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Abstract
“Kwaito” refers to the musical genre associated with South African black youth in the post‐Apartheid era. Essentially a form of dance music, in its most common form kwaito is intentionally apolitical and represents music “after the struggle.” The term “kwaito” also refers to a whole youth culture complete with vernacular and fashion norms. The “values” of the kwaito generation reflect mainstream consumer capitalism. However, kwaito is infused with, and complicated by, its own unique history. Therefore, the adoption of European capitalist values by the kwaito generation does not lend itself to simple analysis. I focus on the place of gold in kwaito culture. A system of racially based exploitation ensured a stable and cheap supply of labor for the white ruling class. This system was cruel and nothing short of barbaric. I explore the tragic paradox of a “new South Africa” which has—with kwaito as its form and kwaito musicians as its leaders—appropriated gold as a sign of success and ostentatious wealth. Such a theorization is, of course, overly simple, and a much more elaborate analysis is necessary for a meaningful discourse of kwaito to emerge.
Acknowledgement
Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Interdisciplinary Studies in Popular Music Conference and the Midwest Graduate Music Consortium. I would like to thank Bob Labaree, Andrew Smith, the anonymous reviewers and—most of all—Bill Dietz.
Notes
There actually was a very small black middle class before the end of Apartheid. This black middle class lived in the townships and included a small number of professionals, owners of black football teams, and musicians. However, it was only with the end of Apartheid that a black middle class of considerable size has emerged. I owe this point to one of the anonymous reviewers of this paper.
In the early and mid‐1990s raves became very popular in the elite white communities in South Africa—especially in major cities like Johannesburg and Cape Town. These South African raves were based on European raves and rave culture. The most common type of music at these raves was House.
Boloka notes that, although “kwaito can be considered a post‐apartheid genre, it emerged during the threshold of transition when racism prevailed” (101). He believes that Arthur's song captures this experience (CitationBoloka 101).
Although Loxion Kulca is often thought of, and advertised as, a “kwaito brand,” many people I have spoken with think that this is not the case at all. For example, some black, female models I spoke with in South Africa seemed to have no idea why, when I spoke with them, I associated Loxion Kulca with kwaito.
It is interesting that the word “kwaito” is derived from an Afrikaans word; black South Africans appropriated “the language of their oppressors.” It should be noted that Afrikaans has been the street lingo (or at least has been part of the street lingo) in Johannesburg since at least the 1950s. Thanks to Lara Allen for this point.
There is an oft‐recited anecdote (myth?) about a DJ who, at a club, played an LP of a House tune at the wrong (slower) speed, but the crowd liked it, and that is how kwaito was born.
South African hip‐hop artist Zubz believes that at the moment South African hip hop has nothing to offer the world because South African hip‐hop artists are still trying to find themselves (Citation“B‐Boy Style…” 76). This is a very important point: hip‐hop artists, thinking of themselves as political commentators, must “find themselves” after the struggle.
Colo(u)red: In a South African context, this word refers to a group of people with mixed racial heritage who have, by this stage, formed rich cultural identities that usually differ from both “black” and “white” communities. The racial segregation laws of pre‐1994 South Africa are largely responsible for fragmented and distinctly racially based cultural identities.
It should be noted that politicians have noticed the potential political power of kwaito artists: some politicians have hired kwaito musicians to perform at rallies, and urged the musicians to plead with youths to vote (see CitationJubasi).
This history of gold, which ends at “Kwaito, Hip‐hop and Gold: Subversive Elements”, was paraphrased from CitationWilson's history (103–05).
Here I am referring to CitationRoland Barthes' ideas on photography. Barthes speaks of “points” which shoot out of a scene “like an arrow.” Barthes says that this “punctum” is “that accident which pricks me (but also bruises me, is poignant to me)” (26–27).
“Violent globalization”—I am referring here to CitationJean Baudrillard's Citation“The Violence of the Global”.
These lyrics are from the song “Ghetto Fabulous”—performed by kwaito artist Zola—which was the “theme song” for the popular TV series Yizo‐Yizo 2.