Italy

After the death of the last Spanish Habsburg, Charles II (ruled 1665–1700), fighting over the remnants of Spain’s European empire consumed the continent’s powers in the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–14). The Treaties of Utrecht (1713) and Rastatt (1714) inaugurated a new pattern of state relations in Italy between Austrian Habsburgs, Spanish Bourbons (with Bourbon France always in the background), and the independent states. After complicated military and diplomatic maneuvers, this pattern eventually stabilized into a long-term equilibrium. In the initial treaties, Naples, Sardinia, and Milan (which had incorporated Mantua after the last Gonzaga had sold it to Louis XIV in 1701) passed to the Austrian Habsburgs; and Sicily went to Victor Amadeus II, duke of Savoy, who assumed the title of king of Sicily. Renewed Spanish hostilities, however, forced Victor Amadeus to cede Sicily to Austria in exchange for Sardinia in the Treaty of The Hague (1720). Spain acquired the duchy of Parma and Piacenza in 1731. In 1734, during the War of the Polish Succession, Charles, son of the Bourbon Philip V of Spain, conquered the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily from Austria. Spain had thus regained its two largest Italian possessions. After the Medici dynasty in Tuscany died out in 1737, Francis Stephen (Francis I)—duke of Lorraine, husband of Maria Theresa of Austria, and Holy Roman emperor after 1745—ruled as grand duke of Tuscany from Vienna. And in 1748, after the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–48), Austria regained Milan, which it had lost more than once in the preceding years.

A slow economic recovery began in Italy in the mid-1680s, but it remained weak into the early 18th century. A slump in the 1730s gave way to strong mid-century economic growth, until the famines of 1763–67 highlighted the weakness and inefficiency of government policies. Regional differences in Italy’s agricultural structure led to even greater divergences between north and south. Whereas some northern urban industries found refuge in smaller centres and rural settings, the south came to rely economically almost exclusively on agriculture. Overall, Italy’s foreign trade decreased and its exports shifted from high-value manufactured goods to relatively inexpensive raw materials (including agricultural products) and semifinished goods, while it became a net importer of finished industrial products. At the same time, the Italian domestic market also contracted, and increasing social and institutional constraints further limited productive and mercantile opportunities. While Italy’s population between 1700 and 1800 rose by about one-third, to 18 million, that of the rest of Europe grew at twice that rate. Italy’s relative demographic and economic stagnation were to prevent an agrarian or industrial revolution during the 18th century.

The aristocracy retained hegemonic control of politics and economics, dominating land ownership and manipulating legal and political institutions in the towns to maintain their position. Tensions and conflicts arose from time to time between the central authority of the absolutist states and the nobility, between the rich bourgeoisie or professional classes and the nobility, and among the nobles themselves, but the nobility blocked, worked out compromises with, and co-opted these rival groups to preserve aristocratic predominance. In the north, especially in the republican states, city oligarchies resisted erosion of their power and privileges. In sharp contrast, the social and economic position of the urban masses and the growing rural population deteriorated, while the difficulties of daily life increased.

By the beginning of the 18th century, a new cultural climate opened Italy to a wide range of European ideas—especially the philosophical thought of René Descartes, Pierre Gassendi, Benedict de Spinoza, Pierre Bayle, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Sir Isaac Newton, and Hugo Grotius. With it new cultural institutions came to the fore. The Academy of Arcadia, founded in Rome in 1690, exemplified the channeling of energies for rationalism and innovation. Among its more famous members, Gian Vincenzo Gravina, Ludovico Antonio Muratori, and Giambattista Vico gained renown by launching juridical, historical, aesthetic, and “scientific” critiques of society. Vico’s Scienza nuova (1725; The New Science), the most enduring work produced by this group, found tepid reception in its own day, and the author’s ideas on a universal philosophy of history won wide acceptance among Enlightenment thinkers only in the 1770s. Paolo Mattia Doria (1662?–1746) and the Medinaceli Academy in Naples also employed historical inquiry to seek remedies for society’s ills. Doria revived the idea of a Platonic republicanism of philosophic magistrates, in which an anti-Enlightenment Catholicism would become a kind of civil religion. In Naples he led his group of self-styled “ancients” against the scientific “moderns” led by the Neapolitan diplomat Celestino Galiani and Bartolomeo Intieri, a Florentine factor in Naples who provided a link to Tuscan intellectual circles. The ministerial class that developed in Spanish Italy from the early 16th century helped foster such networks of intellectual exchange between the cities of Italy and between Italy and the broader cosmopolitan centres of 18th-century Europe.

The political and cultural roles of the church—in particular, the supranational character of the papacy, the immunity of clerics from the state’s legal and fiscal apparatus, the church’s intolerance and intransigence in theological and institutional matters, as well as its wealth and property—constituted the central problems in the reform schemes of Italy’s nascent intellectual movement. The most incisive breakthrough came from Pietro Giannone (1676–1748), a Neapolitan jurist, who employed a jurisdictional, historical method to oppose church abuse of power and to break the church’s stranglehold on the state. Probably the strongest arguments for church reform came from Enlightenment thinkers Francesco Scipione, marchese di Maffei (1675–1755), and Muratori (1672–1750), who sought to reconcile politics with morality and religion. Muratori’s Della pubblica felicità (1749; “On Public Happiness”) reached Bourbon audiences in French and Spanish translations and was probably read in the Austrian Habsburg realms by Maria Theresa herself.

By the mid-18th century, economic recovery, Muratori’s program of Enlightenment Catholicism, and a renewed interest in natural science, political economy, and agronomy produced the first stirrings of reform. The dynasties installed after the wars of succession—the Habsburg-Lorraine in Milan and Tuscany and the Bourbon in Naples—led the way.

A first wave of reforms under Maria Theresa came to Milan in the early 1740s. The Genoese patrician Gian Luca Pallavicini prepared them as a minister after 1743 and then implemented them as governor after 1750. The reforms reorganized government administration, ended the sale of offices, reordered state finances, founded a public bank, and, most important, in 1749 placed a new cadastral survey—begun in 1718 but interrupted in 1733—under the direction of the Florentine jurist Pompeo Neri. The Theresian cadastral survey took effect in 1760. Applying objective principles of fiscal justice and administrative rationalization, the new method of registering the ownership and value of property not only revamped Milan’s fiscal system but also improved agriculture, increased productivity, and centralized control of revenues in impartial hands.

In Vienna the Department of Italy oversaw Milanese affairs after 1757 and orchestrated a second wave of reforms during the 1760s. Another imperial official, Carlo, conte di Firmian of Trent, arrived in 1759 to implement wide-ranging changes. Firmian completed the earlier reforms in political administration, in the judicial system, in ecclesiastical relations, and in educational policy. But strong opposition from diverse social groups defending traditional rights and privileges weakened the reform movement. In 1761–62, however, an important group of young reformist noblemen formed around Pietro Verri (1728–97) and took the name of his militant journal, Il caffè (published 1764–66; “The Coffeehouse”). The circle’s best-known work, Cesare Beccaria’s Dei delitti e delle pene (1764; An Essay On Crimes and Punishments), castigated torture and capital punishment as symptoms of the injustice and inequality inherent in the society of the old regime.

Joseph II (ruled 1765–90) promoted a new wave of reforms after 1770 that gained strength when he became the sole ruler after Maria Theresa’s death in 1780. The old system of public administration and magistratures came under attack and was abolished by 1786. In the 1770s and ’80s the reform policies of “Josephism” succeeded in suppressing all the chief political and judicial bodies of the Milanese aristocracy and in establishing modern ones in their place. Joseph’s government appointed provincial intendants and reduced the church’s power in the state. Educational reform established popular elementary schools as well as new disciplines at the Palatine School of Milan and the University of Pavia.

Such reforms, however, proved to have few long-term cultural or social consequences. Opposition from nobles, local administrators, aristocratic landlords, magistrates, clergy, and even Enlightenment intellectuals, who feared Joseph’s new authoritarianism, undermined the reforms. Leopold II (ruled 1790–92), who had ruled Tuscany as Grand Duke Peter Leopold before succeeding his brother Joseph, could not overcome their resistance, which gained strength from the forces unleashed by the French Revolution. Francis II, who succeeded Leopold II in 1792, faced a war with Revolutionary France, which seized Milan in 1796.

Emmanuel, comte de Richecourt, who served in Tuscany for 20 years as the chief representative of the regent, Francis I, followed the main lines of Habsburg policy in Milan. Local aristocratic divisions, the privileged position of Florence (the Tuscan capital), and the corruption and private enrichment of public officials came under scrutiny. Reforms aimed to restore revenues, reorganize magistratures, control the old nobility, and moderate the influence of the church. Pompeo Neri, who was recalled from Milan to Florence in 1758, advocated the free trade of cereals to address problems of economic scarcity and provide incentives to agricultural production.

Physiocratic solutions to economic problems—that is, solutions based on laissez-faire economics and on the belief that land is the source of all wealth—characterized Tuscany under the leadership of Peter Leopold (later Leopold II), who ruled from 1765 to 1790. The Accademia dei Georgofili, founded in 1753, exercised a wide influence on a range of issues touching on agrarian reform. Legislation confirmed the free trade in grain in 1767, suppressed artisanal guilds in 1771, and eliminated all internal customs duties in 1781. Peter Leopold planned to redistribute church and state land to a new class of independent small farmers. These, in turn, would form a genuine foundation for a new kind of polity based on a constitutional monarchy with representative assemblies. Although the land reform occurred from 1766 to 1784, the constitutional reform never matured. Peter Leopold’s reforms completely transformed the bureaucratic and administrative state machinery, vigorously attacked church property and prerogatives, overhauled the judiciary, and promulgated a new penal code, which was the first in Europe to abolish the death penalty. Tuscany served as a true European model of Enlightenment absolutism for 25 years. But, upon the grand duke’s election as emperor at his brother Joseph’s death in 1790, Tuscany, left to his son, Ferdinand III, erupted in violence as hostile clerics and civil servants manipulated the European crisis of the 1790s against Leopold’s reforms.

Under Austrian Habsburg rule after 1707, Naples witnessed numerous reform plans but little concrete action. When Sicily came under Austrian rule in 1720, similar good intentions foundered in the face of local resistance, a worsening international economy, and the political exigencies and fiscal burdens of imminent wars. With the conquest of Naples and Sicily in 1734 by Charles of Bourbon (who ruled as Charles VII until 1759), the Italian south celebrated its nominal independence under a new foreign dynasty. The new regime introduced significant reforms, including new administrative and judicial systems, fostered economic recovery, and patronized an important Enlightenment community. The discipline of political economy originated during this period with the publication in 1751 of Ferdinando Galiani’s treatise Della moneta (“On Money”) and Antonio Genovesi’s appointment in 1754 to the first university chair in political economy.

In 1759 Charles abdicated his Neapolitan throne in order to become King Charles III of Spain, leaving his minister Bernardo Tanucci to head the regency council of his son Ferdinand IV (ruled 1759–1825). The turning point in the Neapolitan reform movement came with a catastrophic famine in 1764, which urgently called into question the effectiveness of old-regime structures. After Ferdinand’s marriage to Maria Carolina, the daughter of Maria Theresa, Tanucci began to lose favour with the disengaged, weak monarch. He was forced to resign in 1776, having pushed Bourbon reform to its limits, although with few tangible results. Naples moved away from its Spanish Bourbon ties and into the orbit of Habsburg policies. Fearing that the reforms had run their course, Genovesi’s students in and out of government—Giuseppe Maria Galanti, Francesco Longano, Traiano Odazzi, and the Grimaldi brothers, Domenico and Francesco Antonio—pursued his interests in solving economic and agricultural problems. The 1780s were the high point of the Neapolitan Enlightenment, both through their work and through the writings of Genovesi’s students Francesco Maria Pagano and Gaetano Filangieri. The latter’s Scienza della legislazione (1780–85; The Science of Legislation), which called for equal justice for all, state intervention in economic affairs, and broad educational reforms, ranks among the most important works of the European Enlightenment. At the same time, Domenico Caracciolo, the viceroy to Sicily from 1781 to 1785, implemented a reform program that abolished the Inquisition and challenged the fabric of the feudal system, but again without concrete results. In the end, political ties to Austria and Britain against Revolutionary France put Naples on the defensive, and, when France invaded in January 1799, the monarchs fled to Palermo for safety, and the French established a republic.

The Papal States, the states governed by the pope—Venice, Genoa, and Savoy—eschewed political-institutional reform. The theocratic monarchy of Rome, however, was open to moderate forms of Enlightenment thought under Clement XII (1730–40) and Benedict XIV (1740–58). Under Bourbon pressure the papacy even disbanded the Jesuits in 1773, albeit sometime after their expulsion from Portugal (1759) and from Bourbon Spain, Naples, and Parma (1767–68). Venice and Genoa lost ground as international powers and remained subject to a shrinking, conservative patriciate. Venice, however, remained Italy’s most important publishing centre and home to a lively literary and artistic culture including figures such as the dramatist Carlo Goldoni and the painters Giovanni Antonio Guardi and Giovanni Battista Tiepolo. In Piedmont and Sardinia the long reign of Charles Emmanuel III (ruled 1730–73) further developed Savoyard militaristic absolutism and administrative centralization without the liberal spirit of Enlightenment reform.

The French Revolution did not create the continentwide crisis that followed in its wake; rather, the revolutionary repercussions that rocked polities and societies after 1789 arose from the long-standing and unaddressed problems of the old regime. French and Austrian Enlightenment thought circulated freely in Italy, and a wide range of Italian intellectuals and ministers contributed to the growing body of Enlightenment thought and practice that emphasized secularization and science. However, this cosmopolitan movement confronted powerful feudal and ecclesiastical estates that controlled vast land and wealth, combated bad government that had grown habitually resistant to rationalization, struggled with the difficult task of reforming a retrograde economic system unsupportive of trade or industry, and, at the same time, found itself out of touch with the daily concerns of the mass of society facing economic hardship and wedded to traditional religious beliefs. Enlightenment culture ultimately exacerbated the problem of reform, since reform from above highlighted the disparities between high and low, raised unrealizable expectations, and imposed solutions that rarely overhauled the structure of power. The inequalities in Italian society, the obstacles to its economic development, and the political conservatism of its privileged interest groups would not easily yield to reason alone.