (Figs. 537, 538, 540, 613) and in a of dressed stones or ashlars of uniform width. They are single case a round window was found (Hartal 2005: Fig. supported by built piers (Figs. 98, 666, 667), or, in 186). In the side and back walls of the house there were no exceptional cases by columns (Figs. 149, 153, 154). In a windows usually, so that the interiors were rather dark. few buildings impressive arches made of smooth ashlars In the more imposing houses sometimes a carved basalt were found, supported by well-built piers with a carved stone lattice was inserted in the window frame. At eß-Íurman cornice at the spring of the arch (Figs. 150-152, 312, 313, a well-cut lattice was found, made of a stone slab measuring 461-465; De Vogüé 1865-1877: Pl. 12:2; Ben-Dov 1975: 89 x 84 x 25 cm (Gregg and Urman 1996:217, AF 93; Hartal Figs. 4, 9, 11, 12, Pl. 33:3). Such arches were sometimes 2005: Fig. 187). Most of the inner side was carved out, so decorated with reliefs (Butler 1915: Ils. 282, 285; Dentzer- that an only 5 cm thick lattice remained at front. The front Feydy 1986: Pl. 12:a-c). was decorated with a wreath that contained a rosette, and The front and the back rooms are separated by a between its petals six perforations were bored, each with a fenestrated wall. About 0.60-0.70 m above the floor a row diameter of 8 cm that let light through. The lattice was found of windows was built, separated by monolithic stone piers, in secondary use in a minaret of a mosque. At Jaba, c. 10 and above these the wall continued upward to the ceiling km northeast of eß-Íurman three similar windows were (Figs. 107, 110; Hartal 2005: Figs. 199-203; Villeneuve found (Ben-Dov 1975: Figs. 19-21, Pl. 34:3; Hartal 2005: 1985:94). It seems that the main purpose of the fenestrated Figs. 188, 189). Stone grilles were found also at sites of the walls was to provide illumination and ventilation to the back Hauran (De Vogüé 1865-1877: Pls. 13, 14). room, in whose walls there were no windows. The quality At Rafid a few houses were found, where a square (Figs. of the piers making up the windows is not uniform. Some 393, 394) or arched (Figs. 18, 19, 22) niche was built in the are built of dressed stones (Figs. 125-127; 599), while others front wall. It seems that in the niches large pithoi with of ashlars (Figs. 50-58). drinking water were placed. This custom prevailed in the In addition to their main purpose, the windows served Golan villages until the mid-twentieth century (Figs. 569, other ends, depending on the function of the back room (Ben- 570, 689). Such niches are common throughout the Hauran Dov 1975: Pl. 34:3; Villeneuve 1985: Pl. 3:b). In many cases and Bashan (Ben-Dov 1975:176; Villneuve 1985:94) but the ground floor of the houses served as a cattle pen or stable. were not found at other sites on the Golan. The animals were accommodated in the back room and The front walls sometimes carried stairs leading to the feeding troughs were constructed in the windows (Figs. 55- second storey. The steps were made of stone beams 58, 128, 315-317, 626; Villeneuve 1985:94; Tepper 9  CHAPTER TWO 1997:253-259). In such cases the front room served for sometimes decorated (Butler 1903:409; 1915: Ills. 282, 285; storage of fodder and agricultural tools. In the Golan such Villeneuve 1985: Pl. 5:b; Dentzer-Feydy 1986: Pls. 20:a, b, feeding troughs were found at Rafid and Farj, which are 22:b-e, 23:c), as were the corner corbels supporting the roof situated in areas suitable for raising horses. On the other (Ben-Dov 1975: Pl. 33:4-6). In the Golan no decorated arch hand, at sites north of Qunei†ra, e.g. Bab el-Hawa (Hartal was found in situ, but many such stones were found in 2005: Figs. 82-84, 101, 103) and Kh. Namra (Ibid.: Figs. secondary use. A cornice decorated with a vine in relief was 40, 45) no troughs were installed, and the windows seem to found in Qunei†ra (Hartal 2005: Fig. 290) and cornices with have been used as cupboards. Plain windows were crosses were found at er-Rumthaniyeh (Ibid.: Figs. 340, 341). discovered also at Qaßrin (Ma‘oz and Killebrew 1988:12- About forty arch stones with superb reliefs, some in front 13) and Deir Qaru˙ in central Golan and at Khisfin in and some as a running trellis around the outer edges were southern Golan. The fenestrated wall included also a found in northern Golan (Ibid.: Figs. 279-288) and they doorway connecting the front and back rooms, but as it did suggest that this was the principal decorative motif in the not have a frame, it apparently had no door (Figs. 55-57, houses. 108, 110, 126). The ceiling of the back room is often lower than that of the front room and above it a loft was built, accessed through The Stone Roofs an opening in the fenestrated wall (Fig. 167; Dauphin and Gibson 1992-1993: Fig. 8; Hartal 2005, Figs. 202, 203). Though stone-roofed buildings characteristic of the Hauran Unlike the doorway to the back room, the doorway to the style were found at sites south of Qunei†ra, not all surviving loft does have a frame, which allowed the addition of a roofs were built in antiquity. Repairs, and even new roofs, lockable door. The doorway was the only source of light for were made in recent times as well. An examination of most the loft, and it was rather dark. This space seems to have roofs at er-Rumthaniyeh shows that ancient and freshly cut served as the bedroom of the owners. In a few houses in the stones are used together. Schumacher (1888) found at er- Hauran there is an inner staircase giving access to the loft. Rumthaniyeh in 1884 a number of underground rooms In most cases stairs were not found, and access seems to roofed with stone slabs, as well as a large building that had have been by a wooden ladder. A unique set of stairs carved been restored shortly before his visit and which he thought in one block of stone was found at Farj, not in its original dated to the ‘Islamic period’. Today a large number of the location (Ibid.: Fig. 204). It may have served to access the extant houses in the village have stone roofs, and it seems loft, but lacking any parallel, this remains a speculation. therefore that most were built in the twentieth century. At In the walls of the buildings cupboards were installed as Kafr Nafakh Schumacher (1888) found only ruins of well, constructed as square niches, similar in size to the buildings, and it seems that here too most were built only in windows in the fenestrated wall. Such cupboards are the twentieth century (Ma‘oz 1985:60-61). The situation incorporated in the fenestrated walls (Figs. 466-470; Ibid.: Fig. seems to be similar at Rafid. Some of the stone roofs were 202) or in one of the other walls (Figs. 547-549; Ibid.: Figs. built in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods, but many 67, 178). Mostly the cupboards were constructed of dressed were apparently built in the Mamluk period and recently. stones, but in imposing buildings, e.g. Building 86 at Rafid, Schumacher, who visited the site in 1884, described only they were constructed of smooth ashlars (Figs. 593-596). small underground structures that were roofed with stone, Many buildings are made up of a combination of several and noted that above-ground structures were roofless basic units (Villeneuve 1985: Figs. 14-21). Sometimes they (1888:226-227). are built side-by-side, so that each has a separate entrance, North of Qunei†ra, at Bab el-Hawa and Kh. Namra, the and sometimes they are built around a central courtyard. houses from the Late Roman and Byzantine periods that There are two-storied buildings and in the Hauran there are were excavated and studied preserve the characteristics of three-storey buildings as well. In the Golan the only two- the Hauran style architecture. They were functional but not storey buildings were found at Rafid. The ground floor was imposing. No carved architectural elements were found, and used for animals and for the storage and protection of fodder not even cut and dressed door frames. The main difference and agricultural produce from the weather and theft. The however, is that buildings north of Qunei†ra seem not to upper storey was the living quarters of the owners and for have been roofed with stone beams but with wooden beams, guests (Tsafrir 1984:313-315; Villeneuve 1985:99). reeds and earth. At first glance the reason for this departure The decorations were rather modest, and in fact the would seem to be the abundance of wood suitable for majority was unadorned. In some buildings the lintels were roofing. The Bashanit range however, at whose foot the sites decorated with reliefs and crosses (Ibid.: Pl. 5:a; Dentzer- south of Qunei†ra (see maps 1, 2) were built, was forested Feydy 1986: Pls. 20:c, d, 23:a, b). Close to 100 decorated as well, yet the houses there were roofed with stone. It would lintels were found in northern Golan (see details in chapter seem thus that the reason was the very different quality of three). In the Hauran and Bashan the windows sometimes basalt. North of Qunei†ra the Odem basalt formation is had decorated frames (Ibid.: Pl. 23:d), but such were not common, which does not naturally break into narrow slabs found on the Golan. In the front rooms of the more and is less suitable for roofing. Indeed, at all sites that lie on impressive buildings the lower part of the arches was the Odem basalt, such as Ra‘abane, and at those on its edge, 10  THE HAURAN STYLE ARCHITECTURE the use of stone roofs was limited to special cases, such as Farj extends over c. 40 dunams, and many of its buildings the tomb at Bab el-Hawa (Hartal 2005: Figs 111-113). are in the Hauran style, including fenestrated walls and stone roofs. The buildings underwent modifications, and architectural elements, inscriptions and reliefs were The Date of the Hauran Style Architecture in the incorporated in them in secondary use. Some modifications Golan were carried out in the Byzantine period, but most in the Mamlu\k period (Epstein and Gutman 1972:273; Dauphin The earliest structure built in the Hauran style is the olive-oil 1982b: Figs. 2-5; 1984:234; 1998:657; Dauphin and Gibson press in the Western Quarter at Gamla, which was roofed with 1992-1993:17; Tepper 1997: 253-259). stone beams supported by two arches, and which is dated to At er-Rumthaniyeh many Hauran style buildings the first century CE (Gutman 1994:130-134). In the present survived, and although many were renovated and roofed state of research this seems to be an exceptional case of a with stone beams in recent generations, the original walls public building and not a domestic one. All other excavated have survived to a considerable height. In addition to rural houses at Gamla (including the synagogue) were constructed houses with fenestrated walls and arches, at this site also a of dressed or field stones and roofed with wood and earth martyrium was found (Epstein and Gutmann 1972:267-268; (Ibid.:111). At Bethsaida, not far from Gamla, domestic Dauphin 1988-1989, 1993, 1995, 1998:650-651; Dauphin buildings of the Hellenistic and Roman periods were excavated, and Gibson 1992-1993:28-29). which show no influence whatsoever of Hauran style At eß-Íurman fifteen Hauran style buildings were found, architecture (Arav 1995). complete with fenestrated walls and stone roofs (Epstein At Tel Tanim (Tel Wawiyat), a stratigraphic sequence and Gutmann 1972:262; Dauphin 1998:645; Hartal 1989:54; from the Hellenistic through to the Byzantine periods was Urman 1995:398-404; Gregg and Urman 1996:215–246). excavated. In the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods the Apparently other sites in the region, such as Qunei†ra, houses were constructed of field stones and no Hauran style Mu\msiyye and Jueizeh were built in the same style. Although houses were found. This style is evident only after the second these sites yielded architectural elements and inscriptions century CE and continued into the Late Roman and dating them to the sixth century CE, the buildings themselves Byzantine periods. The buildings were constructed with have not been preserved. dressed stones with doorways, and fenestrated walls were West of Qunei†ra two villages in a good state of in use. Only a small number of stone beams was found in preservation have been found. At Kafr Nafakh Hauran style the excavation, and it appears that most structures were buildings were found, though as previously mentioned their roofed with wood, as at the sites north of Qunei†ra roofs are new (Epstein and Gutman 1972:264; Dauphin and (Avshalom-Gorni and Getzov 2001, 2003). Schonfield 1983:194-197; Urman 1995:404-409). Dauphin’s At Kh. Namra a structure was excavated, which included expedition identified at the site a Roman road and a service a large front room and a narrow back room, separated by a depot (mutatio; Dauphin and Gibson 1992-1993:12-14). At fenestrated wall. Construction was with dressed stones only, nearby Na‘ran stone-roofed houses were found as well with no ashlars. The building was dated to the second half (Dauphin and Gibson 1992-1993:14-16). of the third century CE (Hartal 2005: Figs. 38-45). Hauran style buildings have been identified south of Rafid At Korazim, several buildings of the Hauran style were as well. At Bu†miyye Schumacher (1888) found a fenestrated excavated, which were built from the third century CE wall, and at Khisfin several houses with a stone roof were onward and were still in use in the Byzantine period (Yeivin discovered. 1993). Hauran style buildings were also built in Qaßrin, from A review of the evidence shows that the Hauran style is the fourth to the eighth centuries CE (Killebrew 1993; Ma‘oz not attested before the first century CE. This should not and Killebrew 1988:11-15). At Bab el-Hawa a building surprise, because it was at this time that the Hauran culture consisting of three units was excavated, each comprising of crystallized (see discussion in chapter 9). It would seem a front and back room separated by a fenestrated wall. The therefore that until the turn of the era the Golan houses were building was constructed of dressed stones only, and ashlars built according to local traditions, and were little influenced were not used even in the doorways. It was built at the end by the Hauran. Greater changes were effected during the of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century CE, and second and third centuries CE, when the Hauran, Trachon was in use until the beginning of the seventh century (Hartal and Bashan reached a high cultural level and influenced 2005: Figs. 58, 65, 80, 82-84). House 300 at H. Kanaf, also farther areas as well. The domestic houses that evolved there built in the Hauran style, was constructed in the sixth century suited well the basalt regions. From the fourth century the CE (Ma‘oz 1993f:849). At Deir Qeru˙ a stone-roofed church Hauran style house became the dominant form in the Golan, was excavated, dated to the sixth century CE (Ma‘oz 1993b). both with Jews and gentiles. In the northern Golan this Rafid is the southernmost of a group of sites in the eastern process reached its zenith in the course of the Byzantine period, Golan at the foot of the Bashanit range. Three others have and the style was apparently used also by the Ghassanids, who been well preserved: Farj, er-Rumthaniyeh and eß-Íurman. settled here in the sixth century (see chapter 9). 11  CHAPTER TWO page 12 - empty 12  THE ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION Chapter Three The Architectural Decoration Moshe Hartal In the Hauran style tradition, the buildings at Rafid were Rosettes decorated with architectural elements cut in engraving and relief. Most often it was the lintels that were decorated, but The rosette is a common motif. In its basic form it consists arches and other elements were decorated as well. All of six petals enclosed in a circle, drawn with the aid of a decorated elements are made of local basalt. compass. An example is on lintel fragments with an In northern Golan over two hundred decorated elements inscription from Building 15 (Figs. 140-143). On the lintel in have been found, most in the eastern part, where Rafid is Building 90 there are two leaf-less rosettes (Figs. 632, 633). located. The decorations include geometric motifs, wreaths, The rosette is common in architectural decoration from aediculae, vines and palms, animals, human figures, the tree the Second Temple period to the end of the Byzantine period of life, but especially crosses (for a detailed discussion of (Turnheim 1987:102–103; Ma‘oz 1995:237). In the Hauran, the decorated elements of northern Golan see Hartal more naturally rendered rosettes are common (Butler 1903: 2005:303-341; for maps see Urman 1995:387; Gregg and Ills. 360, 362; 1915: Pl. 20, Ills. 296, 317; 1919: Ill. 387:F), Urman 1996: Map 2). Most elements are dated to the but geometric ones are extant as well (Butler 1909: Pl. 7, Byzantine period, when the area was settled by the Ills. 68, 69; 1915: Fig. 288). In central and southern Golan Ghassanids (see chapter 9). geometric rosettes are the rule, at Jewish (‘Ein Nashot, Rafid is one of the richest sites in architectural Yahudiyye, Danikle, Umm el-Qana†ir) or pagan and decorations: altogether sixty nine elements were identified, Christian sites (Na‘ran, Khisfin, el-‘Al, Fiq). Natural rosettes but in contrast to other sites, especially Farj, er-Rumthaniyeh are more common at pagan and Christian sites, such as and Qunei†ra, the repertoire is rather limited and most items Mazra‘at Qunei†ra, Khisfin, el-‘Al, Fiq, Kafr Óarib (Kefar are, in fact, crosses. In this chapter the decorations will be Óarub), but have been identified at Jewish sites as well, described, with references to illustrations in chapters 4-8 such as Danikle, ‘Ein Nashot, Yahudiyye, Umm el-Qana†ir and to parallels elsewhere on the Golan. and Bethsaida (the data is from the catalogue of the Golan Archaeological Museum at Qaßrin). As rosettes have been in use for a very long time and by Geometric motifs many different ethnic groups, they cannot serve as chronological or ethnic indicators. Geometric motifs appear as either a central motif or a frame for another decoration. The simplest one is an X pattern, decorating a doorjamb in Building 59 (Figs. 413, 414). A Amphorae similar decoration is found at er-Rumthan¥yeh (Hartal 2005: Fig. 229). A doorjamb in Building 40 carries a circle in Amphorae served both as central motifs in the decoration relief, in which there is a round, raised projection resembling of arch stones, and as a secondary decoration, with vine a shield (Figs. 278, 279), but possibly representing the sun trellises emerging from it. At Rafid only a single item was disk (cf. the altar from Kh. el-Beida, Ibid.: Fig. 228). A found that made use of an amphora in its decoration. A stone similar design in a wreath ending in a Heracles’ knot was slab from Building 88 is decorated with a Greek cross found at Óafar (Ibid.: Fig. 236). A somewhat more complex surrounded by a vine trellis emerging from an amphora decoration is a four-rayed star in a circle, found in Building (Figs. 616, 617). 22 (Figs. 205-206). Amphorae with emerging vine trellises are common in In secondary use in Building 106 is a lintel that carries Jewish art in the Golan (Ma‘oz 1995: Pls. 49:4, 135:4; two concentric circles engraved in its center. At both ends Hachlili 1995: Nos. 3, 52, 53) and in Galilee (Hachlili 1988: of the lintel there is a decoration consisting of a small circle 214, Fig. 52: f, g). In the Hauran, where vine trellis reliefs enclosing an X, and a builders’ right angle (Figs. 691-693). are common, they never emerge from amphorae. This motif is not attested elsewhere in the Golan. Two stones from Qunei†ra, one of them found by 13  CHAPTER THREE Schumacher (1888: Fig. 102) and the other in the Golan with a vine trellis were also found at Mashara and Inkhil in museum in Qaßrin, appear to be fragments of the same lintel the Batanea (Dentzer-Feydy 1986: Pl. 22:b), in a church at (Hartal 2005: Figs. 255, 256), and are decorated with el-Umta‘iyeh in the Hauran (Butler 1909: Ill. 70), in the amphorae with a widening base, round body and a wide, Trachon (Butler 1919: Ill. 369, and see also Littman 1915: short neck. From the amphorae emerge branches with Insc. 603; 1921: Insc. 763). Wreaths with a Heracles knot but triangular leaves, perhaps vines. Small animals appear without a vine trellis, often surrounding an inscription, relief among the branches. An arch stone from er-Rumthaniyeh or cross are rather common in southern and central Golan in (Ibid.: Fig. 257) is decorated in relief with an amphora with both Jewish (Dabura, Yahudiyye, e†-Tayibeh, ed-Dikkeh) and a high base from which a vine trellis emerges, carved on the gentile settlements (Fiq, el-‘Al, Khisfin) (Gregg and Urman following arch stones. 1996:30, 49, 77). In Jewish settlements the wreath is found on lintels, mostly without the vine trellis (Ma‘oz 1995:278- 279). Altar Reliefs A doorjamb incorporated into Building 69 displays an altar Vines in high relief (Figs. 495-497), similar to others found at several sites in northern Golan (Ibid.: Figs. 403-406). Altar The vine and its various parts is the most common vegetal reliefs are common in the Hauran and the Bashan (Butler motif in northern Transjordan. At Rafid only two items were 1916:26, 87-88, Ills. 68, 69, Pl. 8; Dentzer-Feydy 1986: Pl. found with such motifs. One, already mentioned, is the stone 23:d), northern Golan (Hartal 2005: Fig. 260) and southern slab from Building 88 with a vine trellis emerging from a Golan (Schumacher 1888: Figs. 46, 51, 73). In synagogues small amphora and creating a frame for a small decorated on the Golan just one altar was found, on a capital from Greek cross (Figs. 616, 617). The other is the decorated ‘Ein Nashot (Ma‘oz 1995: Pl. 61:3) and in the Galilee this capital found in the courtyard of Building 46, also mentioned motif is not found at all. It appears therefore that this is a above. On one side it carries three grape clusters (Fig. 323). pagan or Christian symbol that did not find acceptance in The vine as a decorative motif is very common in the Jewish art, except in the depiction of the sacrifice of Isaac. Near East, in both Hellenistic-Roman and Jewish art (Turnheim 1987:98-100; Ma‘oz 1995:211-212). In the Golan it decorated synagogues (Ibid.: Pls. 10:1-3, 16:2, 23:2, 49:1, Aedicula 91, 102:1, 2, 108:1, 135:4; Hachlili 1995: Nos. 3, 35, 36, 51, 53). Vine reliefs were found in northern Golan (Hartal A doorjamb in Building 45 is decorated with an aedicula in 2005: Figs. 276-290) as well as in southern Golan (Epstein high relief, depicted as an arch supported by two columns and Gutman 1972:283, 289; Schumacher 1888: Figs. 40, (Figs. 291, 292). A nearly identical aedicula decorates one 41, 288, 289). Vine trellises were a common decorative motif side of an interesting capital that was found embedded in in the Hauran from the Early Roman until the. Byzantine the courtyard wall of Building 46 (Fig. 319). A similar period. They decorated the entrances to temples and aedicula carved on a large ashlar was found at er- churches, lintels, consoles, arches and more (Dunand 1934: Rumthaniyeh (Hartal 2005: Fig. 261). The motif is common Pls. 6:14, 9:15; Butler 1903:317, 329, 346, 349, 363-364, in Jewish art in general and in the Golan synagogues it 374, 407; 1909:68-70, Pl. 7; 1915:276, 282, 286, 317; represents the Torah ark (Ma‘oz 1995:277–278, Pl. 137:7; 1919:369, 371, 376, 377; Dentzer-Feydy 1986: Pls. 5:c, 6:a, Hachlili 1995: No. 18), but it is in no way limited to Jewish 15:a, 20:d, 22:b, c, 23:c, d; 1991: Fig. 19; Dentzer and art. Aediculae appear also in churches of the Hauran (De Dentzer-Feydy 1991: Pl. 12:234). The wide distribution of Vogüé 1865-1877: Pl. 20; Schumacher 1886: Fig. 111; Butler vines as decorative elements does not allow attributing the 1909:210; Dentzer-Feydy 1986: Pl. 23:d; Dentzer and finds from Rafid to any one ethnos or religion. Dentzer-Feydy 1991: Pl 23:315). Peacocks Wreaths with a Heracles Knot On an arch stone in Building 19 there is an engraving of a A common motif in the art of northern Transjordan is a peacock holding a wreath in its beak (Figs. 191-192). A wreath tied at the bottom with a Heracles knot, the end of peacock is engraved also on a lintel from er-Rumthaniyeh which is in the form of a vine trellis. The wreath usually (Hartal 2005: Fig. 300) and a peacock in relief is known surrounds an inscription or a relief, sometimes that of a from a doorjamb in Qaßrin (Ma‘oz 1993g:1221; Hachlili human head. A lintel fragment found in Building 51 in Rafid 1995: No. 4). Peacocks are common on mosaic floors, both in carried a wreath in the centre, of which just the knot survives synagogues and churches, and usually come in pairs (Hachlili (Figs. 356-357). Fine examples were found at er- 1988:338-389). There are no published examples from the Rumthaniyeh, near Birket Ram, in Qunei†ra, in Kafr Nafakh Hauran, but they are well attested in churches of northern Syria and in Kh. Mas‘adeh (Hartal 2005: Figs. 262-268). Wreaths (De Vogüé 1865-1877: Pl. 45; Butler 1929: Ill. 287). 14  THE ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION Birds Cosmic Cross – a Greek cross surrounded by a circle, representing the cosmos. In Rafid eleven such crosses were Schumacher, who visited Rafid in 1884, published a drawing found (Figs. 1, 74, 173-175, 245, 246, 281, 282, 527, 528, of a lintel, decorated with a relief of two birds holding in their 550, 551, 686, 687). This cross is common in northern Golan beaks ribbons attached to a wreath (Schumacher 1888: Fig. (Hartal 2005: Figs. 316-327). Cosmic crosses have been 113); unfortunately this lintel was not found in the survey. found in southern Golan at Khisfin, Fiq and Squfiyye and Birds appear in the art of the Golan usually as a secondary in central Golan at ‘Ein Samsam, Fiq and ed-Dhashe. In the motif, often as a bird pecking at a bunch of grapes (Ibid.: Fig. Hauran only few cosmic crosses were found (Butler 102; Hartal 2005: Figs. 265, 303). This same motif is common 1903:409, 413; Littman 1915: Insc. 603). in the Golan synagogues too (Ma‘oz 1995: Pls. 49:4, 91:2, Horned Cross (Cross Fourchée) – the end of each arm forks 108:1), and was also found at el-‘Al in southern Golan in a V shape (Whitney 1911:1361, No. 11; Morrisroe (unpublished) and in the Hauran (De Vogüé 1865-1877: Pl. 3; 1913:538, No. 15). These crosses were only engraved. Dentzer and Dentzer-Feydy 1991: Pls. 3:302, 12:234). Twenty three such crosses were found at Rafid, more than any other type (Figs. 10, 202, 218-221, 223-226, 362, 384- 386, 415-418, 438, 439, 492, 574, 575, 578-582, 635, 636) Human Figures and is generally rather common in northern Golan (Hartal 2005: Figs. 331-342). Similar crosses have been found in A sarcophagus fragment from Building 69 (Figs. 507, 508) southern Golan at Fiq and Kafr Óarib and in central Golan is decorated with a high relief. On the left a male figure is at ed-Dahshe (Gregg and Urman 1996:107). From the depicted, whose face was deliberately defaced, the upper Hauran only few such crosses have been published (Littman part of its head is missing and the chest was damaged as 1915: Insc. 609, 677; 1921: Insc. 792). well. On the right there are traces of a scene that probably Cross of Golgotha – is a Horned Cross standing over a depicted a woman lying on a bed, her body covered by a convex line representing the hill of Golgotha. This type was mantle with only her feet bare. The rest of the sarcophagus found engraved on an arch stone from Building 85 (Figs. was not preserved, including parts of its left side and top. 583, 584). On a lintel in Building 19 there is a Horned Cross The sarcophagus should probably be dated to the Late surrounded on top and on the sides with convex lines (Figs. Roman period. 183-184). It might represent a Cross of Golgotha where lack One corner of the decorated capital from Building 46 of space dictated a different arrangement. A Cross of carries a human head in relief (Figs. 319, 320). The head is Golgotha decorates also a column at Farj (Hartal 2005: Fig. very schematic, with a prominent nose, eyes and mouth. It 343) and at Sukeik a lintel was found with a Horned Cross may be that on a lintel, a fragment of which is embedded in between two ‘hills’ (Ibid.: Fig. 345). A similar motif is Building 19, there was a relief of the upper part of a human perhaps carved on a lintel from er-Rumthaniyeh and torso (Figs. 188-190), but the surviving part is insufficient identified there as a Cross of Golgotha (Dauphin 1993:75, for a reconstruction. Fig. 16). If the drawing is correct then perhaps this is the only example in northern Golan of a Greek cross on the hill of Golgotha. Crosses Maltese Cross – four arms in the form of triangles with convex sides (Whitney 1911:1361, No. 10; Morrisroe Unquestionably the most common architectural decorative 1913:538, No. 8). Thirteen crosses were found at Rafid, all element in northern Golan is the cross, found on over one in relief (Figs. 43, 44, 212, 213, 251, 252, 337, 338, 352, hundred stone elements. Over ninety were found at sites 376, 377, 471, 474-476, 501, 502, 639, 640). Some crosses south of Qunei†ra, 69 at Rafid. Only 23 crosses were found were executed with the aid of a compass, similar to the north of Qunei†ra, and 35 in central and southern Golan. geometric rosettes, and sometimes it is difficult to tell the The crosses are either engraved or in relief, as main or two motifs apart (Figs. 537-539). Maltese crosses are secondary motif, free or surrounded by frames and come in common in northern Golan (Hartal 2005: Figs. 347-379). a variety of shapes (Testa 1962; Tzaferis 1971). They have been found also in southern Golan at Khisfin, Fiq Greek Cross – with straight, equal arms (Schick 1894:186; and Squfiyye as well as in Hauran and Trachon (De Vogüé Whitney 1911:1361, No. 7; Morrisroe 1913:538, No. 15; 1865-1877: Fig. 16, Pl. 21; Butler 1903:413; Littman 1915: Finney 1997:304). It is modeled by engraving or in relief, Insc. 602, 739; 1921: Insc. 804). as simple lines crossing each other at right angles (Figs. Monogrammatic Cross – a monogram made up of the Greek 286, 287, 300, 301, 674, 675) or as an outline (Figs. 611, letter Rho (P) and a cross, short for Christos (Schick 612, 637). Greek crosses have been found almost exclusively 1894:187; Morrisroe 1913:538, No. 40; Tzaferis 1971:57- at sites south of Qunei†ra (Rafid, Farj, er-Rumthaniyeh, eß- 58; Finney 1997:304). A Monogrammatic Cross is carved Íurman and Qunei†ra; Hartal 2005: Figs. 307-315) as well on a lintel in Building 56 (Figs. 390-392) as well as on a as at Khisfin in southern Golan. Similar crosses are found lintel in Building 103 (Figs. 686, 687). Two other examples in the Hauran (Littman 1915: Insc. 618, 707, 718, 716A, have been found in northern Golan: at er-Rumthaniyeh and 723) and the Trachon (Littman 1921: Insc. 784, 797, 802). Bab el-Hawa, both at the beginning of an inscription (Hartal 15  CHAPTER THREE 2005: Figs. 381, 413). From the Hauran two similar crosses In most cases the central trunk does not stand on a base. were published (De Vogüé 1865-1877: Pls. 20, 30, 31). This design has usually been identified as the ‘tree of life’. Crosses decorated with dots – In Building 54 part of an It appears on tombstones, corbels and lintels, usually together arch stone was found, decorated with a relief of a cosmic with crosses (Hartal 2005: Figs. 387-396). At Rafid two cross that has between its arms a series of dots (Figs. 371, lintels decorated with this motif were found. One is on a 372). At er-Rumthaniyeh two arch stones with a similar lintel in Building 40, with Maltese crosses on either side design have been found (Hartal 2005: Figs. 383, 414). (Figs. 275-277). On a lintel in Building 77 there appears, in Maltese crosses were sometimes decorated with a dot at the addition to the ‘tree of life’, a staff and two cosmic crosses wide end of each arm (Ibid.: Figs. 245, 275, 384) or between at either end of the lintel (Figs. 550, 551). the arms (Ibid.: Figs. 383, 385, 413, 414). It seems that the The tree of life is common in the art of the ancient East dots were meant only to fill empty spaces and had no and it was in use up to the Byzantine period. Though it symbolic value. At er-Rumthaniyeh a lintel was found with appears in the Golan synagogues (Ma‘oz 1995: Pls. 26:1, three crosses in relief, and between their arms dots, crosses, 133:2, 3; Hachlili 1995:208), its main distribution is in bunches of grapes and letters (Schumacher 1888: Fig. 118). Christian contexts in the Golan and Hauran (Ma‘oz 1985; 1995:276-277; Dentzer-Feydy 1986: Pl. 20:b, c). Dauphin identified this motif as a lulav or menorah and saw in its Tree of Life appearance together with crosses evidence of Judeo- Christian communities in the Golan (Dauphin 1982b, 1993). A common motif in northern Golan, comprising a central However, these are quite different from the menorahs known trunk from which branches spread diagonally upwards. The from the Golan sites, including Farj, and there is no leaves are of equal size and do not end at the same height. compelling reason not to see in them the ‘tree of life’. 16  THE HISTORY OF RAFID PART THREE HISTORICAL PHASES 267  CHAPTER NINE page 268 -empty 268  THE HISTORY OF RAFID Chapter Nine The History of Rafid on the Background of the History of Northern Transjordan Moshe Hartal There is no identification for Rafid, and there are no stability of Seleucid rule had a long term effect on the region. historical sources that mention it directly. Rafid is situated Whereas the Ptolemies took no particular interest in on the boundary between Golan and Bashan and in antiquity developing the country and saw it as a buffer zone, the was on the border of three Roman provinces: Palaestina, Seleucids saw in it an integral part of their kingdom. In spite Syria-Phoenice and Arabia. Thus, in order to reconstruct its of political instability, their rule is characterized by history, one must look at the history of the whole region. flourishing communities and a thriving economy (Smith This chapter deals with the historical processes and 1990:123-127). In Galilee, particularly Upper Galilee and settlement dynamics of Northern Transjordan and their the Hula valley, the number of settlements in the late influence on the history of Rafid. Hellenistic period increased threefold from what it had been in the preceding period (Berlin 1997:26). In the course of the second century BCE, for the first The Hellenistic Period time in the Hellenistic period, settlements were founded on the Golan. In southern Golan at least ten settlements were During the third century BCE, Palestine and southern Syria founded and it seems that the polis of Hippos/Sussita was were under the control of the Ptolemaic dynasty. founded towards the end of the century. In central and Archaeological investigations in Northern Transjordan failed southern Golan small forts were established (Ma‘oz 1986:61, to identify settlements from this period. It seems that the 76-77). A sedentarization of the Itureans began in northern Jordan river served as the easternmost boundary of Golan, dated by archaeological excavations at Hurvat Zemel permanent settlement (Hartal 2005:356). Northern to the mid-second century BCE (Hartal 2002). East of the Transjordan was effectively a buffer zone between the Golan, in Bashan (Batanea), Hauran (Auranitis) and Trachon Ptolemaic possessions and Damascus, which was ruled by (Trachonitis), the land was still to be controlled by nomadic the Seleucids. The entire region was settled mostly by peoples for the next century (Map 4). nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples, the best-known among them being the Itureans and the Nabateans. Because the The Conquests of Alexander Jannaeus population was small, the Ptolemies saw no need to divide the region into small administrative units and the units were Towards the end of the second, and the beginning of the large, according to geographical divisions (Dentzer first centuries BCE the Nabateans in southern Hauran and 1986:395). the Itureans in northern Golan and Lebanon gained power. The historical sources for the settlement of Northern In between the two peoples there remained a large tract of Transjordan are nearly as meager as the archaeological land that included the Golan, the territory of Hippos, Bashan, evidence (Ma‘oz 1986:17). Their examination suggests that Trachon and northern Hauran (Map 4). Most of this area agricultural settlements existed only in the Yarmukh basin, was without permanent settlements and thus became where forts were erected to control the local population and attractive for Jewish settlers in the next 200 years. It would protect the Ptolemaic kingdom. seem that the view expressed by several scholars claiming The decisive battle between the Ptolemies and the that this area formed a conflict zone between the Itureans Seleucids took place in 200 BCE. In this battle Antiochus and Nabateans is unfounded (Hartal 2005:381-391, 401, III defeated the Ptolemaic general Scopas and took control contra Kasher 1988:143-144, n.35). of southern Syria and Palestine (Polybius, Historiae xvi, The second military campaign of the Hasmonean king 18-19). The battle took place near Paneion, the sacred cave Alexander Jannaeus during the years 83-80 BCE was of to Pan (the place in which the city Paneas was established prime importance for the history of the region. In its course, two hundreds years later, see below). The battle had little Jannaeus conquered Pella, besieged Gerasa and took it immediate effect on the settlements in the nearby region, without a fight. “He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, which was still sparsely populated at the time, but the and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, 269  CHAPTER NINE s po ip H Map 4. Northern Transjordan in the late Hellenistic period. he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped residents during the conquest of Jannaeus, became a favorite Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on destination of Jewish settlers and soon became a significant account of the many crimes laid to his charge” (Josephus, Jewish territory. Though this process is not explicitly War I 104-105). In the parallel passage in Antiquities (XIII mentioned in the sources – just as it is not mentioned in 393-394), the conquest of Dium is described instead of Pella. relation to the Jewish territories in Galilee – it can be inferred Jannaeus thus took southern Golan (the territory of Hippos; from later developments: no towns in Gaulanitis were see Syncellus, Chronographia:558-559) and central Golan restored by Pompey or Gabinius and they appear on the eve (Gaulanitis), but northern Golan remained under Iturean of the Jewish War as Jewish cities (Josephus, War II 574). control (Map 4; Ma‘oz 1986:41; Hartal 2005:388-391). The Jewish settlement process in Gaulanitis has to be The destiny of the two regions was not to be the same. observed on the background of the situation in Judaea, where Hippos, just as other Hellenistic cities, was captured but there was a rapid natural population growth in a rather not destroyed by Jannaeus and apparently a pagan population restricted area. On the eve of the Maccabean revolt there remained within and in the surrounding territory; indeed, was a state of overpopulation, with many landless; it was later it was restored by Pompey as one of the cities of the apparently this overpopulation that led to the expansion wars Decapolis (Josephus, Ant. XIV 75; War I 156). However, of the Hasmoneans. The landless were the mass of Jews settled in its area, as well, as is shown by the ‘list of Hasmonean soldiers and in return for their services received forbidden villages’ in its territory. The list is evidence of a land in the conquered territories (Bar-Kochva 1977:170- predominantly pagan area, but with well-established Jewish 177). At this time the Jewish settlement in Galilee expanded villages. too (Schalit 1964:15; Bar-Kochva 1977:147-176; Adan- The district of Gaulanitis, which was nearly empty of Bayewitz and Aviam 1997:161). 270  THE HISTORY OF RAFID The Jewish settlement that developed in Gaulanitis was have remained significant, in the towns of Gaulanitis the essentially the same as that in Galilee. There are many population was completely replaced. similarities in material culture and behavior patterns between The fact that Gaulanitis was not torn away from Judaea the two populations (Meyers 1976), and though Gaulanitis has great importance in understanding the development of was a separate administrative unit, it was considered for all the Jewish settlement there, and the statement by Avi-Yonah practical purposes as part of Galilee. Thus Josephus, (1966:81) that Pompey tore Gaulanitis from Judaea is not appointed commander of Galilee at the beginning of the substantiated by any source. Jewish war, was also the commander of Gaulanitis. It seems that Gaulanitis district was created following Herod the Great Jannaeus’ conquests, in the area between the territory of Hippos/Sussita and the Iturean domains in the northern Sometime between 30 and 20 BCE all of Northern Golan Heights (Map 4). The Jewish settlement there Transjordan came under the rule of Herod (Map 5), and most continued without interruption until the Byzantine period. of it remained under the control of the Herodian dynasty Because Jewish Gaulanitis bordered on pagan territories until the end of the first century CE. In fact, this was the north and south of it, its boundaries can be determined by only period in history when all of Northern Transjordan the extent of Jewish settlement as reflected in the distribution belonged to a self-contained political unit, and this has of the Byzantine period synagogues, as well as by other implications on the settlement dynamics. This is also the material culture, especially the variation and distribution of period with the greatest amount of historical information. ceramic vessels within Golan and outside of it (Hartal In 30 BCE, after his victory at Actium, Octavian granted 2005:271-274). Herod Hippos and Gadara, in addition to Samaria/Sebaste Both characteristics indicate that Jewish Gaulanitis and other cities in the coastal plain (Josephus, Ant. XV 217; extended only in the central Golan Heights of today, and War I 396).The Hellenistic city of Hippos, that had been in the seven hundred year continuous Jewish occupation of the hands of Jannaeus and was ‘liberated’ only 33 years the area is a direct result of Jannaeus’ conquests. earlier by Pompey, has again lost its independence. The Rafid is situated at the eastern edge of Jannaeus’ domains annexation of Hippos to Judaea continued only in the lifetime in the Golan. The village had not yet existed in his time, of Herod and after the king’s death it was again restored to and in the vicinity there are but few settlements dating to the status of a free city. the Hellenistic period (Ibid.: Map 3). One of them is ‘Esheh, Seven years later, in 23 BCE, Augustus further expanded ca. 2 km northwest of Rafid (Map 4), which yielded evidence Herod’s territories and annexed to him Trachonitis, Batanea of an Iturean settlement, the southernmost in northern Golan. (Bashan) and Auranitis (Hauran) (Josephus, Ant. XV 343; It seems that the settlement at Rafid commenced a few War I 398). The events that led to this annexation were decades after Jannaeus’ conquest, when settlement of complex. After the death of Lysanias, Ptolemy’s heir (39 Batanea to the east began as well (see below). BCE), the Iturean principality was split into four smaller units. The ruler of the southernmost unit was Zenodorus, of The Roman Occupation royal Iturean lineage, who leased Lysanias’ territories from Cleopatra and ruled over a large area: Trachonitis, Batanes From 63 BCE Syria and Palestine were firmly under Roman and Auranitis, in addition to the territory of Paneas and control. The Roman general Pompey passed through the Hulatha. The apparent size of this unit is misleading, because Iturean principality and reduced its territory. Ptolemy son the total income of this vast land was rather low: it was in fact of Mennaeus, the Iturean ruler, saved himself and secured very sparsely inhabited by nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples, his rule by paying large sums to Pompey. The fate of the and even the Paneas and Hulatha areas – northern Golan and Hasmonean kingdom was harsher. Pompey abolished its the Hula valley respectively – were rural and rather poor. independence and reduced its size (Josephus, Ant. XIV 74- The Romans leased the area to Zenodorus expecting him 76; War I 155-157). He tore from Judaea the Hellenistic to impose order and safety, whereas he proceeded to send a cities that were captured, and liberated and restored those group of brigands, whose center was in Trachonitis, against that were not completely razed by the Jews (Josephus, Ant. the territories of Damascus and the caravans approaching XIV 74-76; War I 155-158). it. Two independent sources describe the events: Josephus Pompey’s actions in the Golan were different for each (Ant. XV 343-348; War I 398) and Strabo (Geographica district. The Hellenistic city of Hippos, taken by Jannaeus, xvi 2, 20). Strabo makes it clear that the brigands were a was torn from the Hasmonean kingdom together with its special problem for the Romans, because not only the rural territory (covra), restored and granted autonomy (Josephus, areas suffered, but also commerce in general. Josephus Ant. XIV 75; War I 156). Later it was reckoned among the claims that it was economic conditions and poverty that cities of the Decapolis. The other towns however, Golan, drove those people to brigandry. Both Josephus and Strabo Seleucia and Gamla are not mentioned among the liberated are explicit about the attacks on Damascus, and neither cities and on the eve of the revolt they are mentioned as mentions attacks on villages in Auranitis or Batanea. It seems Jewish towns (Josephus, War II 574). It seems that contrary that at this stage there were no permanent settlements in to Hippos/Sussita, where the pagan component seems to these regions. 271  CHAPTER NINE Map 5. Herod’s Kingdom in Northern Transjordan. Strabo accredits the Romans in the subjugation of the reservoirs that were fed from rainwater and were available brigands, and it is so in Josephus’ War. In Antiquities the even in periods of drought. brigands are suppressed by Herod and his army. The version The epithet ‘brigands’ was generally applied by the in Antiquities seems to be the right one. The suppression of Romans to all who did not accept the ordinary lifestyle of the brigands necessitated unconventional action and the peasants, and especially to nomads, and this label was traversing difficult terrain with the aid of local guides. part of the Romans’ propaganda to justify their actions. In Herod’s army was more suitable and experienced in such this case however, it seems that the damage caused by the operations, following his struggles with the rebels and brigands was very real, and they were so well known that brigands in Galilee. their image remained in collective memory down to the days It is not completely clear who were the brigands of of Philip the Arab (244-249 CE) (Ibid.:399). Trachonitis. Already the first Roman governors were During the first years after the annexation of Auranitis, occupied by trying to repel ‘Arabs’ that harassed their Trachonitis and Batanea to Herod’s domains and the neighbors (Appian, Syriacus Liber 51), and these appear subjugation of the brigands, the latter were afraid of the not to have been the Nabateans, but Arabs that lived in the king and ceased their acts of brigandry. In consequence, Leja (Bowersock 1983:33-34; Dentzer 1986:400). The Herod was much esteemed by the Romans (Josephus, Ant. brigands may have been disintegrating clans, individual XVI 271-272) and so it was only natural that after the death refugees or small groups of Trachonitis residents that of Zenodorus in 20 BCE Augustus, at the time visiting Syria, ‘supplemented’ their meager income by robbing the villages “bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; of Damascus and the caravans that passed by (Peters it lay between Trachonitis and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, 1977:270, 1978:318; Dentzer 1986:400). According to and Paneas, and the country round about” (Josephus, Ant. Josephus they also farmed animals, and to ensure a water XV 359-360; see also War I 400; Cassius Dio, Historia supply for them, they prepared in their hideout caves water Romana lxvi, 9, 3). This is taken to be the district of Paneas 272  THE HISTORY OF RAFID and the northern Hula valley, and the annexation of the whole When Herod returned from Rome in 10 BCE he turned Northern Transjordan to Herod was thus complete. This to deal with the rebels, who found refuge with the Nabateans. latest addition was the core area of Zenodorus’ principality At first he swept through Trachonitis and massacred their and was inhabited by Itureans, and contrary to the situation relatives (Ant. XVI 276-277), and when this move did not in Auranitis and Trachonitis, there is no evidence that the help in stopping the rebels, he declared war on the Nabateans inhabitants resisted Herod’s rule in any way. (Ant. XVI 271-285). Thus, Herod’s domains in the north included Hippos, To stem any future rebellions, Herod strengthened his Batanea, Auranitis, Trachonitis and Paneas. There is no forces and settled at the edge of Trachonitis 3000 Idumeans, mention however, of Gaulanitis ever being annexed to his whose duty was to secure safe travel and to prevent the kingdom, although there can be no doubt that it was included inhabitants to raid their neighbors. The Idumeans however, in it, because in his will it is counted among the districts to as either garrison or military colonists, did not last long in be given to his son Philip (Josephus, Ant. XVII 189). the hostile Trachonitis. Augustus’ harsh reaction to Herod’s Although Gaulanitis is not mentioned among the districts campaign against the Nabateans in 9 BCE weakened the approved by Augustus for Philip (Josephus, Ant. XVII 319; latter’s position and in fact caused a new rebellion, aimed War II 95), it is included in his tetrarchy at the end of his this time against the Idumeans (Ant. XVI 292). The Arabs life (Ant. XVIII 106). He even founded a city there: he who rebelled were not the Nabateans or desert nomads, but renamed Bethsaida, on the shores of the Sea of Galilee near the inhabitants of Auranitis (Gracey 1986:316; Macdonald the estuary of the Jordan river to Iulias (Ant. XVIII 28; War 1993:313-314). Their cooperation with the inhabitants of II 168). Gaulanitis is also mentioned as one of the districts Trachonitis against the Herodian garrison in Herod’s own of king Agrippa II (War II 249) and was the only district in territories shows the king’s temporary weakness at this point Northern Transjordan to actively revolt against the Romans in time. in the Jewish war (War II 574, IV 2; Life 185-187). Soon after the failure of the Idumean experiment, Herod Why then is its annexation to Herod not mentioned? This attempted yet again to control and subdue Trachonitis and district was inhabited predominantly by Jews and included ensure safe passage in those parts (Ant. XVII 23-28). In order hardly any pagan settlements. It seems that it was this reason to prevent raids from Trachonitis it was necessary to keep a that prevented Pompey from tearing it away from Judaea, military presence nearby, and the most suitable form of such just as he did not separate Galilee and Idumea – both strongly a presence was a military colony (Cohen 1972:91). Herod Jewish in character – from Judaea. Therefore, Gaulanitis seems to have learnt a lesson from the Idumeans’ failure remained an integral part of Judaea even after the Roman and this time he put the colonists in Batanea and not around conquest, and when Herod took over the Hasmonean kingdom, the fringes of Trachonitis, so as to keep them less exposed this already included Gaulanitis and its later annexation was to attacks by the brigands. He also founded a large, central not necessary (Ma‘oz 1986:49; Hartal 1987:71). settlement which was easier to protect than the small villages Until the last third of the first century BCE the eastern of the Idumeans. But most important, he chose a man with regions of Batanea, Auranitis and Trachonitis were under the right qualities to lead the colonization. Zamaris was a complete control of nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes Jewish aristocrat from Babylon, who moved to Syria with a (Schürer 1973:319; Peters 1977:267). In 33 BCE the tribes force of mounted archers, an expertise of the Parthians. By began the construction of a cultic precinct at Si‘, near el- invitation from Herod, he came with his unit to Batanea Qanawat, in northern Hauran. The temple was constructed and founded a military colony (Applebaum 1970; Cohen at the crossroads of three regional roads, where no settlement 1972; Shatzman 1991:175-180). The colony included a large had existed before (Dentzer 1986:404-405). The reason for village, Bathyra, and a chain of forts. Daily life was the construction of the cultic center at this precise time is not conducted in the village, while the forts served for defense. clear, but may indicate the stabilization of the tribes and perhaps Zamaris received from Herod title to the land and even the beginning of a process of sedentarization. The internal exemption from taxes. These incentives attracted many security in the region however, was still rather weak. settlers, whose origin and background are not always clear, The Romans expected Herod to enforce security in the but they came from all over Herod’s kingdom, and from region and prevent the continued harassment of the Babylon (Shatzman 1991:177). permanent settlements and commerce. Fear of the king The tasks of Zamaris were manifold. He was required to caused the brigands to change their ways, and Herod even safekeep the general security in the area and the pilgrim tried to encourage them to settle down and take up routes from Babylon to Jerusalem, as well as the prevention agriculture. But the poor soil could not sustain an income of brigandry. Zamaris seems to have succeeded where the comparable to that from robbery and the semi-nomadic Idumeans failed. The uprisings of the people of Trachonitis people found it very difficult to settle down to a peasant stopped and for the first time in a long time security was life. As soon as they thought that Herod was dead and the achieved. The combination of free land, tax exemption and situation changed, they rebelled and returned to their old personal security led to prosperity in Batanea. According to ways (Ant. XVI 271-275). In the year 12 BCE, while Herod Josephus, the settlers were Jews, and having received so was in Rome, the inhabitants of Trachonitis rebelled and much from Herod they felt obligated to him and remained renewed their banditry (Ant. XVI 130). loyal to him and his successors for a long time. 273  CHAPTER NINE It would be reasonable to assume that such a large scale Philip and The Founding of the Tetrarchy in Northern resettlement project, involving the transfer of large tracts of Transjordan land would cause resentment on the part of the former inhabitants, just as had been the case with the reaction of After the death of Herod in 4 BCE, his kingdom was divided the Nabateans and the inhabitants of Trachonitis to Herod’s among his three surviving sons. Northern Transjordan was earlier actions. The sources however, do not mention any the share of Philip (Josephus, Ant. XVII 189, 318-319; War such resentment, and Josephus explained the tax exemptions II 95) and only the Hellenistic city of Hippos/Sussita, by that ‘the land is not productive’ (Ant. XVII 25). It seems annexed to Herod in 30 BCE, was taken away and attached therefore that the military colonization in Batanea took place to the province of Syria (Ant. XVII 320; War II 97). The in an area that had been only sparsely inhabited until then. tetrarchy of Philip extended over a large area and included This colonization was in fact the ‘watershed’ event in the Gaulanitis, Paneas, Batanea, Auranitis and Trachonitis. Its history of Batanea, Auranitis and Trachonitis. In the next inhabitants were diverse (Schürer 1973:336-338). Its western hundred years, when the area was under the control of the part, the Golan Heights, was already inhabited by Itureans, Herodian dynasty, it enjoyed peace and security that brought Jews and Syrians. Part of Batanea was inhabited by the forth the establishment of sedentary settlements and Babylonian Jews concentrated in the military colony of gradually pushed out the nomadic elements (Dentzer Bathyra and the surrounding villages. The eastern districts, 1986:393, 396; Sartre 1997:80-81). Batanea turned into the Huranitis, Batanea and Trachonitis were inhabited by Syrians granary of Syria. – Arameans and Arabs – who were in the process of a large Rafid is situated on the boundary between Gaulanitis and scale settlement and sedentarization (Map 5). The insecurity Batanea, but it is not known to which district it belonged. that characterized the region until Herod was replaced by Unfortunately no finds were found in the survey that could stability and peace that lasted over a hundred years. determine the exact date of its establishment. Relying on Philip ruled his tetrarchy for 37 years (4 BCE-33 CE). Urman’s dating, it seems to have been founded in the early He seems to have had the right personal qualities and he Roman period and so its founding can be reasonably succeeded in consolidating a tetrarchy with widely varying connected with the settlement process described above. populations into a coherent political unit in which peace Rafid is in an area with much grazing land and small springs and order were the rule. There are no echoes of animosity suitable for the raising of horses, and indeed, in many of the between the various ethnic constituents of his domains surveyed houses remains of stables were identified. Thus it (Kasher 1988:175-176). seems that horse breeding was the main economy of the Philip’s way of governing and his voyages across his village, horses having been in high demand by the military tetrarchy, followed by his court and his readiness to set up a colonists and the Herodian armies (see below). tribunal wherever it was necessary (Josephus, Ant. XVIII Herod himself did not make any significant contribution 106-108), reflects on a reality where most of the population to Auranitis. The suppression of the residents of Trachonitis, had not yet settled down to a sedentary life. His capital at the stabilization of security and the colonization campaign Paneas was built at the edge of his tetrarchy and was not started not long before his death, and most actions were accessible to most of the population. In his journeys Philip carried out by his successors. Yet the sanctuary at Si‘, whose brought government to the people. construction started ten years before the annexation of the The Babylonian military colony in Batanea was exempt area to Herod, was mostly built during his lifetime (Dentzer- from taxes during the lifetime of Herod, and this preferential Feydy 1991:45-47; Sartre 1991b:29-31) and completed condition was helpful in creating the settlement boom in under Philip. Herod undoubtedly contributed to the the region (Ant. XVII 27). This tax exemption was canceled sanctuary, but his influence on its architectural character with the king’s death, probably because his income was low was minimal (Dentzer 1986:411). In the temple at Si‘ the (Ant. XVII 28; Gracey 1986:314; Shatzman 1991:176-177). base of a statue was found with a dedication to Herod Philip’s revenues from his tetrarchy were relatively low: inscribed on it (Gracey 1986:319; Dentzer and Dentzer 100 talents only, in contrast to 200 talents that Antipas, 1981:101; Millar 1994:395-396). Herod’s other son received from the Galilee and the Peraia Herod did not contribute a thing to Gaulanitis. The area and the 600 talents that went to Archelaus from Judaea and had already been settled by Jews, who arrived during the Jericho (Ant. XVII 318-320; War II 93-100). Herod had reign of the Hasmoneans. These, as their brethren in Galilee, received 1050 talents. By this time however, the settlements did not feel much obliged to Herod and surely remained in Batanea were well-established and the imposition of tax loyal to the memory of the Hasmonean dynasty. The Jews did not undermine their economic stability. of Batanea on the other hand, owed their land, villages and The suppression of brigandry removed the obstacles for good circumstances to Herod and remained loyal to him settlement not only in Batanea, but also in Trachonitis and and his heirs. The difference between the Jews of Gaulanitis Auranitis as well. In these regions, and especially in and those of Batanea continued in the following generations Auranitis, rural communities developed (Dentzer 1986:396). and reached its climax during the Jewish war. Most of the population in Philip’s tetrarchy was pagan; 274  THE HISTORY OF RAFID Jews resided in Gaulanitis and Batanea. Itureans settled in his new kingdom. Only in Caligula’s second year (38 CE) the Paneas area and Syrians made up the rest. It seems that he left Rome and arrived in his capital Caesarea (Paneas) the pagan population increased in Batanea as well, following (Ant. XVIII 238-239). In 39 CE Caligula transferred to Agrippa the Babylonian immigration. In spite of his Jewish religion, Antipas’ tetrarchy as well, which included the Galilee and the Philip allowed religious freedom throughout his domains. Peraia (Schwartz 1990:59-62; Kushnir-Stein 2003). In addition to the temple to Augustus at his capital – which In contrast to Philip, who ruled only over Northern also appears on his coins – temples were built in his days Transjordan, lived there and was active towards its also at el-Mushennef, el-Qanawat and es-Suweida in development, Agrippa I ruled over a far larger area with the Auranitis, at Sa˙r and Íur in Trachonitis and at ^Aqrabeh in inclusion of the Galilee and Peraia. His actions within his northern Batanea. The sanctuary at Si‘ was completed during kingdom, and especially in Northern Transjordan, are by his reign. and large unknown. Most of his interests lay in Judaea Almost as soon as he came to power, Philip founded his (Schwartz 1990:67-74), which was added to his kingdom capital at Paneas (Ant. XVIII 28; War II 168) and called it in 41 CE together with Samaria, after Claudius confirmed Caesara, and to distinguish it from other cities with the same his rule (Ant. XIX 274-275; War II 215). Agrippa returned name he added the epithet Philippi. The numismatic and to Judaea in 41 CE and spent his last years in Judaea and its epigraphic evidence suggests a founding date in 2 BCE capital, Jerusalem. Northern Transjordan remained a remote (Stein 1989; Di Segni 1997:17). region and does not appear to have received much attention In the Buteiha valley in lower Golan, Philip granted the from the king. Relatively few pieces of evidence have status of polis to Bethsaida and renamed it Iulias (Ant. XVIII survived in Auranitis from the days of Agrippa I. In an 28; War II 168). The city was apparently dedicated in 31/30 inscription found at el-Qanawat, King Agrippa (it is unclear CE (Kindler 1999:245-247). Excavations conducted in whether the first or the second) turns to the population to recent years on the summit of el-Tel revealed a settlement ask them to stop living in caves like animals and move to a stratum from the Hellenistic and early Roman periods. The sedentary life in real houses (Waddington 1870: No. 2329). stratum is characterized by houses with large courtyards This inscription is extremely fragmentary, but if its (Arav 1995). reconstruction is true, it can proves that the process of Philip died at Iulias in 33 CE (Kokkinos 1998:237) “and sedentarization had not yet been completed and there were when he was carried to that monument which he had already still nomads and inhabitants living in caves, just like the erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great inhabitants of Trachonitis. pomp” (Ant. XVIII 108). It is likely that Philip built his Agrippa I died in 44 CE, having ruled six years, the last tomb at Paneas, which was his capital and residence and three over his large kingdom (Josephus, War II 219). His where he built large and imposing public structures. Herod son, Agrippa II was too young at the time, so Claudius too, having died at Jericho, was brought to be buried in the annexed the kingdom to Syria. A Nabatean inscription found tomb he had prepared for himself at Herodium (Josephus, in Óebran and dated in the seventh year of Claudius (47/8 Ant. XVII 188; War I 673), so Philip’s body was apparently CE), marks the southern boundary of Roman rule in carried with great pomp from Iulias to Paneas and was buried Auranitis and is evidence of the interim period of direct there (Kokkinos 1998:238, n. 121). Roman rule from the death of Agrippa I to the accession of As Philip had no heirs, his tetrarchy was annexed to Syria Agrippa II (Sartre 1982a:50). (Ant. XVIII 108), but the emperor Tiberius meant this as a temporary annexation and ordered the tax revenues collected Agrippa II in the tetrarchy to be kept there and not transferred to the provincial capital. The system of training the Herodian rulers was renewed with the accession of young Agrippa II. In 48 CE he was Agrippa I given the rule of Chalkis (Josephus, Ant. XX 104; War II 104). Four years later, in 53 CE, Chalkis was taken away During the first century CE, Northern Transjordan served from him and he was given Philip’s tetrarchy, Lysanias’ as a training ground for the Herodian rulers. They received kingdom (Abila) and Varus’ tetrarchy (‘Arqa) (Ant. XX 138; at first small territories and their efficiency was monitored War II 247). In 61 CE Nero enlarged his kingdom further, by the Romans. If they were successful, their domains were and granted him Tiberias, Tarichaea and the Peraia (Ant. gradually enlarged (Dentzer 1986:393). XX 159; War II 252). The career of Agrippa II thus followed When Philip died, his nephew Agrippa lived in Rome. that of his father. The outbreak of the revolt interrupted the He lived there a licentious life and was close to Tiberius’ process of the enlargement of his kingdom, but his loyalty court, but towards the end of Tiberius’ life he was thrown in to Rome ensured his continued rule until his death. jail for half a year (Ant. XVIII 143-204). When Caligula Agrippa’s capital was at Paneas, which he enlarged and became emperor in 37 CE he freed his friend Agrippa and beautified (Josephus, War III 514). His rule is characterized gave him the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias (Abila) and by stability and prosperity in Northern Transjordan (Dentzer conferred on him the title of king (Ant. XVIII 235-237; War 1986:393; Sartre 1985:193), which led the nomads to take II 181; Philo, In Flaccum 25, 40). Agrippa did not hasten to up agriculture and settle down (Villeneuve1985:75), a 275  CHAPTER NINE process that continued throughout the first century CE Paneas, Jews in Gaulanitis and Batanea and Syrians in (Dentzer 1986:400). The excavations at Si‘ and Bostra Batanea, Trachonitis and Auranitis. The diversity of the emphasize the importance of the second half of the first population caused each group to react differently to the revolt century CE in the development of the area. This period of of the Jews against the Romans. Naturally, the Itureans and peace was an important one for the development of Syrians did not participate, but even among the Jews there agriculture and for the building of monuments (Dentzer were two groups with opposite orientation. The Jews of 1986:398; Dentzer-Feydy 1986:285), and it is in this period Batanea, led by the Babylonians, were settled in the region that Íur became a nucleus for settlement in Trachonitis with the help of Herod and enjoyed special privileges. It (Sartre 1985:193). seems that even after the revocation by Philip of the tax In Batanea the Babylonian settlements continued to exemptions granted by Herod these Jews had remained loyal prosper, but alongside the Jewish settlements a Syrian-pagan to the Herodians. They formed the nucleus of Agrippa’s army population settled as well. and led it. Thus, the Jews of Bashan not only avoided joining The rule of the house of Herod brought an accelerated the revolt, but were among the first forces to try and put it Hellenization of Auranitis, Trachonitis and Batanea. During down. In contrast, the Jews of Gaulanitis, descendants of the reign of Agrippa II the temple of Ba‘al-Shamin at Si‘ the settlers from the time of Alexander Jannaeus, did not was enlarged (Dentzer-Feydy 1986:270, 1991:46) and the receive any special support from Herod. These Jews were Si‘ 8 temple was built (Dentzer 1985:74-75, 82; Dentzer- no different in any respect from the Jews living in Galilee Feydy, Dentzer and Blanc 2003). Also in his time were built and were surely connected there also by marriage ties. They the temples at es-Suweida in Auranitis and at Íur in had no special affinity to the Herodians, and the same factors Trachonitis, as well as the ‘Nabatean’ gate at Si‘. These that caused the Galilean Jews to revolt against the Romans structures differ in their façades and their decorations from caused them to revolt too. It should not surprise therefore the Hauranitis tradition. Similar decorations have been that the inhabitants of Gaulanitis were the only ones in discovered on an inscription of Agrippa II, corroborating their Northern Transjordan to join the revolt. dating to the first century CE (Dentzer and Dentzer 1981:101). Gaulanitis was not involved in the very first moves of Another testimony for the influence of Agrippa in Hauran the revolt. Agrippa II apparently trusted the loyalty of the is the widespread distribution of the name. Of thirty population, and had sent 2000 horsemen from Batanea, led inscriptions from Syria containing the name Agrippa, by Darius, to strengthen the ‘peace party’ in Jerusalem. twenty-five are from the Hauran. It seems therefore that the Together with them went Philip son of Jacimus, the king’s local population was not indifferent to the king’s actions general (Josephus, War II 421). The army arrived from areas (Sartre 1985:201, n. 29). Inscriptions of Agrippa II have inhabited by Jewish military colonists and pagans, all loyal been found at el-Íanamein, Íur, el-Hayat, Si‘, es-Suweida to the king. It joined the fight against the rebels in Jerusalem and ‘Aqrabeh (Sartre 1982a:48; Kokkinos 1998:333). but was unsuccessful and retreated (War II 422-440). Agrippa’s army, as surely also that of his predecessors, The first phases of the revolt were accompanied by riots was built around the nucleus of the military colonists of and clashes between Jews and pagans. After the murder of Batanea. During the reign of Herod, when security was low, the Jews in Caesarea Maritima (War II 457) the Jews went the Babylonians stayed in the area and were exempt of on to retaliate. Bands of Jews attacked the villages of Syria military duty. During the reign of Agrippa things changed. and the Decapolis, including Hippos on the Golan (War II Philip son of Jacimus, inherited his father’s post as 458-459). As the Gaulanitis was inhabited primarily by Jews, commander of the cavalry of Batanea, and was also a loyal it seems that the villages hit were around its edges, perhaps friend of the king (Josephus, Ant. XVII 29-31; Cohen on the border with the territory of Hippos. As a reaction to 1972:9192; Shatzman 1991:179-180). The cumulative the Jewish attacks, Jews living in Hellenistic cities were experience of three generations taught the Babylonians the massacred. The citizens of Hippos and Gadara also killed special problems of the defense of the region. The military some of the Jews living in their cities, and arrested the colony was the power base of Agrippa and in spite of the remainder (War II 477-478). Some scholars believe that it taxation on the colony, it was able to supply cavalry for his is these actions that ended the Jewish population in the bodyguard (Gracey 1986:319). We hear about the cavalry territory of Hippos/Sussita (Ma‘oz 1986:82-83). during the Jewish War: Agrippa sent 2000 cavalry to Agrippa’s kingdom did not emerge unscathed either. Jerusalem, 2000 cavalry and 3000 foot archers to aid Cestius According to Josephus (War II 481483), a delegation came Gallus and 1000 cavalry and 2000 foot archers to join to the king from the colonists of Batanea to seek protection Vespasian’s army. This army’s main purpose however, was to in the event that the unrest should spread to their area. The keep internal security and protect the permanent settlements text is not clear about whom they were seeking protection from the nomads in eß-Íafa or within the kingdom. from: the many pagans in the region or contrary, from the rebellious Jews. It seems strange that the delegation from The Role of Northern Transjordan in the Jewish War Batanea should go to Paneas to seek military help, considering that the center of the military colony and The kingdom of Agrippa II in Northern Transjordan was an Agrippa’s horsemen were in their region. It may be that the intricate mosaic of peoples: Itureans in the territory of reason for this was the transport of the cavalry to Jerusalem, 276  THE HISTORY OF RAFID which left Batanea unprotected. In Josephus’ Vita (56-61) did not have sufficient troops at hand, he only threw a loose the narrative is more detailed. Varus, of the family of the siege around the town by placing units at strategic points Iturean king of ‘Arqa, was appointed by Agrippa to serve as (Life 114). Later, he tried to block the passage to Gamla and his caretaker at Paneas. Under the influence of the local Seleucia near Iulias, to prevent supplies from reaching those Syrians he attacked the Jewish population. According to Vita, towns from Galilee (Life 394-406). Varus himself solicited the Batanea delegation, scheming The Jews at Paneas did not fare much better. To prevent to attack the Babylonians in Ecbatana. According to this them from joining the revolt, they were locked in the city. version, the Babylonians had not intended to revolt and sent Answering their request, John of Gischala supplied them the requested delegation willingly. Having murdered the with kosher olive oil at an inflated price (War II 591-592; delegation, Varus intended to join forces with the Life 74-76). Josephus refers to him as a profiteer, but it seems ‘Trachonites from the Batanea’ and attack Ecbatana. This that John had used the revenues from this transaction to pay scheme was revealed to the inhabitants and they fled to for the expenses of the revolt and the fortification of Gamla, leaving all their possessions behind. Josephus does Gischala. not mention whether or not Varus carried out his plan to After capturing all of Galilee, Vespasian came to Paneas attack the Jews of Batanea. It is possible that Varus intended to rest his army on the request of Agrippa, who hoped to put to harm Philip’s men, because Philip was a threat to his down the revolt in Golan with the aid of the Romans (War position in the court of Agrippa (Mason 2001:54, n. 311). III 443-445). At this stage the struggle in Golan came to its The ‘Trachonites from the Batanea’ are reasonably the climax. Sogane and Seleucia surrendered to the Romans and descendants of the brigands of Trachonitis, who settled in Gamla remained alone in its resistance (War IV 2). After Batanea. These were undoubtedly no great admirers of the capturing Tiberias and Tarichaea, Vespasian marched his Herodians, and surely not of the Babylonians, who army, which included three legions, and besieged Gamla campaigned against their forefathers. The request for help (War IV 11-13). The siege and battles are described in detail on the part of the people of Bashan, described in War, may by Josephus (War IV 2-83); after two attempts of storming have been directed against them. the city, one of which failed, the city was captured and most As soon as Agrippa’s rule stabilized after deposing Varus of its inhabitants were killed either by the Romans or in the king proceeded to return the Babylonian refugees from their attempt to flee (Gutman 1994:67-75). Gamla to their homes in Batanea (Life 179-184). A few With the fall of Gamla, the revolt in the Golan was in stayed behind at Gamla, as “in a sedition they raised against fact suppressed. There is no information on further battles, the Babylonians, after the departure of Philip, slew Chares, because other communities that rebelled had surrendered who was a kinsman of Philip” (Life 177). These events already before the fall of Gamla. It seems that except for influenced the Jews of Batanea and some of them joined Gamla and its immediate vicinity, Golan did not suffer on the rebels (War II 520, III 541-542), but there is no evidence the hands of the Romans and remained a densely populated that the district as a whole participated in the revolt. Jewish district afterward. The Batanean cavalry that retreated from Jerusalem was After the siege of Jerusalem Titus came with his army to sent by Agrippa to aid Cestius Gallus’ army, in his quest to rest at Paneas and he “staid there a considerable time, and put down the revolt in Jerusalem (War II 500). It seems that exhibited all sorts of shows there. And here a great number in the battle that Gallus was defeated (War II 540-555) many of the captives were destroyed, some being thrown to wild of Agrippa’s contingent were killed as well, because a year beasts, and others in multitudes forced to kill one another, later, when Vespasian arrived in Galilee Agrippa sent him as if they were their enemies” (War VII 23-24). It may be only half the number of troops – 1000 cavalry and 2000 that this passage alludes to a theater that was at Paneas but infantry (War III 68). not yet discovered. The defeat of Cestius Gallus (War II 513-555) changed the attitude of the Jews of Gaulanitis to the revolt. Now Northern Transjordan After the Jewish War Josephus was made commander of Galilee and Gaulanitis (War II 571), and at Gamla Joseph, son of the female After the suppression of the revolt Agrippa continued his physician, recruited a group of young people who made the rule uninterrupted, but contrary to his father, he did not town rise up in revolt (Life 185). Together with Gamla receive any further additions to his kingdom and did not rebelled all the Gaulanitis, as far as Kefar Shalem (Solyma, rule over all of Judaea. There is precious little information Life 187), whose location is unknown. Three communities on the events of this period, but it seems that the effects of were fortified by Josephus: Gamla, Sogane and Seleucia the Jewish war on Northern Transjordan was marginal. The (War II 574; Life 186-187). At Gamla, the initiative was only district to participate in the revolt was Gaulanitis and that of the inhabitants and Josephus only aided them (Life within it the only town to be captured was Gamla. Other 186). communities were not affected (Ben-David 1999). During the early stages of the revolt, before the arrival of Agrippa lived for thirty years after the revolt. Scholars Vespasian to Galilee, Agrippa tried to handle the crisis in have been divided as to his exact year of death, but lately it the Golan by himself. Initially he tried to capture Gamla has been accepted that he died in 100 CE (Kokkinos with the aid of Aequus Modius, Varus’ successor. But as he 1998:396-400). Agrippa II was one of the last vassal kings 277  CHAPTER NINE of Rome. Already under Vespasian Emesa and Commagene treating Gaulanitis differently, but we can presume that the were transferred under direct Roman rule, and the small reason was the predominantly Jewish character of this tetrarchies of southern Syria vanished under Trajan. The district. This character, coupled with the rebellious local rulers served as mediators between imperial power tendencies of the Gaulanitis, made it easier to rule as part of and the local population and at this stage their role was not Judaea, where most Palestinian Jewry lived. The Jewish necessary any more (Rey-Coquais 1989:52). A few years minorities in the other districts of Northern Transjordan were later, in 106 CE, the process was complete with the mostly loyal to Rome. The Jewish communities of Batanea annexation of the Nabatean kingdom and the establishment eventually became a Jewish enclave in a pagan country, as of the provincia Arabia. shown also by the Varus affair. The Babylonians were loyal With the end of Agrippa’s rule in Northern Transjordan, to the house of Herod and to the Romans and there was no whether on his death or a few years earlier, Herodian rule problem in annexing them to Syria. over the region came to an end. The Romans did not pass Following the separation of Gaulanitis from the other down the region to his heirs and it came under direct Roman districts, the boundary between Gaulanitis and Paneas that rule. After over a hundred years of being a single political had been an internal boundary in Agrippa’s kingdom, unit, Northern Transjordan was now divided between two became a provincial boundary. This transformation sheds provinces. Auranitis, Trachonitis, Batanea and the territory light on the Romans’ considerations in fixing their provincial of Paneas were annexed to Syria, while Gaulanitis, Galilee boundaries. In this case it is clear that they related to the and the Peraia to Judaea (Map 6). demographic situation even in a small district such as the Why did Gaulanitis fare differently from the neighboring Golan. This is not to say that these considerations were districts? Why was it not annexed to Syria as well? There always dominant, but it seems that the determination of the are no extant sources to assert the Roman’s reasons for provincial boundaries was not arbitrary. The new boundary Map 6. Northern Transjordan in the 2nd c. CE. 278  THE HISTORY OF RAFID between the provinces of Judaea and Syria was the boundary encouraged outside enemies to invade the empire, between the Jewish dominated Gaulanitis and the Iturean devastating the economy. The upkeep of the large army was territory of Paneas. This move had consequences that a huge economic burden and consequently the tax load affected the history of the region in the following centuries. increased. The desperate need for money caused a sharp The case of Gaulanitis, which in the first century was part decrease in the silver content of the coins and rampant of a large unit and was detached from it at the end of the inflation. A by-product of inflation was the increase in payment century, allows us to follow the cultural changes that resulted in kind, taxes were paid in labor and products. The tax burden in this detachment. What began as a political division became and conscriptions caused many farmers to leave their land and in time a barrier that created different material cultures move to the cities, thus worsening the situation in the cities (Hartal 2005:271-274; Forthcoming). themselves. Many lost their land ownership and became tenant farmers on their own land. These troubles were accompanied Northern Transjordan in the Late Roman Period by banditry and natural disasters, droughts and epidemics that decimated the population and further increased the burden on Roman Rule in the Second and Third Centuries CE those who remained. City building stopped and the existing ones were surrounded by walls for protection (Levine In the second century the Roman empire knew peace and 1982:120-122; Avi-Yonah 1984:74-97; Herr 1985:38-43; Rey- stability, which brought prosperity to Northern Transjordan Coquais 1989:57-61; Bar 2001:144-145). (Sartre 1991b:31). The region remained untouched by the The economic crisis did not affect all parts of the empire, events in Palestine, chief among them being the Bar-Kokhba or even neighboring districts, to the same extent (Bar 2001). revolt (132-135 CE). The empire was ruled close to a It is difficult to know how the crisis affected Northern hundred years (96-192 CE) by the Antonines. The reigns of Transjordan. On the one hand, some regions appear to have Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius been little affected. The Northern Golan Survey for example, (96-180 CE) was characterized by a stable regime that was showed that in the Late Roman period there was a record occupied with constant amendments and improvements to number of settlements (Hartal 1989:130-132). justice and public service and acted for the welfare of the The economic crisis may have been one reason for the provinces. During the reign of Commodus (180-192 CE) abandonment of the Jewish communities in the territory of the order in the empire was weakened and it came to near Hippos, but it seems to be the end of a process that began anarchy and bankruptcy. Prosperity ended (Herr 1985:18- with the damages caused to these communities at the 19) and the third century was characterized by internal beginning of the Great Revolt. During the mid-second to uprisings and external invasions. Following the murder of the mid-third centuries CE, twelve settlements in central Commodus a civil war erupted, which lasted four years. Golan were abandoned and three were founded (Ben-David Septimius Severus took the reigns of government after 1999:241). It is tempting to attribute the abandonment to defeating Pescennius Niger, Syria’s governor, and founded the economic crisis and the founding of new settlements to the Severan dynasty. To prevent provincial governors from the stabilization that occurred in the early fourth century, attaining too much power, as was the case with Niger, but this cannot be proven unequivocally. Severus split some provinces, including Syria (see below). It seems that Auranitis enjoyed prosperity at this time, at He placed capable governors in the provinces and saw to least in the reign of Philip the Arab, who turned his birth their welfare. In spite of the Parthian invasion of Syria in village into a city and invested large sums in its 162 and the struggle between Severus and Niger, Syria beautification. But even here there are signs of the crisis. enjoyed prosperity until the third century. Severus’ heir Towards the end of the third century there was an all-out Caracalla, known for his cruelty, relied on the army, raised its destruction and abandonment of the settlements of Auranitis, pay and so the treasury dwindled. During the reign of his yet in the fourth century a new period of prosperity began successors Macrinus and Elagabalus the situation even (Villeneuve 1991:42). worsened. Alexander Severus’ attempt to restore civil administration failed because his murder in 235 CE (Rey- The Changes in the Provincial Boundaries in the Second Coquais 1978:55-56; Herr 1985:23-26). and Third Centuries CE Following Severus’ murder a period of anarchy followed, which lasted some fifty years (235-284 CE). Emperors The territories that were in the kingdom of Agrippa II were changed in quick succession and most did not die a natural not immediately integrated in the imperial administration. death. Among the many, we should mention Philip the Arab, At many sites the inscriptions are dated according to the a native of Hauran, who seized control in 244 CE and turned regnal years of the emperors, a fact that led Rey-Cocquais his village Shahba into a Roman city – Philippopolis (Map (1989:52-53) to conclude that the entire territory was an 7; Rey-Coquais 1989:58). Philip did not last long either, imperial estate. and was murdered in a mutiny of the army in 249 CE. In the early second century CE the process of annexation Military discipline deteriorated and the army was loyal to of all vassal kingdoms was complete. In 106 CE the last its commanders rather than to the emperor, time and again Nabatean king, Rabbel II died, and his kingdom was annexed trying to raise them to the purple. This state of chaos without resistance to the Roman empire by Trajan and 279  CHAPTER NINE became the provincia Arabia (Cassius Dio, Historia Romana border did not change throughout most of the second century lxviii, 14). This province extended from southern Hauran (Sartre 1982b:17, 50-54; Dentzer 1986:395, n. 31). to Sinai and northern Hejaz. Its capital was fixed in Bostra, A change in the structure of the provinces occurred at which had been Rabbel’s capital, and which became the seat the end of that century. After his victory over Pescennius of the provincial governor and the Third Legion (Cyrenaica) Niger, the governor of the province of Syria (195 CE), under his command (Peters 1978:318; Bowersock 1983:79- Septimius Severus divided the province into two: Syria- 83; Starcky 1985:171-172; Rey-Coquais 1989:53; Sartre Coele in the north and Syria-Phoenice in the south. 1991b:31; Millar 1994:92-99). The most important source for the borders of the Roman After the creation of provincia Arabia and the annexation provinces in the second century is the geographical guide of Agrippa’s kingdom, Northern Transjordan was divided of Claudius Ptolemaeus, Geographica. This is a guide for among three provinces (Map 7). The territory of Hippos the preparation of maps that includes precise location in and Gaulanitis were annexed to Judaea, whose name was degrees of longitude and latitude of the various provinces changed to Palaestina following the suppression of the Bar- and their capitals (Tsafrir 1984:354). The guide was written Kokhba revolt in 135 CE. The territory of Paneas, Batanea, in the mid-second century CE and is the first known Trachonitis and Auranitis were included during the second appearance of the provinces Syria-Coele, Syria-Phoenice, century CE in Syria. Palaestina and Arabia. Although Ptolemaeus’ information It appears that at the time of its creation, the northern border was sometimes inconsistent (the towns of Arabia are of Arabia was placed along the course of the old boundary included in five different chapters and he uses the between the Nabatean kingdom and the Herodian domains, anachronistic names Decapolis and Coele-Syria), this is the i.e. north of Der‘a (Adraa), Bostra and Íalkhad (Map 6). This earliest evidence for the administrative status after the Map 7. Northern Transjordan in the 3rd c. CE. 280  THE HISTORY OF RAFID annexation of Agrippa’s kingdom and that of the Nabateans. alternative but to assume that Eusebius’ information was In Northern Transjordan Ptolemaeus counts Caesarea-Paneas incorrect. in Syria-Phoenice and Hippos in the Decapolis which is in Coele-Syria. Hippos was in fact in Palaestina, as shown by Boundary Stones from the Tetrarchy an inscription found at Fiq. Iulias appears alongside the towns of Galilee in Palaestina and Gaulanitis seems to have At ‘Esheh, about two km northwest of Rafid, a boundary been included in it as well (Sartre 1982b; Tsafrir 1984:355- stone was found, which, according to Urman is from Rafid. 357; Ma‘oz 1986:53-54). This stone is helpful in reconstructing the provincial At the end of the second and beginning of the third century boundaries nearby. Because of the importance of this find CE the boundaries of Arabia changed, and annexed to it for the understanding of Rafid’s position in this period, I were Auranitis, Btanean and Trachonitis that were separated shall elaborate below on the boundary stones and their from Syria-Phoenice (Map 7; Sartre 1982b:54-62). At the contribution to the reconstruction of the provincial end of the process, most of Northern Transjordan was boundaries. included in Arabia, which now reached north to the territory Following the economic crisis of the third century, of Damascus. Only the western part, the territory of Hippos emperor Diocletian, who rose to power in 284 CE, succeeded and Gaulanitis remained in Palaestina, while the northwestern in stabilizing the empire and created a new form of area, the territory of Paneas, remained in Syria-Phoenice. government – the tetrarchy. At the head of the central government stood four leaders, responsible for the defense Eusebius as a Source for the Administrative Division of of the empire and government. There were two augusti: Northern Transjordan Diocletian and Maximian and two caesares: Constantius and Galerius. Diocletian drastically reformed the administration: Eusebius’ Onomastikon was written towards the end of the he re-divided the provinces and changed their boundaries, reign of Diocletian, possibly in 293 CE, that is, before the he separated civil from military administration, he changed Christianization of Palestine (Isaac 1996:155). Its purpose the status of the provincial governors – who were no longer was identifying and explaining the place names mentioned the commanders of the legions stationed in the province – in the scriptures. Though it does not include all the and initiated a more active and positive attitude of the settlements of his day, but only those identified with places administration (Cameron 1993:36-38; Millar 1994:174-175, from the scriptures, it is still a major source of information 190-195). on contemporaneous geography (Tsafrir 1984:361, n. 24). One of the more important actions of Diocletian was a The Onomsatikon reflects also the changes in the provincial tax reform, initiated in 297 CE and extant in an edict found borders in Northern Transjordan (Ma‘oz 1986:55). in Egypt (Ibid.:193-194). Its purpose was to soil tax in a According to Eusebius, Batanea, Auranitis and more efficient way, and the basic requirement for this is Trachonitis were included in Arabia. In Phoenice he unequivocal information about land ownership and explicitly includes only Damascus, but Paneas, Hermon and boundaries between adjacent owners and communities. Dan were included in it too. The territory of Hippos, Thus, inseparable from the reform was a re-mapping of the including Apheka, was in Palaestina, and it also included boundaries between communities and their marking with Gergesa (Kursi), Bethsaida and the Decapolis (Ibid.:55-56). boundary stones (Tate 1989:101; Millar 1994:194-195; Di Despite the large quantity of information provided by Segni 1997:159-160). This mapping was apparently carried Eusebius, it seems that he was not well acquainted with out all over the empire, but boundary stones have been found Northern Transjordan (on Eusebius’ sources and their only in the limestone massif of Syria, in the region of limitations, see Isaac 1996). This is especially noticeable in Damascus, in Bashan and Hauran, in the Hula valley and the description of Trachonitis which is always made in northern Golan, and in southern Golan. For details of boundary connection with Bostra, though the two are separated by stones in Northern Transjordan see Map 8 (Aharoni 1955:109- some 30 km (Map 7). The influence of the Biblical or 112; 1959; 1961; Sartre 1982a:66-67; 1992; Millar 1994:536- evangelical text is apparent in the place descriptions. Luke 544; Gregg and Urman 1996:13-15, 41-42, 252-253, 285-286; (3:1) describes Philip as “tetrarch of Ituraea and of the region Di Segni 1997: 148-150, 158-170, 184-187; 284-285, 288- of Trachonitis”, so Eusebius identified Trachonitis with 290; SEG 45:581-584; Hartal 2005:421-427). Iturea, though this name is not likely to have been current The boundary stones differ in their shape and size, and it in his days (Hartal 2005:418-421). It seems that the appears that no great effort was invested in their cutting and identification of Golan as a village in Batanea, which gave the execution of the letters. They can be elongated natural its name to the district, was also influenced by the Biblical stones or building blocks in secondary use. It may be that passage referring to “Golan in Bashan” (e.g. Joshua 21:27). the instructions for their placing were given by the censitores As we shall see, in the sixth century Golan district (clima after the measurement, and were carried out, partly or wholly, Gaulames) was part of Palaestina secunda, while Batanea by the local community and especially in places were there was part of Arabia. Considering that there is no other source was a need for several stones because of lack of natural that mentions “Golan in Batanea”, and that all extant sources features (Di Segni 1997:186). The inscriptions vary, but can mention Golan in the central Golan Heights, there is no be easily grouped in two: a full and an abbreviated version. 281  CHAPTER NINE As an example of the full version I bring a stone found east distribution of stones bearing his name leaves no doubt that of Quneitra (Di Segni 1997:158-159, No. 17): Statutus worked in Syria-Phoenice and future findings of “Diocletianus and Maximianus, the augusti, and such stones bearing his name can be used as evidence of the Constantius and Maximianus, the caesares, order (this) stone findspot being in that province. Accordingly, the stone from to be set up, marking the boundary of the fields of the villages ‘Esheh is adduced as evidence for asserting that Syria- of Sarisa and Berenice, under the supervision of Aelius Phoenice extended to Mt. Peres. Statutus, vir perfectissimus”. The boundary stones were erected to mark the agricultural The inscription contains three elements: the first specifies lands of the villages. It seems that the full inscriptions were the names of the four tetrarchs; the second specifies that the erected near roads, where they would be seen and they could stone marks the boundary between two villages and the third convey the information about the current ruler (Millar informs that the action was carried out under the supervision 1994:196). In more remote places, the short versions were of Aelius Statutus, on whom I will elaborate below. deemed sufficient. It is reasonable to assume that thousands The abbreviated version contains only the second part, of such stones were erected, but so far less than 50 have e.g. a stone found north of Quneitra (Hartal 1993; Di Segni been found. This could be explained by that they were not 1997:169-170, No. 18): placed within the villages proper, and because they are not “Stone marking the boundary (of the fields of the villages) much different from ordinary field stones, they are not of Achana and Sarisa”. prominent in the landscape and are difficult to spot (Aharoni The first part allows dating the inscriptions securely to 1955:114; Millar 1994:356). the period of the tetrarchy, in 293-305 CE (Ibid.:160). The Boundary stones were found in four provinces: Syria- two other parts however, are more important. The middle Coele, Syria-Phoenicia, Arabia and Palaestina (Map 8). Their part provides information on the names of the communities, distribution is not even, and the difficulty in their but also on the method of tax collecting. The stones were identification prevents concluding whether their absence usually placed on the boundary between the lands of two signals that no land-mapping was carried out or that they adjacent villages, and sometimes on that of estates or towns; simply were not found. While they were not meant to mark they do not mark individual plots (Ibid.:160). The importance the provincial borders, and were found at sites far removed of the village boundary was that the village was communally from the borders, the names of the censitors on them allow responsible for its land taxes. It is not clear whether or not assigning the sites to the provinces and help delineate their villages that were in urban territory paid taxes through the borders. arbitration of the city, but the long list of villages based on Nearly half of the boundary stones of Northern the boundary stones shows their importance in the economic Transjordan were found in the district of Paneas, that is system (Millar 1994:196). northern Golan and the Hula valley. They were found near The last part of the inscription mentions the censitor, fertile lands at the edges of the Hula valley, the Buq‘ata and appearing in the Greek inscriptions as khnsivtoro", the Quneitra valleys and near Mt. Peres. They were not found person responsible for the surveying. The censitors were in rocky terrain, where arable land is scarce; it seems that in district officials in charge of tax collecting (Aharoni 1955:114; these terrains the land divisions were clear and there was no Herr 1985:53; Di Segni 1997:160). On the boundary stones need for imperial measurements. A similar picture obtains found in Northern Transjordan and Damascus four censitors, from the districts of Hippos and Batanea. Within Gaulanitis or pairs of censitors, are mentioned: only a single stone was found, at A˙madiyye, close to the 1. Lucius and Akakius (Loukivo" kaiv Akakivo") are mentioned boundary of the Paneas district (Ma‘oz 1986:175; Gregg on five boundary stones: at Juneyneh in Ard el-Batanea, and Urman 1996:91, No. 92). It may be that this lack of stones Mlei˙at el-‘Atash and Mlei˙at Sharqiyyeh in the Bostra plain, is connected with the nature of the soil – small plots whose Inkhil and ‘Aqrabeh in northern Bashan (Sartre 1992:121). assignment to villages was straightforward, as in the rocky 2. Marius Felix (Marivo" Fhvliko") is mentioned on two lands of northern Golan (see also Ben-Efraim 2003:16-19). stones from northern Bashan: at Ghabaghib north of Baßir and at Namar, south of ‘Aqrabeh. The Boundary Stone from ‘Esheh 3. Aelius Statutus (Aivlivo" Statouvto") is mentioned on ten stones from the northern Hula valley, northern Golan and The extended discussion on boundary stones was presented the Damascus area. because of the one found at ‘Esheh, ca. 2 km northwest of 4. D… and Agelippus (D. FLUOU kev Agelivpo") appear Rafid (No. 19 on Map 8; Di Segni 1997: No. 26; Ben-Efraim on a boundary stone from Kefar Óaruv, in southern Golan. 2003). This boundary stone is important because of three Aelius Statutus appears on stones both in the Damascus area reasons: and in northern Golan and the Hula valley. These areas were 1. It is the only one explicitly identifying Aelius Statutus as in the province of Syria-Phoenice and therefore he must be a censitor (see above). connected with this province. The boundary stone found at 2. In contrast to other inscriptions, which mention two ‘Esheh, about 2 km northwest of Rafid explicitly calls him villages, this one mentions only one: Agrippina diashm(otavtou) khnsivt(oro"), proving that he was a (Agrippivnh"), though later, in a different script, were added censitor (Di Segni 1997:184–186). In any case, the the fields of Rhadanes (Radavno[u ?]). All the stones erected 282  THE HISTORY OF RAFID Full version - Aelius Statutus Damascus 20 Short version 21 Full version - Lucius and Akakius Mt. Hermon 22 Full version - Marius Felix Full version - without name of censitor Full name - in Palaestina 2 1 Phoenice 3 4 5 Paneas 6 14 7 8 9 10 15 23 16 12 11 24 13 17 26 28 25 29 27 35 Batanea Trachonitis 18 19 Mt. Peres Rafid Ard Gaulanitis Nawa Arabia el-Batanea 30 Palaestina 32 31 36 37 39 38 esh-Sheikh Meskin 33 Aauranitis s 40 po 34 ip es-Suweida H © Moshe Hartal Map 8. Diocletian’s Boundary Stones. by Aelius Statutus belong in Syria-Phoenice and this stone mentioned in the list of fire signal stations which helped appears to have been erected at the southern boundary of communicate the arrival of the new moon to the Jewry of the province, as it mentions only one village. This Babylonia (Mishna Rosh-Hashana 2:4; BT Rosh-Hashana assumption is corroborated by the ceramic material found 22, 2; Di Segni 1997:186-187; Ben-Efraim 2003). Mt. Peres, at ‘Esheh and north of it, which is similar in composition to west of the site, is eminently suitable for such a signal station. that found in the Paneas district, but different from The importance of the inscription from ‘Esheh did not neighboring sites to the south, and especially Bu†miyye, escape the late Dan Urman. He suggested identifying where the material is similar to that found at sites in Agrippina in Rafid, and planned to write a chapter on this Gaulanitis (Hartal 2005:281-284). Thus, the stone is issue for the present volume, a plan prevented by his evidence that Rafid was close to the border of the provinces untimely death. If we accept this identification, then Rafid of Syria-Phoenice and Palaestina and apparently very close is in Phoenice. If we identify Agrippina at ‘Esheh, where to the border of Arabia (Map 8). the stone was found, then Rafid belongs in either Palaestina 3. The name Agrippina reminds strongly of Grofina, or Arabia. 283  CHAPTER NINE The Rural Settlement Transjordan was small (Map 7): in the west were Paneas and Hippos, both having existed already in the first century, In the second century CE there was considerable both having large territories. Paneas, the capital of entire development in Northern Transjordan because of the peace Northern Transjordan in the first century CE, remained now in Syria (Sartre 1991b:31). The population had settled in the capital of only the Paneas district. This change did not, permanent settlements and the tribal order broke (Jones however, impact its wealth or splendor, and in the second 1931:269-270; Altheim and Stiehl 1964:352-353). and early third centuries CE temples were still being built In this period information on villages is more abundant in the scared precinct of Pan (Ma‘oz 1993a). Iulias-Bethsaida in Auranitis, Batanea and Trachonitis, where extant lost its fame and practically disappeared from the sources. inscriptions tell about the administration and the population. In southern Bashan there were two cities: Bostra and Adraa. Gaulanitis too had a network of villages (Millar 1994:422), Bostra was the capital of the provincia Arabia and thus had and it stands to reason that the administration was similar to a relatively large territory, as evidenced by inscriptions found that in Hauran. According to the inscriptions and the as much as 30 km distant from it. The terrain south of it was architectural remains, the village communities were desert, so it seems that its territory extended to the north landowner farmers with no great difference in wealth among and east, in lands previously held by Agrippa II. Several them, who largely lived in extended family units with a house cities were founded in Hauran. At el-Qanawat there was a to each family (Villeneuve 1991; Graf 1997:453). The city identified with Canatha of the Decapolis, but was villages enjoyed a great degree of self-rule, almost that of founded as a village not earlier than the last third of the first cities. They had a council to endorse laws, a common century CE and it is unclear when it received a city status treasury, common land and public buildings (Jones (Hartal 2005:382-383, 407). At es-Suweida a city was 1931:270). founded in the days of Commodus (180-185 CE), dedicated The veterans of the Roman army who returned to their to the god Dushara, or its Greek counterpart Dionysus, and villages after 20-25 years of service, used their discharge called accordingly Dionysias. The emperor Philip the Arab grants to buy land and settle down. They built themselves granted his birthplace, the village Shahbah a city status in houses and imposing tombs, and did not hesitate to 244 CE and named it Philippopolis. At the end of the third generously contribute to temples and the erection of public century Maximianopolis was founded at Shaqqa. At the structures. Veterans and their heirs took high ranks in local northern edge of the Leja, at Mismiyeh there was a city called society and filled positions as judges and so on (Ibid.:269- Phaina, mentioned in the Byzantine period in the lists of 270; Sartre 1991b:31-32). Heraclius and Gregorius. Naveh (Nawa in Bashan) is also The village economy was based on crops, according to mentioned in Gregorius’ list, but it is not known when these its geographic situation. In Golan the main produce was the two cities received their status (Jones 1931:273-275; Sartre olive, followed by vines (Ben-David 1998), legumes and 1991b:32; Millar 1994:422). cereals. In Bashan mainly cereals were grown and in Hauran The cities were beautified with a host of imposing public mostly vines. The grapes were used for the production of buildings: temples, theaters, odeons, baths, gates, arches, wine as well as raisins. Wine was the Hauran’s greatest tetrapyla, nymphaea, monuments etc. The architectural contribution to ancient trade. In contrast, no olives were styles and decorations were influenced by Roman art, instead grown there and olive oil was imported from other regions, of the traditional local art that characterized the pre- such as Golan. Large scale animal husbandry is proven from provincial period (Dentzer-Feydy 1986:286). Hellenization the feeding troughs found in many houses (Villeneuve spread rapidly. The local inhabitants, especially the well- 1991:41-42, 1997:35). to-do and those – such as veterans – who had tasted Roman The villages underwent a process of Hellenization. In culture in their voyages, adopted Hellenistic ways, such as almost all villages inscriptions in Greek were found (Sartre theater-going and frequenting the baths and gymnasia. But 1991a:35), but the irregular use of the language indicates most of the population remained loyal to the Aramaic and that this was a spoken language (Millar 1994:399); village Arab traditions in keeping the local names and continued life was conducted in Greek. By the beginning of the fourth worshipping the local gods in the ancient traditions. century CE official use of Semitic languages had disappeared Hellenization was only skin deep (Sartre 1985:201-202; completely, to be replaced by Greek (Ibid.:422-423), but it 1991a:32). seems that in the villages the colloquial use of the Semitic It seems that Rafid too enjoyed the prosperity of the Late languages continued. Roman period. In this period the village seems to have been relatively wealthy, as evidenced by the houses, built in the Urbanization Hauran architectural style. It may be that the few buildings constructed of ashlars found at the site were built in this The second century brought a process of urbanization to period. the Hauran (Ibid.:421-422). The number of cities in Northern 284  THE HISTORY OF RAFID Northern Transjordan in the Byzantine Period The Jewish Settlement The Provinces in Northern Transjordan in the Fifth and In the Byzantine period, the Jewish settlement on the Golan Sixth Centuries CE flourished. In at least 25 sites remains of synagogues were discovered, dating to the fifth and sixth centuries CE. This In the last years of the 4th century or the very first of the 5th subject has been studied and published in depth, beginning century, by imperial edict, Palaestina was divided into three with the early researches of Oliphant (1885, 1886) and provinces. Palaestina secunda extended over the Jezre’el Schumacher (1888), to the in-depth studies by Ma‘oz (1981, valley and Galilee west of the Jordan and Golan and Pella 1995), Urman (1995), Ilan (1991) and Ben David (1999), east of it (Tsafrir 1984:372). Phoenicia too was divided in so I shall add only a few remarks. two: Phoenice Paralios and Phoenice Libanensis. This The Jews lived in villages, without an urban center. The information on the administrative divisions is gained mainly villages were small, probably because of the small springs from two lists: one of Hierocles, dated in the first half of the by which they were built, but the economic condition of the sixth century CE and the other that of Georgius Cyprus inhabitants was good. This is testified to by the scores of (Ibid.:372). synagogues built in these villages. These were discovered The capital of Phoenice Paralios was Tyre, and it included at sites in the western part of the Golan and not all over the also Sidon, Berytus, Byblus, ‘Akko-Ptolemais and Paneas area of Golan district. It seems that during the Late Roman (Hierocles, Synecdemus 715, 7-716, 9; Georgius Cyprus, period some of the communities in the eastern reaches of Descriptio Orbis Romani 967-983). The capital of Phoenice Golan district became Christian (Ben-David 1999:294-295). Libanensis was Emesa (modern Óoms) and included Urman (1995:383-384) dated the construction of the Heliopolis, Abila, Damascus and Palmyra (Hieroclis, synagogues to the second-third centuries CE, while Ma‘oz Synecdemus 717, 1-7; Georgius Cyprus, Descriptio Orbis (1995:349-351) to the years 451-527 CE. Ben David Romani 984-996). According to these data, Phoenice (1999:247, 303) showed that at all 15 sites within his survey Paralios extended along the Phoenician coast, in the area (Lower Golan) that had existed in the Middle and/or mountains of Lebanon and extended east to Paneas. Late Roman periods and which disappeared before 350 CE Phoenice Libanensis included the Beqa‘a valley, the anti- there were no synagogues. In contrast, except at three sites Lebanon mountains, the Damascus basin and Palmyra. It that contained Christian remains, all 25 sites that were seems that the relations of Paneas with Galilee and the inhabited from 350 CE and later contained synagogues or Phoenician coast were responsible for its inclusion in architectural elements belonging to synagogues. Ben David’s Phoenice Paralios (Map 9). findings corroborate the views of Ma‘oz, contra Urman, The capital of Provincia Arabia was Bostra and the that the Jewish settlement in the Golan flourished in the province extended over northern and central Transjordan. fifth and sixth centuries CE. Most of the communities, and probably most of the unidentified villages were in Batanea, Auranitis and The Spread of Christianity Trachonitis (Tsafrir 1984:378-380). In Northern Transjordan were included Adraa, Dium, Nilecome, Naveh, Christianity penetrated into Northern Transjordan relatively Philippopolis, Phaina, Constantia, Dionysias, Canatha and early, but the pace at which it spread varied from district to many villages (Hieroclis, Synecdemus 721, 12-723, 5; district. In pagan Auranitis, Christianity was evident already Georgius Cyprus, Descriptio Orbis Romani 1058-1092). in the second or third century CE, but bishops are first In Palaestina Secunda were included from Northern documented only in 325 CE, at Dionysias (es-Suweida) and Transjordan Hippos-Sussita, Clima Gaulames (Hieroclis, Maximianopolis (Shaqqa), and slightly later at Canatha (el- Synecdemus 719, 12-720, 11; Georgius Cyprus, Descriptio Qanawat) and Philippopolis (Shahba). Just as elsewhere, Orbis Romani 1028-1041). The territory of Hippos appears the population was at first mainly pagan, but by the fifth as part of Palaestina already in Eusebius’ Onomastikon. century there was hardly a village without a church. Most Clima Gaulames is apparently the name of Golan district in churches were dedicated to the saints popular with the Arabs the Byzantine period (Tsafrir 1984:376; Ma‘oz 1986:56, 64; (Sartre 1991b:33; Sodini 1991). Di Segni 1997:184, n. 3). The existence of Golan district in Christianity penetrated the Golan Heights too. The district the sixth century CE implies the continuation of this of Hippos, pagan to begin with, gradually embraced administrative unit through the Late Roman period. Eusebius Christianity. Just as elsewhere, it seems that Christian mentions this district as being in Bashan. Since it is not communities were first established in the Hellenistic cities, reasonable that the name of the district wandered from the and only later, in the fifth and sixth centuries in the rural Golan to Bashan and back, it may be that Eusebius was areas (Geiger 1982; Rubin 1982). At Hippos-Sussita four influenced by the biblical description ‘Golan in Bashan’ and churches were found (Epstein 1993). The cathedral that in his days a Golan district existed in central Golan (see (excavated) was built in the late sixth century. Two other above). Ma‘oz (1986:57) saw in the seeming disappearance churches were lately excavated (Segal et al. 2004:51-69). of ‘Golan district’ evidence of a settlement gap in the Golan, At Khispin two churches were excavated, one built in the but such a gap probably never existed. late fifth and the second in the early sixth century CE 285  CHAPTER NINE on Damascus rm Phoenice t. He Damascus M Paralias Phoenice Paneas Libanesis el-Naqara Ra‘abane Bab el-Hawa Phine Paneas Kafr Nafakh Mumsiyye Dier Saras Jueizeh Na‘ran er-Rumthaniyeh ‘Ein Semsem Farj Rafid el-Hayat Clima Trachonitis Gaulames Maximianopolis Naveh Khisfin Kafr el-Ma Batanaea Philippopolis Tiberias Duwer os Hippos el-Loz ipp Arabia Canatha H Dium ‘Ayun Auranitis Gadara Adraa Dionysias Palaestina Bostra Secunda 0 5 10 15 20 Km Map. 9. Northern transjordan in the 5th c. CE. (Tzaferis and Bar-Lev 1976; Ma‘oz 1993e). A third church fell from its glory in the fifth century, before it became was identified in a survey east of the site (Y. Ben Efraim, Christian. It seems that Christianity was slow to penetrate pers. comm.). Remains of a church were found also at Duwe\r the Paneas area too. On Mt. Hermon no Christian remains el-Lo\z in the Nahr el-Ruqqad (Ma‘oz 1993d:539). Crosses were found at all, perhaps because in the Byzantine period found at other sites in southern Golan, such as Fiq, Kafr it was sparsely inhabited. From Qunei†ra and southward there Harib, ‘Ayun, Kafr el-Ma and others, clearly indicate that is evidence of Christian sites. It is possible that this area during the Byzantine period Christianity penetrated the rural was inhabited by a community of Judeo-Christians, attested areas and replaced paganism. by lintels carrying decorations combining the menorah with Golan district was inhabited mostly by Jews and crosses (Dauphin 1982, 1984, 1993; Ma‘oz 1985:63-65). Christianity had little effect there. Christian sites, mainly In this area many tombstones were found, carrying Greek monasteries, were found in the vicinity of Gamla, probably inscriptions, practically all of Christians (Gregg and Urman on land that had been confiscated after the Jewish War (Ben- 1996). North of Quneitra hardly any crosses or tombstones David 1999:235-237). At Deir Qaru˙ a sixth century were found. Christian faith penetrated this area only in the monastery was excavated (Ma‘oz 1993b). Christian remains sixth century, following a decline in settlement density (see were found in eastern Golan and near its northern boundary, below), probably brought by the Ghassanids, who settled at Na‘ran, Deir Saras, and ‘Ein Semsem. These settlements also in the southern area of the district of Paneas. seem to represent the southern edge of the Christian communities of the district of Paneas. The Decline in Security in Northern Golan Of Christian Paneas only one structure survived – a basilica identified as a fourth century CE church (Tzaferis In the Northern Golan survey, a decline in the number of 1998:13-14). No crosses or religious inscriptions were found settlements in the Byzantine period was noted. From 69 sites in the building, and this should not surprise, because Paneas in the Late Roman period the number went down to only 40 286  THE HISTORY OF RAFID (Hartal 1989:132). This situation is dramatically different the Byzantine army mounted cavalry units. Their leaders from other regions of Palestine, where in the Byzantine were philarchoi. The Ghassanids contributed many units to period there was a record number of settlements (Tsafrir the Byzantine army during the wars against the Sassanid 1977, 1996; Broshi 1979). In central Golan this was a period Persians and during the war against the Lakhmides, who of prosperity for the Jewish settlement, and southern Golan sided with the Persians and also controlled the desert was also densely inhabited (Ma‘oz 1993d). The Late Roman nomads. The most important Ghassanid leader was el-Óarith villas around Paneas, whose inhabitants enjoyed life close Ben Jabala, who in 531 CE received the title philarch of all to nature while receiving services from the nearby city, Arabs in the Byzantine empire (Tate 1989:110-111; Sartre disappeared in the Byzantine period. In this period a fortress 1991b:34; Foss 1997:250; Sharon 2002:39-40). was erected at el-Naqara, east of Paneas, and Paneas itself The Ghassanid tribes counted in the summers thousands was surrounded by a wall. In the past I suggested that the of nomads with their animals. These needed areas rich in reason was the decline in security (Hartal 1989:132-133). pasture and water and one such place was at Jabiya (Sartre In excavations carried out at Paneas no remains were found 1982b:179, 188), about 8 km east of Rafid. The Ghassanids that are later than the first half of the fifth century (S. Israeli, did not settle near the border but in Bashan and in Damascus. pers. comm.). Only in a favissa dug near the temples in the The presence of el-Óarith and his sons at Jabiya and Jalliq sacred precinct, were some finds recovered that date to the did not necessarily imply that the whole tribe settled there. end of the Byzantine period (Magness, forthcoming). It is The monitoring of the borders by the Ghassanid forces could interesting that no bishops from Paneas come to the councils be carried out even without the presence of the philarchs. of the 5th and 6th centuries. The Byzantines did not rely on the Ghassanids for the The cause in the decline in security in northern Golan is protection of the borders of Arabia; their role was to keep not known, but it seems that the region suffered from attacks the peace in the agricultural areas and keep an eye on the by some enemy, probably nomads. Two tombstones found tribes in transit, and this could be better accomplished from at Qunei†ra shed some light on the events. One of them is Bashan rather than on the border (Ibid.:187-188). that of Zenodorus, who fell in a battle while bringing peace The Ghassanids enjoyed their service with the Byzantine to Phoenicia and the other is of his soldiers who fell in the empire, increased their property and their stay in an same battle. The second stone bears the date 463 CE agricultural area caused them, at least partially to settle down according to the era of Paneas (Di Segni 1997:169-174, Nos. and to build many buildings (Foss 1997:250-251; Shahîd 19, 20). Zenodorus, probably the dux of Phoenice fought 2002). Ghassanid settlements existed in the Damascus basin against unknown enemy, possibly nomadic tribes that came and Bashan: ‘Aqrabah, Jabiya, Jalliq, Óarith el-Jawlan (el- from the east. A Byzantine street, found in the excavations Óara) and more (map 9; Sartre 1982b:178-182; Shahîd at Paneas, was destroyed in a great fire in the first half of 2002). The Ghassanid presence in Bashan can explain the the fifth century. The cause of the fire is as yet unknown, prosperity of its villages. The large houses reflect on the and could have been the result of an earthquake, enemy wealth of the leader and their architecture on their ways attack or other reason. In any case, after the destruction much (Foss 1997:251-252). of the city was abandoned. It could be that at this time the The Ghassanids played an important role in the history city moved to the southern bank of Nahal Sa‘ar, which is of the monophysite church of Syria. Monophysitism was the only part enclosed by walls. first advanced by Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople and was propagated by Eutyches, archimandrite of a monastery The Ghassanids in the same city (378-454 CE). According to monophysitism, Jesus had a single nature that merges the human and the The penetration of bandits into the Sinai and the Euphrates divine, his human aspects absorbed by the divine substance. valley in the fourth and fifth centuries CE passed over Monophysitism was considered a heresy by the dogma fixed Hauran, which enjoyed at the time the protection of the Arab in Chalcedon, which claimed that Jesus was one with two allies of the Byzantine empire, who agreed to protect the natures, and was forbidden to practice under Justin I (518- inhabitants in exchange of payment in corn and gold. In the 527 CE). In 540 CE, el-Óarith Ben Jabala succeeded to fourth century these were Lakhmide tribes, to be replaced ordinate two monophysite bishops with the aid of empress in the fifth century by the emirs of Sali˙ and finally, towards Theodora. These were Theodorus and Jacob Bardaeus, after the end of the fifth century by the Ghassanids (Sartre whom the Jacobite church is named. These two bishops 1991b:34). The Ghassanids were a branch of the ‘Azd tribal succeeded in creating an alternative monophysite hierarchy union that emigrated at the end of the fifth century from in the Church of Syria (Atiya 1968:169-192; Tate 1989:111). south Arabia and settled in the Roman province Arabia, took The Ghassanid philarchs became the chief patrons of the Christian faith and agreed to pay taxes. At the beginning secular and religious architecture and supporters of churches of the sixth century (502-503 CE) they received the status throughout their domains. Traces of their activities can be of allies (symmachoi) of the Byzantine empire. The seen in the region east of Damascus and north of Bostra relationship between them and the empire was arranged (Foss 1997:251; Shahîd 2002). The Ghassanids built through a treaty (foedos), which stipulated that they receive churches and monasteries around the large villages of the an annual payment (annonae foedertice) and in return gave philarchs, and while not all such extant buildings were built 287  CHAPTER NINE by them directly, the emirs gave their patronage to the this stage it served as a pilgrimage center of the Ghassanid monasteries and helped their well-being (Sartre 1982b:183, tribes, who used to gather at the site on the birthday of St. 1991b:34). John and on the anniversary of his execution. It seems that the Ghassanids’ support of monophysitism The adduced evidence can assist in reconstructing the eventually clouded their relationship with the orthodox Ghassanid settlement in northern Golan. At several sites emperors and brought their downfall. Their last king, Mundir ecclesiastic inscriptions were found, which mention large ben el-Óarith and his son Nu‘man ruled during the years scale building activity in the sixth century CE. At Mumsiyye, 569-582 CE. Mundir was arrested by emperor Tiberius in 13 km northwest of Rafid, a church inscription was found, 580 CE on charge of treason and was sent in exile. His men with a date reading “the tenth year of the indiction, years rebelled when the emperor cut down corn rations as a 534 and 535” (Ibid.:213-214, No. 174). The authors dated it measure to control them. The rebels were active in large to 486-487 CE according to the era of Antioch (?!), starting areas of Arabia and besieged Bostra. They retreated only in 49/8 BCE. But “year 534” was the tenth year of indiction when Nu‘man ben Mundir was allowed to renew the only if calculated by the era of Paneas, and being in the philarchy, but in 584 he too was exiled and the Ghassanid territory of Paneas this makes much more sense and thus philarchy was divided into several smaller units. Though should be dated 531-533 CE, the floruit of the Ghassanids. some of them continued to fight on the side of the At Bab el-Hawa two church inscriptions were found Byzantines, their power broke and the land remained without (Ibid.:275-277, No. 235*, 236), one dated in “year 540”, solid protection, something that made it easier for the forces i.e. 537/538 CE according to the era of Paneas. Undated of Islam to conquer (Foss 1997:252; Fahd 1989). church inscriptions attributed to the sixth century were found also at er-Rumthaniyeh (Ibid.:188-189, No. 155*) and The Ghassanids in the Territory of Paneas Mumsiyye (Ibid.:212, No. 172). The inscriptions thus show that churches and community buildings were erected during The center of the Ghassanid settlement was in the area of the influential period of the Ghassanids. Tel el-Óara (about ten km northeast of Rafid), and to the Bashanit ridge and its environs on the eastern Golan south of it, very close to the Golan (map 10). It seems that Heights, where the above-mentioned inscriptions were they penetrated also into the territory of Paneas. Evidence found, is close to the region of Ghassanid settlement. In this of this is found in the letter of the archimandrites (Nöldke area several villages were identified with Hauran style 1875; Lami 1898; Shahîd 1995:821-838), which mentions architecture: Rafid, Farj, er-Rumthaniyeh, eß-Íurman and several monasteries in northern Golan (Sartre 1982c:185- Bab el-Hawa. All these sites had existed before the 186; Hartal 2005:363). Ghassanids, but extensive building took place mainly in the Dauphin and Gibson (1992-1993:22) believed that the Byzantine period. The only site excavated is Bab el-Hawa, Ghassanids were influenced by their contact with the Jewish where the excavated building was constructed at the end of community at Farj (some 6 km west of Rafid), and as a the fifth or early in the sixth century CE, after a period of result built imposing houses copied from their neighbors, abandonment (Hartal 2005:86-276). The construction of the but with emphasized crosses on their lintels to stress their building can be thus attributed to the Ghassanids, and from religious affiliation. Though I accept that there was a this it follows that the late structures at the other sites can Ghassanid community at Farj (see below), the process as be attributed to them as well. According to the letter of the described by Dauphin and Gibson appears odd. Though there archimandrites also Ra‘abane and Za‘ura were Ghassanid. were Jews at Farj, their remains are very meager in contrast It may be that Ghassanids were present also at sites such as to Christian remains. Dauphin and Gibson describe the Kafr Nafakh and Na‘ran in northern Golan and Khisfin in Ghassanids as nomads that were influenced by the sedentary southern Golan; these sites yielded structures and decorated population, but, as shown above, the Ghassanid settlement architectural elements similar to those in eastern Golan. is widespread and their contribution to the architecture of Rafid is in the heart of the Ghassanid settlement and seems Bashan is considerable (Shahîd 2002). The Ghassanid to have been inhabited by them. Christian symbols, settlement at Farj has nothing to do with Jewish influence. especially crosses are abundant, and are characteristic of At er-Rumthaniyeh (ca. 7 km northwest of Rafid) a Ghassanid settlements. It is highly likely that a large foundation inscription was found, belonging to a martyrium proportion of the houses described in this book were built of St. John the Baptist, dated by Dauphin 377 CE (Dauphin and inhabited by the Ghassanids. et al. 1996:325-326, Inscription 25), but lately dated by Di Segni (pers. Comm.) to the 6th century. On top of the hill on End of an Era which the village is built there is a large structure, partially rebuilt in recent times, which includes many inscriptions The end of the Byzantine period was one of instability. In and reliefs. Dauphin identified the structure as a late phase 542 and 600 CE there were outbreaks of the plague, and the of a martyrium and dated it by a large inscription in Ghassanids, as well as others in the region, were hit hard secondary use to the sixth century CE (Dauphin 1995:696- (Conrad 1986). Ma‘oz (forthcoming) suggested that the 670; Gregg and Urman 1996:188-189, No. 155*; Dauphin epidemics wiped out most of the work force, caused a et al. 1996:327, Inscription 28). According to Dauphin, at stoppage of olive oil production in the Golan and corn in 288  THE HISTORY OF RAFID Ghasanid settlement on Damascus e rm City t .H Damascus Jailliq Settlement mentioned in historical sources M Province border Jalliq Phoenice Paneas Za‘ura Ra‘abane Bab el-Hawa Paneas ‘Aqrabeh Phine Bash Mumsiyye anit Jueizeh er-Rumthaniyeh Mt. Peres Rafid Palaestina Farj Jabiya Trachonitis Maximianopolis Deir ‘Aziz Zorva Bashan Philippopolis Khisfin Tiberias Fiq Canatha Hippos Arabia Der‘a Auranitis Gadara Adraa Sayda Kharib Dionysias Abila Bostra 0 5 10 15 20 Km Map 10. Ghassanid Settlements (6th c. CE). Bashan, and finally brought about the abandonment of the even thrived and developed under Islamic rule. There was Jewish settlements of the Golan. Sartre (1991b:34) notes no perceptible change in activity or cultural patterns under the Ghassanids were not hit all that hard and they carried on the Umayyad caliphs and there was no dwindling of the church building after the 542 CE plague. The Sassanid population until the Mongol invasion (13 th c. CE) invasion of Syria (613-630 CE) did not cause severe (Villeneuve 1991:42; Foss 1997:254-258). In the territory destruction. In 613 CE the Sassanians won a victory in a of Hippos too, there was a continuity of settlement, including battle fought in Hauran, between Adraa and Bostra, and the city of Hippos itself; the road connecting Hauran with carried away prisoners and booty (Schick 1995:20-21). Some Palestine passed through southern Golan. This is testified monasteries were damaged, such as the one at Kursi to by the milestones of the caliph ‘Abd el-Malik from the (Tzaferis 1983:4), but there is evidence in Hauran of building eighth century found at Fiq (Elad 1999). Fragments of a and renovating churches at this time (Foss 1997:252-253). monumental inscription from the Early Islamic period found When the area was recaptured by emperor Heraclius, no at Farj induced Dauphin and Gibson (1992-1993:22-23) to agreement was reached between the imperial administration assert that Ghassanids continued to live there even after the and the monophysites; the latter opposed any compromise Islamic conquest, based on the assumption that the script suggested by the administration (Tate 1989:111). The decline dated the inscription to soon after the conquest itself. But in in the Ghassanids’ status in 582 CE caused a reduced defense the publication of the inscription it is stressed that the script of the empire in the south and east (Sharon 2002:42-43). In cannot be securely dated (Dauphin et al. 1996:328-329). April-May 634 CE the first Islamic units arrived in the area Giv‘at Or˙a, some 3 km south of Rafid, was inhabited in and Bostra fell in May 634. After the Byzantine rout in the the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid periods (Ma‘oz 1993c). Other battle of Yarmukh in July 636 (Sharon 2002) the whole settlements in Golan continued their existence in the Early Hauran was lost to the Byzantines (Sartre 1991b:34). In Islamic period. Umm el-Qanatir existed to the end of the Hauran and Bashan the settlements not only continued, but Umayyad period and the village at Deir ‘Aziz to the ‘Abbasid 289  CHAPTER NINE period. Qasrin too was settled in the eighth century (Ma‘oz Roman and Byzantine rule and ended in the Umayyad period 1993f; Killebrew 1993). The Golan villages were not with the abandonment of the settlements and the returning destroyed by war, but rather economic reasons caused their rule of nomads. It is one of the circles that characterize the desertion, especially the decline in olive oil export to Hauran. region’s history from prehistoric times to our own days The excavations at Bab el-Hawa proved that the (Hartal 1989:138). settlement ceased to exist at the beginning of the seventh The Rafid area remained without permanent settlements century CE; no artifacts datable to the Early Islamic period until the early Mamluk period, in the thirteenth century CE, were found. A similar picture obtains in northern Golan: when it flourished again. The survey of northern Golan only at four sites were any remains from this period found showed that this was the second densest period in the number (Hartal 1989:135). There is no reliable information about of settlements (Ibid.:135-136). Villages were erected over Paneas in the first centuries of Islamic rule (Sharon 1999:26). the ruins of Roman and Byzantine period settlements and it Thus, northern Golan was abandoned close to the Islamic seems that Rafid too was resettled then. Though this cannot conquest and remained controlled by nomads until the be ascertained, it seems that the latest construction phase in Mamluk period. the houses of the village, described in detail elsewhere in In the eighth century the settlement in Hauran ceased as this book, should be dated to the Mamluk period. well and Northern Transjordan returned to be the stage for The Mamluk period prosperity was short. After about a nomadic tribes. 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