Movement for Democratic Change

MDC Embargoed Until 7.00pm, 31 March 2005

MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE

MDC PRELIMINARY REPORT ON MARCH 2005 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

31 March 2005

CONTENTS PAGE

1 Executive Summary 3
2 The Management Structure for the Elections 6
3 Electoral Administrative Processes 9
3.1 Voter Registration 9
3.2 The Voters' Roll 9
3.3 Delimitation Commission 10
4 Voters' Ability To Freely Access Information of Their Choice 12
4.1 Restrictions on a Free Press 12
4.2 Access To The State Media By All Political Parties 13
4.2.1 Electronic Media 13
4.2.2 Print Media 15
5 Full Participation of Citizens In The Political Process 17
5.1 Freedom of Assembly and Association 17
5.2 Political Violence and Intimidation 18
5.3 The Role Of The Law Enforcement Agencies 19
5.4 Manipulation of Food Aid 20
5.5 The Role Of Traditional Leaders In Coercing The Electorate 21
6 Incidents of Electoral Malpractice - Campaign Period 23
6.1 Harare Province 23
6.2 Manicaland Province 25
6.3 Mashonaland Central Province 30
6.4 Mashonaland East Province 31
6.5 Mashonaland West Province 35
6.6 Masvingo Province 38
6.7 Matabeleland South Province 38
6.8 Matabeleland North Province 40
6.9 Midlands South Province 42
6.10 Bulawayo Province 43
6.11 Chitungwiza Province 43

1 Executive Summary

Periodic and genuine democratic elections are the cornerstone of any functioning democracy. Zimbabwe does have periodic elections but they are not democratic.

Whatever the outcome of the March 2005 parliamentary elections, the elections cannot be judged to be free and fair. The distorted nature of the pre-election playing field and the failure to address core democratic deficits precluded a free and fair election.

The MDC is participating in the elections under protest. We agreed to participate on the basis that the prevailing view amongst our structures and supporters on the ground was in favour of participation. The issue of our participation, however, does not confer legitimacy on the result.

If the MDC wins the elections, and secures a parliamentary majority, it will be a testament to the courage and determination of the people of Zimbabwe to overcome the nefarious obstacles deliberately placed by Mugabe and Zanu PF to frustrate their collective desire for a new beginning and a new Zimbabwe.

The electoral reforms introduced by the Zimbabwe Government were woefully inadequate and failed to ensure that Zimbabwe's electoral framework and political environment adhered to the new democratic benchmarks encapsulated in the SADC Protocol On Guidelines and Principles Governing Democratic Elections.

This preliminary report provides compelling evidence to substantiate the MDC's position that the elections cannot be judged free and fair.

Chapter Two exposes the fallacy of claims that the electoral process was managed and run by 'impartial, all-inclusive, competent and accountable national electoral bodies'. Those who pronounce such claims site the role of the new 'independent' electoral commission. The new commission failed to demonstrate its independence and was established too late in the day to have any meaningful role in the management of the electoral process. By the time it was officially established most of its core duties, such as voter registration and the compilation of the voters' roll, had already been carried out.

The elections were managed and run by the same institutions who presided over the wholesale rigging and subversion of the electoral process in the 2000 parliamentary elections and 2002 presidential elections. Nothing has changed.

Chapter Three outlines how the administrative processes for the elections were manipulated to secure political advantage for the ruling party. The voter registration exercise was carried out in a discriminatory manner under the directions and guidance of the Registrar General who openly supports Zanu PF. Thousands of people in urban areas, perceived MDC strongholds, were disenfranchised.

The voters' roll is in a shambles. It is inaccurate and grossly inflated. The MDC was denied access to the electronic copy but was eventually given a hard copy. Data extrapolated from an audit of 10% of the roll indicated that there were over one million dead people still on the roll. The names of thousands of people who have left the country in the past few years, and who were denied their moral right to vote, are still on the roll. This created tremendous capacity for 'ballot stuffing', especially when one considers that members of the military are in charge of a large number of polling stations.

The delineation of constituency boundaries by the Mugabe appointed Delimitation Commission resulted in Harare and Bulawayo losing two constituencies each. Three new constituencies were created in areas perceived to be pro-Zanu PF.

The allocation and location of polling stations was again a clear attempt to boost the electoral chances of the ruling party. A disproportionate number of polling stations were allocated to rural areas compared to urban areas. Moreover, a number of polling stations are located at the homesteads of local headmen renowned for their support for the ruling party.

Chapter Four illustrates the extent to which voters were unable to access the wide variety of information necessary to make an informed choice at the ballot box. Legislative curbs on a free press, and a flagrant lack of equal access to the state controlled media, severely restricted the free flow of information and ideas to the electorate, especially in rural areas. In this context, the situation was worse than in the 2002 presidential poll.

Chapter Five describes the hostile political conditions on the ground, which remained prevalent throughout the campaign period, and details the extent to which the law enforcement agencies and traditional leaders were firmly harnessed to the campaign agenda of the ruling party.

MDC rallies and meetings continued to be banned under the Public Order and Security Act. Not a single Zanu PF rally was banned. While the MDC was obliged to comply with Section 24 of this Act and provide police with notification of rallies/meetings four days in advance, this did not appear to apply to Zanu PF; it was free to hold public meetings and rallies without police notification or permission.

While political violence was lower compared to the 2000 and 2002 elections it still remained at unacceptable levels. For this election, however, Zanu PF did not really have much need to encourage its supporters to go out and beat the electorate into submission. Five years of terror and violence has had a severe psychological impact on the electorate, especially in rural areas. People fear retribution if they freely express their political preferences. This psychological impact enabled Zanu PF to engage in slightly more subtle techniques to coerce and intimidate the electorate, as this chapter clearly demonstrates.

Chapters Six documents the incidents of electoral malpractice during the campaign period in 45 constituencies. We are still awaiting the reports from the other 75 constituencies. These outstanding reports, as well as any incidents of electoral malpractice on polling day, will be included in a final report that will be published in due course.

The MDC remains deeply concerned that despite the weight of evidence available, the various observer missions that are in the country to observe the election process continue to claim that the MDC has no evidence to back up its allegations of electoral malpractice. As this report clearly demonstrates, this is not the case. Observer missions have been provided with evidence of numerous allegations of malpractice yet do not appear to have carried out full investigations.

We are concerned that they have spent too much time in urban areas and not sufficient time in rural areas, where most irregularities have occurred.

The MDC received assurances from all the observer missions that they would conduct their duties in a fair, impartial and transparent manner. We were assured that their final reports would be based on an objective assessment and analysis of the situation on the ground.

Comments over the past few days however, by senior South African officials mandated to observe the elections, have raised suspicions that South Africa is deliberately preparing the ground to declare the elections free and fair. We hope this is not the case.

We trust that all observer missions will be cognisant of the findings in this report and factor them into their own analysis of whether or not the election was free and fair.

Finally, it is the MDC's view that the findings in this report demonstrate in unequivocal terms that the election cannot be judged free and fair. If the MDC does win it will be because the will of the people has prevailed over attempts by Mugabe and Zanu PF to rig the ballot. We await with interest the findings and conclusions of the observer missions.

2 The Management Structure for the Elections

The elections, and the various administrative processes, have been supervised and conducted by the same partisan institutions who presided over the wholesale rigging and subversion of the electoral process in the 2000 parliamentary elections and 2002 presidential elections - the Office of the Registrar General, the Elections Directorate and the Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC). Nothing has changed. This factor seriously undermined the legitimacy of the poll.

The electoral framework in Zimbabwe, despite the reforms that have been introduced, is still not adequately safeguarded from manipulation by the ruling party. Both the Office of the Registrar General, and the Elections Directorate are headed by two individuals (Tobias Mudede and Dr Mariyawanda Nzuwa) who openly support the ruling party.

Claims that the creation of the new Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), established in terms of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act, have helped to ensure that the electoral process has been managed in a manner consistent with what is expected under the new SADC standards, do not stand up.

Firstly, the ZEC was established too late in the day to have any real role in running the elections. Many of its key functions had already been carried out by the time it was formally established. For instance the Office of the Registrar General had carried out the voter registration exercise in May and July 2004.

The ZEC only became operational on 1 February 2005. By the end of February it still had no phones, no permanent office and only two members of staff. The timing of the ZEC's creation, and its obvious lack of capacity, rendered it a peripheral actor in the election process. Outside of its offices in Harare the ZEC had no other structures around the country. It had no visible presence. This made it difficult, especially for candidates in rural areas, to submit complaints of electoral malpractice for investigation.

Secondly, the ZEC failed to demonstrate its independence. Its 'independence' and authority has theoretically been compromised from day one. Under Zimbabwe's electoral laws and procedures the ZEC is subject to the authority of the Electoral Supervisory Commission, which is entirely appointed by President Mugabe. The ESC is established in terms of the constitution whereas the ZEC only has legislative backing. This undermines its status and authority.

The appointments procedure to the new Commission raised further concerns in relation to its independence. The President appointed all its members. He appointed the Chairperson after consultation with the Judicial Service Commission, a body composed predominantly of ruling party sypathisers. The President appointed the remaining four on the basis of nominations by a parliamentary committee dominated by members of the ruling party. The MDC was not consulted on the choice of Chairperson nor were objections put forward by MDC representatives on the parliamentary committee taken into account. The appointment of the four nominees was simply rubber-stamped by the Zanu PF majority on the committee.

The MDC had deep reservations about the appointment of Justice Chiweshe as chair of ZEC. He handed down a number of questionable judgments that kept MDC MP Fletcher Dulini Ncube, and others accused in the Cain Nkala murder case, in custody despite the dearth of evidence against them. All the accused were subjected to torture and all were eventually acquitted.

Justice Chiweshe also chaired the Delimitation Commission whose boundary changes, which are detailed in the next chapter, raised suspicions that the delineation of constituency boundaries was deliberately manipulated to secure political advantage for the ruling party.

Since assuming his role as the chair of ZEC Justice Chiweshe has done nothing to assuage MDC concerns over his impartiality. On the controversial issue of the transparency of procedures used to allow members of the uniformed forces to cast their ballots prior to the official polls, Justice Chiweshe told the Financial Gazette on 24 March that "the votes are being sent to their various constituencies and this is being done in the presence of representatives from all parties''. This claim was simply not true as the MDC had not been informed of this process.

On the eve of Zimbabwe's legislative polls, Justice Chiweshe further vindicated the MDC's position that the ZEC, under his directions and guidance, is a partisan body.

In terms of the Electoral Act, chief election agents (campaign managers of candidates) are required to notify, in writing, the constituency election officer of the names and addresses of election agents. It is also incumbent on each political party contesting the elections to publish adverts in national papers listing the names of all electoral agents. Under the terms of the Act this all has to happen at least three days before voting commences. In this instance, by 7.00am on Monday 28 March.

The MDC fully complied with these requirements. Adverts listing the names of all 24,000 of the MDC's election agents were placed in the Financial Gazette, the Independent, The Mirror and the Sunday Mirror prior to Monday 28 March.

By Monday 28 March Zanu PF had only published one advert, listing the names of its election agents for the constituency of Bindura. The list of names of election agents for the remaining 119 constituencies only appeared the next day in the government controlled Herald newspaper. Zanu PF disingenuously dated the advertisement the 28 March but it only appeared on Tuesday 29 March. This represented a flagrant beach of the Electoral Act.

On the morning of Wednesday 30 March the MDC's lawyers wrote a letter to Justice Chiweshe notifying him of this transgression and urging him to investigate the matter. So far we have received no response.

By lunchtime of that day the MDC began to receive disturbing reports from constituencies in Masvingo, Matabeleland North, Matabeleland South and Bulawayo of constituency election officers refusing to accredit MDC election agents on the preposterous grounds that they were unable to produce original copies of the newspapers carrying adverts listing election agents. Apparently photocopies of the adverts will not suffice.

Nowhere in the Electoral Act does it say the election agents need to provide original copies of adverts in order to receive accreditation.

We suspect that this was a deliberate ploy to ensure that our election agents are unable to be deployed so that the election can be rigged.

The ZEC is based in Harare and so could not have failed to see the adverts. The ZEC knows full well that in rural constituencies it will be impossible to get hold of the newspapers in question. Some of these newspapers do not even have a circulation of 24,000.

The ZEC must have noted that we published our advertisements in compliance with the Act and that Zanu PF only published its advertisements on the Tuesday, in breach of the Act. It has done nothing against Zanu PF and yet behaves outrageously against the party that complied with Act

This shows shocking bias and perhaps is the most damning evidence that the ZEC is a partisan body.

3 Electoral Administrative Processes

The MDC does not believe that the electoral administrative processes were conducted in a transparent manner, free from manipulation. A substantial amount of evidence exists to corroborate these claims.

3.1 Voter Registration

The crucial exercise of voter registration was carried out in May and July 2004 under the direction and guidance of the Registrar General, whose track record of political bias was noted in the previous chapter. The Registrar General was also responsible for the compilation of the voters' roll.

Voter registration was carried out in a discriminatory and secretive manner with the aim to secure a political advantage for the ruling party. In urban areas, perceived to be MDC strongholds, the exercise was barely publicised and there was an evident lack of desire to encourage urban voters to register. This approach contrasted sharply to what was happening in rural areas, perceived Zanu PF strongholds. In rural areas an intense, door-to-door, voter registration exercise was conducted.

Thousands of urban voters who attempted to register were prevented from doing so on the grounds that they had not complied with the stringent proof of residency requirements that the Government introduced by statuary instrument on the eve of the 2002 presidential poll and which were incorporated into the new Electoral Act. Under the terms of the proof of residency requirements lodgers must either provide rates bills in their name and with their address or a provide lodger's card. Rates bills are always in the landlords name while a lodger's card often takes time to obtain. Those living with their parents must prove that they are a 'natural child' and they need to sign affidavits to this effect.

These stringent requirements, combined with the low-key manner in which voter registration was conducted in urban areas, disenfranchised thousands of urban voters, especially the youth. This was a discriminatory exercise, especially when compared to what happened in the rural areas. Moreover, in rural areas there are no stringent proof of residency requirements. To register, villagers just needed the local chief or headman to vouch for them. Chapter 6 of this document details the extent to which traditional leaders have become harnessed to the ruling party. Consequently there are widespread incidents of traditional leaders coercing the electorate and discriminating against those suspected of supporting the MDC.

3.2 The Voters' Roll

The discriminatory nature of the voter registration process intensified the MDC's concerns around the accuracy of the voters' roll. When the voters' roll was opened for inspection on 17 January, little attempt was made by the government to advertise the fact. There were also an inadequate number of inspection centers.

To date, the MDC has been denied access to the electronic version of the voters' roll. This has prevented the party from conducting a comprehensive audit of the roll to assess its accuracy. Although the party was finally given a hard copy of the roll in October 2004 (the initial application had been made in April 2002) it is simply too time-consuming, for obvious reasons, to audit the roll in its hard copy format. Nonetheless, the MDC has carried out a limited audit (10%) of the voters' roll over the past few months.

The anomalies that this limited process has revealed are staggering - dead people on the roll, people listed more than once and people not living at their recorded addresses. For instance, a partial audit of the roll by the MDC in Bulawayo revealed that out of a sample group of 500 voters, barely half were listed correctly and nearly a fifth of those named were dead. In a constituency in Harare a survey of residents in a particular areas revealed that 64% of registered voters were not known at their given addresses.

By extrapolating the data gathered through the auditing process, the MDC estimates that there could well be over 1 million deceased voters still on the roll, over 300,000 duplicate voters and over 1 million not living at their recorded addresses. The ZEC claims that there are 5.7 million registered voters, however, the census that was carried out in 2002 means that the real figure is more likely to be 3.2 million, especially if one takes into account the number of people who have left the country and the number of people who have died of HIV/AIDS.

Naturally, only a comprehensive independent audit of the voters' roll can provide accurate figures pertaining to the number irregularities. Given the valid public concerns surrounding the state of the voters' roll the MDC wrote to the chair of the ZEC, Justice Chiweshe, on 22 January 2005 requesting an independent audit to assess the accuracy of the roll and to ensure that all those wishing to register were given a reasonable opportunity to do so. The ZEC ignored this request.

The evidence gathered thus far, however, does substantiate claims that the voters' roll is in a shambles. Its inaccuracy confirms the MDC's fears that it is the government's principle vehicle for electoral fraud. An inflated and inaccurate voters' roll creates tremendous capacity for 'ballot stuffing'.

The current state of the voters' roll has precluded the full expression of the principle 'one person, one vote'.

3.3 Delimitation Commission

President Mugabe appointed the Delimitation Commission on 15 September 2004. All those appointed had long and close ties with Zanu PF. The impartiality of the Commission was therefore compromised from the very start. In its assessment of existing constituency boundaries, the Commission used the flawed voters' roll information provided by the Office of the Registrar General. At no point did it question the accuracy of the information that it had received.

When the boundary changes were announced on 20 December 2004, it became evident that the process had been manipulated in favour of the ruling party. In areas perceived to be MDC strongholds the Commission reduced the number of constituencies, while in areas perceived to be pro-Zanu PF the number of constituencies were increased.

For instance, it merged two constituencies in Bulawayo and two in Harare. All of these constituencies returned MDC candidates in the last parliamentary elections. The Commission also merged the constituencies of Gwanda North and Gwanda South in Matabeleland which are currently held by MDC and Zanu PF respectively. Three additional constituencies were created in traditional Zanu PF strongholds.

The reasons given for the boundary changes were devoid of logic and exposed the political agenda which guided them. In the case of Harare the Commission Chair, Justice Chiweshe, put forward the argument that the constituencies in question were merged because the number of registered voters had fallen due to the migration of people from town to rural areas. This argument does not stand up to scrutiny. Across Africa, and other parts of the developing world, people are migrating from rural to urban areas. Moreover, the official census published by the government in 2002 confirmed that Harare's population had grown by 500,000.

4 Voters' Ability To Freely Access Information of Their Choice

Voters' ability to access the information necessary to make an informed choice at the ballot box represents one of the hallmarks of a free and fair election. This did not happen in Zimbabwe in the 2005 parliamentary elections. Restrictions on a free press and the flagrant lack of equal access to the state media precluded the free flow of information and ideas, especially in rural areas. In fact the situation was worse than in the 2002 presidential polls.

4.1 Restrictions on a Free Press

Over the past twelve months the notorious provisions contained in the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) have been invoked to forcibly close down four independent newspapers - the Daily News, the Daily New on Sunday, the Tribune and the Weekly Times. Although the Supreme Court, on Monday 14 March 2005, set aside a decision by the state-controlled Media and Information Commission (MIC) denying the Daily News a licence to publish, the MIC has yet to allow the paper to renew its operations.

AIPPA violates Zimbabweans constitutional right to freedom of speech. This piece of legislation was promulgated in April 2002, just after the presidential election. No attempt has been made to repeal sections which blatantly infringe upon peoples' basic right to receive and impart information of their choice. In fact, the Government has successfully introduced amendments aimed at strengthening restrictions covered by the Act. On 9 November 2004, the Zanu PF majority in parliament ensured that parliamentary approval was secured for amendments which included a new clause rendering journalists liable to either a hefty fine or up to two years in jail if caught operating without a licence.

Under AIPPA all journalists and media organizations have to register with the MIC. The MIC is a completely partisan body which is given wide-ranging powers under the Act to decide which newspapers may operate and which journalists may practice their profession.

Scores of journalists working for the independent have been arrested under AIPPA. Not a single journalist working for the state-controlled media has ever been arrested under AIPPA. This confirms the overtly discriminatory manner in which the authorities use powers provided under the Act.

AIPPA has cowed the independent media, which was the original aim of this piece of legislation. It has severely curbed the flow of objective information. Journalists often refrain from running stories exposing hard truths about the current government for fear of arrest. Similarly, independent newspapers are conscious of what they publish due to the constant threat of closure by the MIC. Many areas of the country, especially rural parts of Mashonaland, remain no-go areas for journalists from the independent media due to the very real threat of arrest of physical assault.
Such is the culture of intolerance that has been perpetuated by President Mugabe and Zanu PF that people risk being beaten up if they are caught reading independent papers, especially outside Harare and Bulawayo.

The severe restrictions on the private media limited the ability of voters to access the wide range of information necessary to make an informed choice at the ballot box.

4.2 Access To The State Media By All Political Parties

In elections held in 2000 and 2002 only Zanu PF had access to the state media, over which it has a monopoly. Although there has been limited access to the airwaves for opposition parties during the 2005 campaign it would be foolhardy to interpret this as consistent with SADC requirements relating to equal access to the state media. This has not happened. Apart from paid adverts on tv and radio the MDC was constantly frustrated in its attempts to use the state media as an effective means to communicate the party's policies and programmes to the electorate.

Most of the news coverage during the campaign was overtly biased in favour of the ruling party. There was little attempt at balance and the tradition of abusing the national airwaves, and pages in the state controlled print media, to misrepresent the MDC and denigrate the party and its leadership through unqualified attacks, continued.

4.2.1 Electronic Media

On 16 February 2005 the Government gazetted regulations permitting opposition parties 'reasonable' access to the state-controlled electronic media. These regulations were introduced too late in the process to have any meaningful impact. They were cosmetic and merely a ruse to convince the region and the outside world that the Government was acting in good faith and making every effort to comply with the new SADC electoral standards.

There has been no equal or 'reasonable' access to the electronic media. For instance, the launch of the MDC's election campaign in Masvingo was not carried live by ZTV. Instead it gave the event two minutes and thirty five seconds coverage later that evening. This was followed by a two-hour live interview with President Mugabe. The launch of the Zanu PF campaign on 11 February was allocated 18 minutes on a prime-time news bulletin. In addition, the party's four hour launch was covered live with ZTV's presenters wearing Zanu PF t-shirts.

On the occasions when the MDC was given airtime a number of underhand methods were used to frustrate the MDC's attempt to communicate its message to viewers/listeners. For instance, when the MDC was allotted 12 minutes on ZTV to present its manifesto, viewers were deliberately misinformed of the time when the presentation would be broadcast. This happened on several other occasions. On 7 March 2005, MDC Secretary General, Professor Welshman Ncube, wrote a letter to Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings Chairman, Rino Zhuwarara, to formally complain about the manner in which ZBH was handling the MDC's programmes on national television and radio:

"We hereby lodge a formal complaint concerning the manner in which you handled our programmes on national television and radio. We are concerned and aggrieved by your continued sabotage of the party. You seem to be going out of your way to ensure that MDC efforts are thwarted….Yesterday ZTV featured an interview with MDC legislator and secretary for economic affairs Tendai Biti. As you are aware, in the major cities, the programme was clear only in Harare and Masvingo. In areas such as Gweru and Mutare the interview was not clear, as there was severe interference in the form of feedback from radio. In Bulawayo there was complete loss of transmission.

As far as the MDC is concerned this was deliberate sabotage. It appears to us that the blackout and severe interference was not coincidental"

News bulletins on ZTV and on radio regularly misrepresented the MDC position on a range of issues during the election campaign. For example, on March 24, the ZTV 8 pm news bulletin claimed that MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai would "remove newly resettled farmers from their allocated land if elected into power, saying the opposition party would distribute land in its desired way". But the video clip clearly showed Tsvangirai saying that those who had settled themselves illegally (without the authority of chiefs, headmen, district administrators etc) would be removed.

ZBH failed to accurately report on the preparations for the elections and slavishly praised the Government and the electoral institutions for the conduct of the campaign, blatantly ignoring the facts on the ground. It regularly, and erroneously, claimed that the elections were free of violence and intimidation and that all parties were enjoying equal access to the media.

Zanu PF had by far the highest number of campaign stories carried on the stations of ZBH. It also enjoyed the largest chunk of airtime. On March 26, the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ) noted in its 'Daily Media Update' that "Zanu PF continued to have unparalleled publicity on ZBH news bulletins. For example of the 18 reports ZTV carried in its main 6pm and 8pm bulletins 13 (72%) were on Zanu PF campaigns. One (5.5%) was on the MDC, two (11%) on Zanu (Ndonga) and two (11%) were on independent candidate Margaret Dongo.

In its weekly monitoring report for the period 7-13 March, the MMPZ recorded that ZBH covered the MDC in only 7 stories (9%) out of the 78 stories it carried on political campaign activities. It devoted a massive 71 stories (91%) to the ruling party's campaigns.

"The little airtime accorded to MDC - around 12 percent on a weekly basis - was mostly devoted to portraying the party in a negative light," said Nhlanhla Ngwnya of the MMPZ

In the Zimbabwe context, radio is the key medium to communicate with the electorate, especially in rural areas where access to TV and newspapers is extremely rare. Zanu PF's continued monopoly of the radio, and the very limited access afforded to opposition parties, leaves a significant proportion of the electorate at the mercy of Zanu PF propaganda. They have no means with which to access alternative information which would challenge the Zanu PF viewpoint and correct the negative perception of opponents perpetuated by Zanu PF over the airwaves.

By failing to fully open up the airwaves, and restricting large numbers of the electorate to a controlled diet of misinformation, the Government has prevented thousands from accessing the variety of information necessary to make an informed choice at the ballot box. This subverts the electoral process.

4.2.2 Print Media

The Government made it clear, when it announced that it was gazetting regulations permitting 'reasonable' access to the electronic media for opposition parties, that these regulations did not extend to the state controlled print media. All state controlled newspapers refused to carry MDC adverts. Despite being publicly owned, these newspapers remained the sole preserve of the ruling party.

Throughout the campaign there was no attempt at balance. Readers were rarely provided with objective news content and were never given an unbiased assessment of the perceived strengths and weaknesses of each party's manifesto. The pages of the state controlled newspapers were devoted to enhancing the electoral prospects of the ruling party and disparaging the MDC, misrepresenting our manifesto commitments and deliberately misquoting MDC officials and taking their comments out of context.

On 22 February, MDC Secretary for Information and Publicity, Paul Themba Nyathi, wrote to the editor of the Herald with regards to the paper's distorted coverage of the MDC's launch of its manifesto. In the letter Themba Nyathi wrote:

"As a newspaper funded by tax payers' money, your paper has a basic duty to act in the public interest and publish unbiased accounts of the issue of the day…Your correspondent's report on the MDC's launch of its manifesto in Masvingo [21 February] illustrated…the alarmingly partisan slant of your editorial line.

I urge your paper to revert to first principles and print the truth. You have a public duty, especially during election time, to provide readers with objective news content and balanced analysis on the issues of the day and to accurately convey the policy pledges and messages of all political parties participating in the election".

This letter was never published or even acknowledged. To date the MDC has never been accorded its right of reply in any of the state-run print media. Readers are only able to access one perspective. The banning of the Daily News means that Zimbabweans now do not have access to a daily paper that provides an objective and alternative position on the issues of the day. This represents a serious democratic deficit. Although the Daily Mirror promotes itself as an independent daily paper, the reality is different. Its news coverage is not objective on a consistent basis and its editorial line is often skewed to support the position of the ruling party.

5 Full Participation of Citizens In The Political Process

The erosion of the democratic space in Zimbabwe has been the defining characteristic of the country's political landscape over the past five years. Political violence and intimidation has been pervasive. A repressive legislative framework has been established which severely curtails citizens' basic rights pertaining to freedom of speech, assembly and association. All these nefarious developments have negated free political activity and have had an alarming psychological impact on the electorate. People are often afraid to openly declare their political preferences because they fear retribution.

According to the Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum, between 1 January 2001 and 31 December 2004 there were 3,973 incidents of torture, 1,668 incidents of intimidation, 670 cases of abduction and 1,764 incidents of unlawful arrest.

These statistics underline the extent to which the rule of law has collapsed in Zimbabwe. A heavily politicized police force has resulted in not a single person being prosecuted for any of the crimes listed above. The collusion of the police and other law enforcement agencies in acts of violence and intimidation has entrenched a climate of fear in Zimbabwe. This climate has not gone away, despite the lower levels of violence recorded during the 2005 election campaign.

The intimidation tactics deployed this time round were more subtle but were, nonetheless, equally pervasive.

5.1 Freedom of Assembly and Association

The Pubic Order and Security Act (POSA) imposes severe restrictions on citizens' ability to meet and assemble freely. This Act, as currently constituted, precludes free political activity. Police permission is required for a public meeting/rally of more than three people. Police use powers provided to them under POSA on a discriminatory and partisan basis. Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights reported that in 2004, 950 human rights defenders were arrested under POSA.

During the election campaign MDC meetings continued to be banned under POSA on an arbitrary basis. On some occasions meetings that had been given police clearance were suddenly banned at the last minute. No plausible explanation was ever given. On other occasions police gave permission for a meeting to take place but then insisted on being allowed to sit-in on a meeting and observe proceedings. Not a single Zanu PF meeting was banned during the election campaign. It was able to hold public meetings and rallies without police notification or permission. This factor underlines the extent to which the electoral playing field was distorted during the election campaign period.

Examples

On 23 March police barred a 'road show', planned by the MDC candidate for Harare Central. The commanding officer, Chief Superintendent Kunene, said that he could not sanction the 'road show' because it was not confined to "any particular constituency or police district". This was despite the fact that the candidate had specifically stated the constituency in which the event was to rake place.

On 16 February police in Harare raided a training session for the MDC's 120 candidates. Police claimed the meeting was illegal under POSA. Ian Makone, the MDC Director of Elections was arrested.

The ZEC Act bars civic society organizations from engaging in voter education. This is unconstitutional and severely undermines citizens' ability to fully participate in the political process. The new ZEC, which has yet to demonstrate its independence, has a complete monopoly over voter education. Given Zimbabwe's political context, voter education is essential to restore citizens' faith in the electoral process. By barring civic society from engaging in this important process, the Government further eroded public confidence in the integrity of the electoral process.

Civic society organizations in Zimbabwe, which operate in the areas of governance and human rights, face a bleak future. The Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO) Act which was passed by parliament on 9 December (but which has yet to receive the assent of President Mugabe) is likely to come into force after the elections. Many civic organizations are likely to be forced out of business by the stringent rules of operation contained in the Act. The NGO Act has no place in a democracy; it severely curtails citizens' ability to use the platforms provided by civil society to participate in the political process and influence political developments and government policy.

5.2 Political Violence and Intimidation

The public pronouncements by President Mugabe calling for a violence free election failed to resonate with his officials and supporters on the ground. While levels of violence were lower when compared to the 2002 presidential poll they remained at an unacceptable level (see Chapter 6 for a full breakdown of incidents of violence and intimidation that have been recorded in constituencies).

Intimidation of MDC supporters, and the broader electorate, by Zanu PF structures, in particular the youth militia, was widespread. The MDC made it clear on the eve of the election campaign that the presence of youth militia in constituencies rendered a free and fair election almost impossible.

Large sections of the electorate have been profoundly affected by the violence of the past 5 years. Its cumulative impact has left a deep scar and creates sufficient capacity for voter intimidation. The very presence of youth militia in a constituency is likely to scare voters from freely voting for a candidate of their choice. The fear of retribution is very real. In a number of cases voters were warned that if they voted for the MDC they would face reprisals after 1 April. Zanu PF did not need to use the instrument of violence in this election to cow and coerce the electorate. Five years of violence had already achieved this goal.

In rural constituencies the MDC has received reports of Zanu PF officials warning voters that the new transparent ballot boxes will enable them to see how someone has voted. This blatant intimidation of the electorate has often been augmented by traditional leaders (see section below) who, in many areas, have gone around taking down the names and ID numbers of villagers and telling them that they can only vote at a designated polling station. This will make it easier to identify who has voted for the MDC.

Examples

13 March, Hwedza: Zanu PF district chair, together with Education Minister Aeneas Chigwedere, toured the constituency warning people that Zanu PF has been busy recording the names of those suspected of supporting the MDC. People were told that after the elections all MDC supporters would be beaten up.

8 March 2005, Nhenda Village, Wuyu Wuyu area, Murehwa South: Stanley Ndanga, Zanu PF District Chairman, and another one identified only as Magadza, addressed villagers who had been called for what was supposed to be a general village meeting. The two told the villagers that because translucent boxes will be used in the 31 March parliamentary elections, and counting will be done at the polling stations, Zanu PF will be able to detect who has voted for whom, and all those who will have voted for the MDC will be chased away from Murehwa South.

27 February, Kadoma Central: Bothwell Pasipamire was abducted from his home, badly beaten and injected three times with an unknown substance. He was then dumped in the bush between Gweru and Kwekwe and left for dead. The perpetrators were with the Zanu PF councilor for Ward 3, Councillor Siwela. The matter was reported to the police at around 1400hrs on 28 February.

5.3 The Role Of The Law Enforcement Agencies

The increasing politicization of the law enforcement agencies has severely eroded the rule of law. Police often carry out their duties selectively and with overt political bias. During the election campaign rogue members of the police and army were complicit in violent attacks on MDC candidates and supporters. Police and army chiefs have refused to investigate these very serious allegations. In fact, senior police chiefs have used the pages of the state controlled newspapers to defend their officers against allegations of politically partisan behaviour.

The MDC however possesses bona fide evidence to corroborate allegations of members of the police and army actively perpetrating or encouraging acts of violence against MDC supporters. Over 20 MDC candidates were victims of harassment or intimidation by members of the police and army during the election campaign. 18 MDC candidates were the victims of arbitrary arrest.

The failure of the law enforcement agencies to act without fear or favour and discharge their mandates in a partisan manner severely undermined the legitimacy of the electoral process. Everyone should be equal before the law and receive equal protection under the law. Unfortunately, in many parts of Zimbabwe only proof of being a Zanu PF supporter can guarantee you this right.

Examples

21 February: MDC activist Tendai Matsine and his wife were severely beaten up by Zanu PF youth in Huruingwe East. They were attacked after being caught putting up MDC posters. The incident was reported to the police but police informed the MDC officials that they had been given instructions by their superiors NOT TO ARREST Zanu PF activists engaged in acts of violence

20 February: 3 MDC candidates were attacked by a group of soldiers whilst returning from the launch of the MDC's election campaign in Masvingo. 2 were admitted to hospital to receive treatment for their injuries. The incident was reported to police but no arrests have been made.

11 February: the MDC candidate for Hurungwe West, Godfrey Gumbo, was abducted by a group of Zanu PF supporters and taken to their HQ in Harare where he was severely assaulted. Mr Gumbo was abducted along with Stanley Razaro(the District Chairperson for Hurungwe) and Masavhaya Dipuka (the Organising Secretary). ALL THIS HAPPENED IN THE PRESENCE OF THE POLICE

The politicization of the law enforcement agencies casts a serious doubt on the capacity of those members deployed as election officers to act in a fair and transparent manner. Under the Electoral Act, the ZEC can second members of the army, police and prison service as constituency election officers and polling officers. It is estimated that over 20,000 members of the notorious youth militia have been incorporated into the ranks of the police and army.

The very use of police and army personnel, in the Zimbabwe context, to run the elections does not inspire confidence. In the MDC's view their deployment increases the risk of serious electoral malpractice taking place at polling stations, in the form of voter intimidation and ballot box stuffing.

5.4 Manipulation of Food Aid

The use of food as a political weapon has been an integral part of Zanu PF's campaign strategy in recent elections. The use of this crude instrument to coerce the electorate was widespread during this election campaign.

As the next chapter will clearly demonstrate the MDC has received numerous reports from structures around the country of threats by ruling party officials to deny food aid to those who are suspected of voting for the MDC. In other incidents MDC supporters have been denied food aid.

The MDC has it on good authority that the Zimbabwe Government was secretly importing maize in the months leading up to the election. This maize has clearly been used to bribe the electorate. The bumper harvest promised by the Government never materialized. Food aid organizations were asked to leave the country last year as the Government claimed Zimbabwe had enough food to feed itself. The reality was that the Government did not want anyone else to be distributing food aid in an election year. With an estimated 5 million people now in need of food aid the ruling party has cynically played on their basic survival fears. The message in many areas where there are chronic food shortages has been simple but ruthless - 'Vote Zanu PF, or starve'.

Examples

18 March, Chipinge: Reports were received that the local ruling-party candidate, Enock Porusengezi, was issuing badges to people who attended his rallies, and had ordered the local GMB depot to sell food only to people who could produce his badges.

18 March: In Mwenezi Zanu-PF candidate Isaiah Shumba had stopped the GMB from selling grain directly to the public and now only permits its sale through Zanu-PF structures so as to screen beneficiaries. Shumba is the Deputy Education Minister.

11 March, Bulawayo: Zanu (PF) candidate for Makokoba constituency, Sihle Thebe, warned people that they would be denied food if they voted for the MDC. Thebe told residents, in the presence of Vice-President Joyce Mujuru, that the ruling party controls the GMB and has powers to freeze supplies to them if they backed the opposition.

5.5 The Role Of Traditional Leaders In Coercing The Electorate

In January 2005 the Government raised the salaries of headmen and village heads by 150%. In addition to this sizeable increment, the Government also gave them generous allowances for the purchase of luxury cars. This was a blatant political move aimed at securing the loyalty of the chiefs ahead of the elections. It worked.

In villages across the country, there were reports of villagers being threatened with expulsion if they were suspected of having voted for the MDC. Traditional leaders were also implicated in numerous cases of the use of food aid by Zanu PF as a political weapon.

The clear political bias exhibited by many chiefs had undermined the validity of elections in many rural constituencies. As a result of the chiefs activities thousands of rural voters are likely to be coerced into voting for Zanu PF. This is not consistent with standards for a free and fair election. The very presence of chiefs at polling stations will preclude many voters from freely exercising their political preferences. Voters in rural areas are very susceptible to threats from chiefs that the ballot is not secret and that it will be easy to identify how people have voted.

In the 2005 elections in Zimbabwe, attempts by a large number of traditional leaders to coerce the electorate, represents one of the most chronic democratic deficits of the whole process.

On 21 March kraal heads Makanyaire and Mudimu (Hurungwe West) addressed a rally at Mutakura Village where they threatened all those who vote for the MDC with eviction.

In Chikomba constituency 54 kraal heads were denied their February salaries by the government because the MDC is alleged to have a big following in their respective areas.

Gwanda: The following councilors, headman and chiefs have been manipulating food aid:
Sister Bhebhe (ward 2); Japhet Moyo (Ward 3), Jealot Moyo (ward 4), Chademana (ward 5), Godfrey Moyo, Billet Moyo, Mtshumayeli Sibanda (Ward 6), Levison Maposa (Ward 7), Rachel Ncube (Ward 8), Kenneth Mdaka Nyathi, Mrs. Mahlangu, Shedman Mhluphi (Ward 9), William Ncube and Headman Maupi (Ward 12), Carlot Diba Ndlovu, Mengezi Ndlovu and Zachariah Moyo (Ward 13), Councillor Mauba and Joel Sijiye (Ward 16), Ephraim Nyathi, Headman Poloko Mbigabulawe (Ward 17), Witness Sebata and war vets (Ward 18)

6 Incidents of Electoral Malpractice - Campaign Period

6.1 Harare Province

1. Epworth, Harare, 3 February 2005: Armed soldiers were deployed in Hatfield Constituency to intimidate people in flagrant violation of the SADC guidelines and principles for free and fair democratic election

2. Harare Central, 16 February 2005: The police today disrupted a training session of the MDC's 120 candidates which was being held at the Sheraton Hotel in Harare. They arrested MDC Director of Elections Ian Makone who is currently being held at Harare Central Police Station. It was a strategic planning and training session ahead of the nomination court on Friday 18 February and the launch of the MDC campaign in Masvingo on Sunday, 20 February. Three plain clothes police details arrived and demanded to sit through the meeting. They then told the gathering that the meeting was illegal under the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and that all those present should leave immediately or face arrest. Makone was released later the same day
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3. Epworth, 3 March 2005: Adam Chikanda and a Mr. Kadumbu, Secretary and Chairman respectively for Zanu PF's Epworth DCC 5, assigned Zanu PF activists Matthias Samson, Everisto Gochera to lead a selected group of 5 Zanu PF youths to identify MDC activists in Epworth so that they are targeted for attack. The following day a war veteran identified only as Mr. Machabvonga, lead 12 Zanu PF youths and 12 soldiers armed with pistols to attack MDC activists in Epworth. They ransacked the houses of MDC activists Lameck Calisto, Najina Takadza and Mary Kurichapa and looted property valued over Z$8 million. The cases are reported to ZRP Epworth and are recorded under RRB numbers 0767380/05, 0767382/05 and 0767381/05 respectively. Epworth police, under pressure from the Zanu PF leadership in the area, have released the Zanu PF activists who they had arrested in connection with the attacks
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4. Epworth, 4 March 2005: A war veteran identified only as Mr. Machabvonga, lead 12 Zanu PF youths and 12 soldiers armed with pistols to attack MDC activists in Epworth. They ransacked the houses of MDC activists Lameck Calisto, Najina Takadza and Mary Kurichapa and loot property valued at 8 million. The cases are reported to ZRP Epworth and are recorded under RRB numbers 0767380/05, 0767382/05 and 0767381/05 respectively. Epworth police are under pressure from the Zanu PF leadership to release the Zanu PF activists who have been arrested

5. Harare Central, 23 March 2005: Police barred MDC Harare Central legislator Murisi Zwizwai from holding a road show on Saturday to boost his chances of winning the seat on an opposition ticket. Officer commanding police Harare suburban district, Chief Superintendent Kunene said he could not sanction the road show because it was not confined "to any particular constituency or police district" despite the letterhead of Zwizwai's request clearly stating the constituency in which the campaign will be held.

6. Harare Central, 24 March 2005: At a public meeting held at the Quality International Hotel which was approved by the police, there was a large crowd. After the meeting the police took 3 youth and the MP candidate. They were taken to Harare Central. South African observers were present and they intervened. They were later released without charges because of the observers' intervention.

7. Harare, 25 March: Police arrested Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) candidate Trudy Stevenson for distributing campaign fliers in her constituency in Harare. Trudy Stevenson, who is fighting to retain the Harare North seat in the poll, was arrested together with her son and five other party supporters for distributing election fliers at a traffic junction in Harare. She was charged under the Miscellenous Offences Act for "obstructing traffic". Stevenson was detained for six hours.

8. Harare, 27 March: Nearly two hundred MDC supporters were arrested in 3 separate incidents as they came from a well attended rally addressed by the party President, Morgan Tsvangirai at Zimbabwe Grounds in Harare. Police in Harare on 27 March arrested 145 MDC supporters who were traveling back to their homes after attending a rally addressed by party President Morgan Tsvangirai. All of them were charged under the miscellaneous offences Act for conduct likely to breach the peace and were later released after paying $25 000 fines

9. Harare, 27 March: Chengeto Madende, Everisto Motsi, Roman Mashizha, Agnes Fidis, Samson Tatsenga and Calisto Zevezanai were arrested at the turn off of Simon Mazorodze and Willowevale as they drove from Zimbabwe grounds as they drove to Mbare after attending the rally. They were taken to Southerton Police Station. They have been charged under the Miscellaneous offences Act for conduct likely to provoke the breach of peace.

10. Harare, 27 March: Another truck which was taking about 30 MDC supporters to Kambuzuma after the rally was commandeered to Southerton Police Station for allegedly blocking other traffic. The group was detained for about two hours before being released without being charged.

11. Harare, 27 March: 150 MDC supporters traveling in a lorry along Simon Mazorodze were arrested for singing and chanting MDC slogans as they drove from the same rally were arrested after the vehicle in which they were traveling was commandeered to Matapi Police Station in Mbare.

12. Harare, 27 March: Police in Mbare ran amock beating up anyone seen putting on an MDC t-shirt, probably annoyed by the huge turn out at the MDC rally. 4 people were injured, and have since been taken to a local hospital for treatment.

13. Epworth, 29 March: Gift Sunday was attacked and killed in the MDC stronghold of Epworth east of Harare by young suspected supporters from ZANU PF. He was from the shops on his way home when he came across a group of about eight Zanu PF youth who assaulted him for wearing an MDC shirt.

14. Glen Norah, 28 March: Bruce Machipisa had been assaulted by 30 ZANU PF youth at Madambi home industries alleged that you are MDC threatens to close his shops. Bruce sustained sore left ear. He is having problems with my ribs and having stomach pain.

15. Kuwadzana, 28 March: Presiding officer advised they had a Thursday and Friday (a) Queens ZPF members shall vote several times.ZPF supporters will fold their hands and the person checking the detective device will know this is a ZPF voter. One MDC member should always be on the scanner

6.2 Manicaland Province

1. Mutare North, 17 February 2005: A request to hold a rally at Chikanga was turned down by the police.

o In Odzi on February ZANU PF youth were tearing down campaign posters. When these youth were taken to the poloce, nothing was done about the incident and they were released.

o On 25 February When the MDC was holding a rally Maria Marume together with four others in a defender came and chased people away from the rally being held at Chikanga 2 open ground area. After the rally police confiscated MDC regalia, t-shirts and the party flag. The MDC candidate Giles Mutsekwa wrote to the Superintendent Majongwe who is Marume's superior to have the property returned. Marume on the one hand claimed to be Zanu PF and did not want to have MDC come into power.

o In Sakubva Mawonde on the 9 March MDC supporter Mai Tindori had her house broken into and her property destroyedincluding her cooking stove. The perpetrators were Sharon Makanga of 407 Mawonde, Kudzi Kashiri of 320 Mawonde, Tatenda Mauya of 389 Mawonde. Giles Mutsekwa personally went to the police to report the matter. The officer in charge at Sakubva police station, Chief Inspector Rigomeka was not very cooperative and did nothing. Mutsekwa then appealed to Chief Superintendent Majongwe. The police then intervened to stop the harassment.

o On 15 March, MDC's chief election agent Mathias Tenga was picked up by the police when he was walking in Chikanga suburb and falsely accused him of stoning one MR. Makaya's car. Makay is a Znu PF supporter. He was detained and taken to the Magistrate's court where he was given bail of Z$500,000. The police officers involved were Police Inspector Jekerwa Assistant Inspector Dongorere, Constable Jabulani and Constable Makuvire

2. Makoni West, 20 February 2005: A group of MDC youth was assaulted by four members of the Zane PF Hit Squad led by Fidelis Kangwere while they were putting up posters for MDC Makoni West candidate Remus Makuwaza. The Zanu PF group pulled down the posters then went on to attack the MDC group. They were told that Makoni West was a no go area for the MDC
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3. Mutare South, 20 February 2005: A group of soldiers attacked MDC officials who were coming from Masvingo where the MDC had launched its election campaign for the 2005 general elections. The MDC officials were at Wengezi Business Centre in Manicaland when they were assaulted by the soldiers. Among the MDC officials were three candidates for the 2005 general election namely Pishai Muchauraya the candidate for Makoni East, Edwin Maupa candidate for Mutasa South and Gabriel Chiwara the candidate for Makoni West. Chiwara and Munhumumwe sustained injuries all over their bodies as they were kicked and beaten with booted feet and fists by the furious members of the army. Chiwara also sustained a deep cut above the eye. The two were taken to Mutare General Hospital where they received treatment and were later released. The matter was reported to Mutare rural police station and a docket number RRB 0412126 was opened but to date no arrests have been made

4. Murambinda, 17 March 2005: One Mudzamiri and his colleagues Anxious Muzilikazi, Xavier Marwizi, a Mrs Gondo and her husband identified only as Mr. Gondo and a Mr. Chimonyo are believed to have discussed and decided to withdraw all teachers who were suspected to be MDC sympathizers from participating in the forthcoming elections as election monitors. The ten had their names called after a one day training course for election monitors held at Murambinda. They were also denied payment after having spent a whole day's training. Pressed by some the affected teachers to explain why they were being withdrawn, they said this was an instruction from the top.

5. Buhera South, March 2005: Anxious Muzilikazi, a headmaster at Muzilikazi Primary School is a Zanu PF councilor for Mawire ward, and the party's Secretary for Education for the disabled for Manicaland province. He will be Presiding Officer at Muzilikazi Primary School in Buhera South Constituency in the March 31 parliamentary elections, but has been campaigning for Zanu PF since campaigning began in earnest at the beginning of the year. He has been telling the kraal heads at meetings he addressed that they should compile names of all the registered voters in their villages and asked them to vote at specific polling stations on March 31. He has been telling people at the meetings he addressed that all people who will vote for the MDC will be evicted from the village

6. Buhera South: Xavier Marwizi is a member of the Zanu PF candidate Kumbirai Kangai's campaign team, and is also Secretary for Zanu PF's Buhera South constituency committee. Throughout the campaign for the March elections, he has been addressing meetings telling kraal heads to write down the names of all the registered voters in their villages into a register and shepherd them to the polls on 31 March. He has been saying at the rallies that because of the use of translucent ballot boxes in the election, the presiding officers, who he said will be mostly Zanu PF, will be able to detect who has voted for whom, and all those who will have voted for the MDC would be chased out of Buhera South. Marwizi will be a presiding officer at Dune Primary School where he heads

7. Muzarabani, 22 February 2005: Chief Kasekete and Luke Mushore, the Zanu PF candidate for Muzarabani addressed a meeting at Hoya Business Centre, where the Chief told kraal heads to register people so that their names could be checked against the list when they went to the polling stations to vote. He threatened to evict all people who migrated from Masvingo, and all known MDC supporters should the MDC candidate win the election.

8. Muzarabani, 29 February - In Chibaya village, Chief Kasekete addressed another meeting at Chibaya Business Centre where he again made similar threats. March 2005: Kraal heads Makandiwa Mariseni have been intimidating people in Muzarabani throughout the campaign period. Kraal head has demanded a goat from each parent of all known MDC youths as a penalty for allowing their children to participate in opposition politics

9. Muzarabani, 1 March: In Chiridza, Chief Kasekete addressed another meeting at Chiridza School where he again intimidated people to vote for the Zanu PF candidate, saying those who will voted for the MDC candidate would be evicted on 1 April after the results are announced. He told the meeting that MDC supporters who have had their membership cards confiscated by Zanu PF youths will not be allowed to cast their votes on their own. They should, instead, pretend that they are illiterate so that the Presiding Officer, who he said is a Zanu PF supporter, will help them cast their votes, and will therefore know which candidate they will have preferred

10. Muzarabani: 15 March 2005- MDC candidate Edwin Dzambara was besieged by a group of about 100 Zanu PF supporters while talking to Mr. Palmer in his tobacco barn at Palmer Farm. The Zanu PF gang, which was led by Tendai Makuvise, pulled Dzambara out of the barn asking him why he was getting into a Zanu PF no-go area. They handcuffed him and made him to sit in the hot sun so that he could be sun scorched. Mwaka Katsana, an MDC activist with whom Dzambara was traveling had his tee-shirt torn. Police officers from Centenary Police Station who came to the site of the incident did not make an effort to arrest Makuvise and his colleagues.

22 March 2005: Edwin Dzambara escaped an attack by a group of Zanu PF youth led by Chief Chiweshe at Chawarura by business centre

11. Mutasa South: Headman Vumbunu and Moyoweshumba have threatened villagers in their areas that food will be withheld should they vote for the MDC. MDC posters have been consistently removed by ZPF supporters.

12. Buhera: Three headmasters, a teacher and two officials from the Ministry of National Affairs, Employment Creation and Co-operatives, all of them war veterans and local Zanu PF leaders, are believed to have connived to withdraw over ten teachers from participating as monitors in the forthcoming March 31 Election on allegations that they are MDC supporters soon after the completion of training course for election monitors in at Murambinda in Buhera last week.

13. Mutasa North: The ZPF campaign manager has been tearing down MDC posters and deploying ZPF supporters to disrupt and occupy venues where MDC rallies are to be held. In Honde Valley, ward 4 Chief Mandeya warned people not to attend the MDC rally of the 7th March threatening to write down the names of those people who did attend and to deny them govt. food aid.

Ruchera, Nyanga, known MDC supporters or those suspected of being MDC supporters are being denied food aid and no food is being sold to them. MDC meetings scheduled for the 12th March at Chagambe, Honde Valley & 14th March at London Trading Store Nyanga respectively were disrupted by ZPF supporters restricting access to these venues, reports were made at Ruda police station.

Nyarubvurwei, the ZPF ward chairman is the person in charge of food distribution. 10th March, also in Nyarubvirwei 5 MDC youths were seriously injured after being beaten by ZPF supporters and were admitted into hospital. (Photos available) the same youths were arrested on the 18th March for violating POSA.

14. Makoni East Constituency: 5 March 2005 - Gave Mutsiwa, a Zanu PF official in the district, Martha Mudzindiko, Tebby Maina and Absalom Mabika, a war veteran, supervise a GMB maize distribution exercise at Chirimutsito re-settlement area, ensuring that maize was only sold to Zanu PF supporters. Amos Kutiya informed Nyazura Police about the unfair practice, but they told him to inform the District Administrator.

15. Zurura Growth Point, Makoni East, 4 March 2005: Shadrick Chipanga supervised the distribution of GMB maize. A man identified only as Mwamuka protested when he discovered that some maize had been kept away from buyers, and was severely assaulted, sustaining a deep cut above the left eye after he was struck with handcuffs by a police officer.

16. Gambe Business Centre, Makoni East, 3 March 2005: Sitting Member of Parliament, Shadrick Chipanga sold GMB maize to Zanu PF supporters. They realized afterwards that an MDC supporter identified only as Madondo, had also bought maize. Chipanga instructed some Zanu PF supporters to retrieve the maize from Madondo. Madondo was severely assaulted.

17. Makoni East, 20 March 2005: An MDC activist was violently dispossessed of his bicycle and a bag of clothes in the area known as 'Zuze'. This was reported to Rusape ZRP, in particular Chief Inspector Ndoro. He then went to recover these items but did not charge the individuals. The bicycle was held by by Nyakuenzwa who is Chipanga's (Zanu PF candidate) campaign manager.
Nyakuenzwa is ALSO the GMB Manager in Rusape as well as being campaign manger for the ZANU PF candidate. The distribution and selling of food in this area has been partisan and used for vote buying.

18. Makoni East, 20 March 2005 - After an MDC rally, Lydia Ngorima a 13 year old girl had her bandanna forcibly removed from her head and beaten badly, after which she was left without attention. She was attended to by some other villagers and the case was again reported to Chief Inspector Ndoro at Rusape police station but no arrests were made. The culprits were Nyakuenzwa, Mai Kavhu who is the Zanu PF Makoni District Women's League Chairperson, and a gang of youths.

19. Makoni East, 25 March 2005 - After an MDC rally at Rukweza township people needed transport to Rusape town and caught a lift on a truck which unfortunately belonged to CIOs. After driving 5 km the CIOs tried to tip the people in the back out. 15 people were injured and taken to Sasu private hospital. 14 have been released and one is still in hospital.

20. Makonde: All headmen and chiefs were transported to an unknown location by ZPF officials. Villagers have been ordered to go and vote with their headmen. An unnamed policeman at Lions Den police station allegedly told resettled villagers that their stands will be repossessed if they vote for MDC. To date 1 MDC supporter has been beaten and tension is mounting as the polling date approaches. It has been impossible for MDC to hold rallies in the constituency because all public venues have been reportedly fully booked by ZPF from the 23rd March to the 18th April 2005. The MDC candidate has had to hold meetings outside his constituency which has proved difficult and very costly

21. Mutare West: After a rally held at Marange center by Gabriel Chiwara, two youth had their t-shirtys taken from by Zanu PF youth. MDC youthMathias Mutsago and Tagarika Kusena were stripped by Zanu PF led by Simba Nyakumbu, Ephraim Mabviza, Nicholas Mabviza, Caston Nyakumbu. The case was reported to Bambazonke Police station where the officer in charge, a Mr. Kalahari took the report.

o Still in Mutare West, in Mutenda village L, MDC activist Taurai Jim had his tobacco farm burnt down afte he attaneded an MDC rally. The case was reported to the Odzi police station

22. Mutasa North :The following are denying people suspected to belong to the MDC food:
o Headman Mandeya who lives in ward 4 in Honde Valley, Mutasa District
o Zanu PF Councilor for ward 16 in Nyanga District
o Zanu PF ward chairman and Zanu PF co-ordinator at Agritex offices in Nyarumurwe ward 23 in Nyanga District.

6.3 Mashonaland Central Province

1. Bindura, 24 February 2005: Two MDC Candidates, Joel Mugariri of Bindura and Brainee Mfuka of Rushinga were arrested together with Mashonaland Central Provincial Chairperson Tapera Macheka. The reason for the arrest was that they put up campaign posters for the Bindura candidate without permission from the City Council. They were taken to Bindura Police Station.

2. On 29 February, Chief Kasekete addressed another meeting at Chibaya Business Centre where he again made similar threats in Mazoe East: Known MDC activists and supporters have been denied access to food. Villagers from Kodzwa, the home area for the MDC candidate, and relatives of the candidate have not been allowed to buy grain provided under the government social welfare programme.

3. Bindura, 4 March 2005,: The MDC candidate for Mount Darwin South, Henry Chimbiri and the Provincial chairperson for Mashonaland Central Tapera Macheka and Petros Chiunye the election agent for Mount Darwin South were arrested in Bindura. The three were looking for information relating to polling stations and were deliberately directed to a municipal council office where a ZANU PF meeting was underway. As soon as they got into the office they were apprehended by the ZANU PF group and were accused of having waved MDC slogan and were thus taken to the police. They were detained at Bindura police station for more than 8 hours and were released upon payment of admission of guilty fine of $25 000,00 each

4. Bindura, 6 March 2005: A group of ZANU PF supporters invaded the venue for an MDC rally and attacked MDC supporters injuring several of them. The MDC rally had been authorized by the police and ZANU PF had no reason to be at the MDC rally venue. Initially the ZANU PF mob was dispersed by the police but as soon as Chimanikire the MDC deputy Secretary General concluded his speech, they went on rampage assaulting everyone who was suspected to have attended the MDC rally. Several MDC supporters who ran into the police station to seek sought

Still in Bindura, MDC rallies have been disrupted by Zanu PF youths who are deployed to the venues every time a rally is about to take place. This has been taking place in areas such as Bare and Nyakudya. On Saturday, 19 March, and Sunday, 20 March, Zanu Pf disrupted the MDC rallies in Gweshe and Glendale. Some of the MDC rallies lined up for the Easter weekend (which had been approved 2 weeks ago) have suddenly been cancelled by Police on the pretext that they wont have enough manpower to cover the rallies. Zanu F youths from Mt Darwin have now been deployed into the constituency.

5. Bell Rock: Luckymore Rwanga, an MDC activist, was assaulted by Zanu PF youths at Bell Rock and treated at Howard Mission. Police later arrested him for violence and he is now out on bail.

6. Mt Darwin, 13 March 2005: Saviour Kasukuwere's campaign manager, Kenny Marodza, led a group of Zanu PF youths who confronted MDC youths putting up posters for their candidate at Madondo.

7. Mt. Darwin, 7 March: Clayton Chiunye, an MDC ward organising secretary, was arrested by Mt Darwin police for allegedly insulting Kasukuwere's mother. He was remanded in custody to 1 April.

8. Villagers from Karanda, Nyamazizi and Chimumvuri were being denied access to social welfare food for allegedly being MDC supporters

9. Mt. Darwin South, 13 March 2005 - Terry Marodza, a Zanu PF activist threatened MDC activists who were putting up posters at Pfura Township. A report was made to Mt. Darwin Police, but no arrest was made. However, police arrested MDC activist Clayton Chiunye for allegedly insulting Kasukukuwere's mother, a offence which Kasukuwere's mother herself denies.

10. Mt. Darwin South, 23 March 2005: Saviour Kasukuwere, the outgoing and aspiring candidate for the constituency threatened wife Chimbiri, a vendor at Pfura Market in Mt. Darwin South. Faith is the wife of a brother of Henry Chimbiri, the MDC candidate for the same constituency. Faith's children are severely traumatized in the process.

11. Guruve North, 26 March: SW Africa radio reported that violence and intimidation was on the increase in Guruve North. The MDC candidate for the constituency, Allan McCormick told SW Africa radio that the level of intimidation and violence has hampered campaigning in his constituency. On Saturday, 26 March, the opposition convoy was attacked and ambushed by a group allegedly sponsored by the ZANU PF candidate David Butau. Mr McCormick says the team consists of a violent group of war veterans, councillors and youth. He said the police in his constituency were not helpful

6.4 Mashonaland East Province
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1. Murehwa North, March 2005: Four MDC youths were picked up by the police from their respective homes and were detained at Murehwa police station. Those arrested were Archibald Mudzingwa, Lovemore Munyoro, Tapfumaneyi Munyoro and Martin Chipango. These were accused of distributing MDC campaign fliers

2. Mudzi West, 5 March 2005: The MDC candidate for Mudzi West Shorai Tsungu was arrested at around 22 00 hours and was detained at Nyamapanda Police Border Post. Shorai was attending a meeting that had been called for by officials from the ZEC to discuss polling station locations and was held at Kotwa Business centre. He was arrested by the police on allegations that he was responsible for the graffiti that was made on the roads in the area. A docket no 16/03/02 was opened. The docket indicates that the crime was committed in 2002. He was fanning violence in Harare where he was alleged to have been seen with Job Sikhala the Member of Parliament for St Mary's and Tichaona Munyanyi the MP for Mbare East by Inspector Chingange the officer in charge of Nyamapanda police post.

3. Gutu:"Taskforce" members, soldiers in civilian clothing, who have been deployed to the constituency have been intimidating voters and disrupting MDC campaigning activities. Chiefs have been denying MDC activists and supporters access to social welfare food and have not been allowed to buy grain gfrom the GMB. This has been reported to both the Police at Gutu and District Administrator but no action has been taken. Police have been harassing MDC activists in the area. Charles Mabhuku, an MDC activist, was arrested by Gutu Police following an MDC rally at Makumbe on Monday 21 March. At Chipangani members of the Police Constabulary have been harassing MDC activists. One of the MDC youths assaulted was treated at Gutu Hospital. Case was also reported at Gutu police station.
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4. UMP: Stewart Pairemanzi no reports of intimidation have been made, meetings have been peaceful, however food aid is not being sold to known MDC supporters or suspected MDC supporters.

5. Mutoko South: War veterans have been demanding peoples ID numbers and names and intimidating them by telling them that the voting process is not secret. A well know war vet, Zano Kahuni has been publicly stating that people who vote for the MDC will be denied food aid. Reports have been made to the police with little effect.

6. MDC rallies are being disrupted continuously. There is a continuous presence of ZPF youth at Mutoko business centre who 'toyitoyi'and periodically beat people up. Police have taken no action

7. Kraal heads Makandiwa Mariseni have been intimidating people in Muzarabani throughout the campaign period. Kraal head has demanded a goat from each parent of all known MDC youths as a penalty for allowing their children to participate in opposition politics.

8. Marondera West, 16th March: Shadreck Chipangura was pursued by Mutinhiri, Zanu PF candidate by car for a distance of +/- 20 kilometers threatening to kill him. Incident was reported to the Mahusekwa police station. Other passengers in the vehicle gave statements to the police

9. Murehwa South, 8 March 2005: Nhenda Village, Wuyu Wuyu area, Stanley Ndanga, Zanu PF District Chairman, and another one identified only as Magadza, addressed villagers who had been called for what was supposed to be a general village meeting. The two told the villagers that because translucent boxes will be used in the 31 March parliamentary elections, and counting will be done at the polling stations, Zanu PF will be able to detect who has voted for who, and all those who will have voted for the MDC will be chased away from Murehwa South. The villagers were told that there will be an outbreak of war if the MDC won as the whites will want to reclaim the country.

10. Gutu North, 22 February 2005: People in Gutu North are being denied food by the GMB by virtue of being MDC supporters. The matter was taken to the DA who in turn wrote a coverage minute to the GMB depot manager. However the manager refused to comply.

11. Mutoko South: Kraal Heads Daniel Kumbure and another known only by his second name Kanemazondo of Chibeta area have been holding meetings at which they threatened villagers that anyone who votes for the MDC will be evicted soon after the elections.

12. Chibeta, 5 March 2005: A brother of Kraal Head Kumbure who is a member of the Zimbabwe National Army, and has been campaigning in the constituency addressed a meeting in Chibeta area where he threatened to evict anyone who votes for the MDC in the 31 March election. He asked people in the area to bring forward all the names of MDC activists in the area so that they are dealt with.

13. Marondera West, 10 March 2005: The MDC ward 16 Chairperson Parthias Ndati, 50, was attacked by a group of 10 youths aligned to Ambrose Mutinhiri Zanu PF's candidate in the forthcoming parliamentary elections. They accused him of organising a rally on Wednesday 9 March that was addressed by the MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai. The youths also beat Ndati's two sons Mathew and Silas who sustained some injuries. Among the assailants, Ndati identified Patson Nhumbe, Tendai Kasinamunda, Fungai Zvarehwa and Lawrence Mushangazhike. Ndati has since made a report to the police in Mahusekwa

14. Matedza, 16 March 2005: A war veteran fired shots at MDC activists who were putting up MDC campaign posters at Matedza Business Centre. No one was injured.

15. 19 March 2005: Outgoing Member of Parliament, Olivia Muchena addressed a rally at Makora Primary School where she instructed Zanu PF supporters to identify MDC supporters seen putting up posters so that false claims are raised against them so that they are arrested. She boasted that all the MDC supporters thus arrested will be sentenced to 6 months imprisonment. Muchena had 2000 parliamentary victory set aside by the High Court because of violence that characterized that election.

16. In Chikomba constituency 54 kraal heads were denied their February salaries by the government because the MDC has a big following in their respective areas. Vice-President Mujuru has publicly announced at Zanu PF rallies chiefs and kraal heads should shepherd their subjects to polling stations on voting day. Mugabe has also held briefings with these traditional leaders before addressing Zanu PF, and the same traditional leaders have attended Zanu PF rallies dressed in their chieftainship attire.

17. UMP: In Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe, a local Zanu PF leader Jerry Gotora confiscated national identification documents for all persons whose loyalty to Zanu PF is questionable, including MDC officials Edwin Muswe and Tongesai Chitengu. The identification cards have been handed to kraal head Stephen Gotora, and the owners have been asked to come to vote at Magunje school polling station at 2.00pm on 31 March 2005, when their identification documents will be returned to them to enable them to vote.
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18. Mudzi East, 27 March: Zanu PF forced back to Harare 800 polling officers who had been deployed by the Zimbabwe Election Commission (ZEC) to manage polling stations in Mudzi East Constituency, claiming that they are MDC supporters. 800 polling officers arrived at the Mudzi East Parliamentary offices at Kotwe Business Centre at around 1.00am on Sunday 27 March 2005, only to be told by the security guard at the Mudzi East Parliamentary Information Centre that the District Administrator had left a message that the polling officers should go back to Harare upon arrival. The polling officers could not take the guard's word and decided to seek audience with the District Administrator.

A delegation representing the polling officers met with the District Administrator at about 10.00am, who told them that he had enough human resources to run the elections and did not need polling officers from Harare. While the delegation representing the polling officers was meeting with the District Administrator, the Zanu PF candidate for Mudzi East Ray Kaukonde came to the centre in the company of other local Zanu PF leaders, who told the polling officers they were not wanted in Mudzi because they were MDC supporters and sympathizers. Sensing danger, all the 800 returned to Harare, where some of them will be re-deployed at Queen Elizabeth High School in Harare at 9.00am on Monday. Police officers who were undergoing a training exercise at the centre did not do anything to stop the Zanu PF officials from sending back the polling officers.

19. Murehwa South: Police clearance for meetings has been slow and only one meeting per ward per day has been granted and this has hampered the area coverage for campaigning. Intimidation by headman and chiefs is widespread with threats of repercussions should the village/ ward vote go to the MDC. People have been told that since transparent boxes are being used, the vote is not secret.
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20. Marondera East, 28 March: The Telegraph reported that Sydney Sekeramayi, the defence minister and Zanu PF candidate for Marondera East, threatened to deprive the workers of their jobs and livelihoods while addressing a rally at Rakodzi farm which houses 7,000 workers. According to a sworn statement signed by a 23-year-old woman who was present, Mr Sekeramayi threatened to seize Mitchell and Mitchell if people did not vote for Zanu PF. Another woman, 36, said: "He told the people who were in the meeting that if you vote, you must vote Zanu-PF. If you do not vote Zanu-PF, I will close this company because you are an MDC member." Sworn statements signed by three more workers, all of them present at the rally, carry the same account of Mr Sekeramayi's speech.

21. Mudzi West, 27 March: Vice District chairman Mr Chengahomwe's shop was attacked by Pfs, 54 window panes, 4 roofing sheets were destroyed and also destroyed were cottage's 8 window panels and 5 asbestos.Shop location is Masenda Township near benson Mine.reported to Police RB no 0545986.
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o Polling officers at Chindunduma undergoing training were told that they were going to vote at the polling stations that they have been deployed in regardless of whether they are registered in that constituency or not. Training centre at school.Polling officers at the polling station were to told that they will vote first and then the officers will release to come and vote around.did not consider that the officers will be deployed in constituencies which they are not registered.

o Booked a rally on the 26th and was cleared by police Kotwa growth point Nyamakuyo Primary sch-rally venue.Around 11.00am ZANU Pf came and tried to disrupt the rally but failed till they confronted the school head and police got involved dispersing people on the basis of using a venue not cleared by responsible authority (school head)

6.5 Mashonaland West Province

1. Norton, Manyame, 5 February 2005: A group of ZANU PF supporters went on rampage and started beating up people who were suspected to be affiliated to the MDC. They accused their victims of selling the country to the whites by supporting the MDC. They proceeded to Katanga beer-hall where they beat up innocent people who were drinking

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2. Manyame, 23 February 2005: Hilda Mafudze and a group of MDC youths were assaulted by Zanu Pf supporters as they were distributing campaign material. The material which consisted of t-shirts, posters and fliers were confiscated and burnt by the Zanu Pf mob. The matter was reported to Norton Police but the police declined to make any arrests and instead referred her to Dzivarasekwa Police Station.

3. Zvimba North, 14 March 2005: Prince Chibanda MDC candidate was abducted during a campaign at Nyarapinda Farm for 3-4 hours on 14th March, by Fainos Kangachena, councilor for Ward 13. He was charged and released on bail, a warrant of arrest has been issued for the same for failing to report to the police station

o Muriel Mine, 14th March: MDC flyers and T-shirts were confiscated and ZPF supporters sprayed the vehicle with paint. Five (5) were arrested, the RRB (Book 25) 0084586 Inspector Chiwanga. Police at Raffingora and Mutorashanga have been very cooperative, however Banket police have been complacent.

o Trelawney Ward 19th & 20th March a CIO vehicle, Red Mazda twin-cab, registration number CZG 401MP advanced on a crowd of MDC supporters with the intention of knocking them down. An army truck was used to transport ZPF supporters to disrupt an MDC rally registration number 01GC-75. ZPF supporters also blocked the road to Mutorashanga on the 32km peg from Mapiya. The police dispersed the crown by firing three gunshots, 5 people were arrested.

4. Chegutu, 2 March: Villagers in were frog-marched to a Zanu PF rally addressed by Vice-President Joyce Mujuru

o Numerous reports have been received of chiefs intimidating voters by writing down their names and indicating that they are expected to vote for the ruling party.

o Polling stations: only 9 polling stations in Chegutu town which has a 39,000 registered voters. In Chegutu rural areas, where there are 17,000 registered voters 81 polling stations have been allocated.

o Chegutu: A Zanu PF official has been ordering people to pay $10,000 to access food aid

o Chegutu: Chiefs are asking people to write down their ID numbers and have warned people that if they vote for MDC food aid would be withdrawn. People are also being misinformed about the secrecy of the ballot. Many polling stations have been set up in govt/ZPF possessed farms and workers have been threatened with starvation should the seat be won by the opposition

5. Zvimba North, 3 March 2005: Prince Chibanda the MDC candidate for Zvimba North and Paidamoyo Muzulu the district information and publicity secretary were yesterday arrested and detained at Chinhoyi police station 100 km north of Harare. Chibanda was in the constituency doing his campaigns when a group of ZANU PF supporters headed by a war vet only known as Kangachepi at Basset farm in Rafingora abducted him and his team. Chibanda and his team were assaulted and taken to some torture camp in the farm. Eight of his team members managed to escape and reported the matter to the police while Chibanda and Paidamoyo remained under siege. We are informed that the police later arrested the ZANU PF war vet. The two MDC officials were taken to Chinhoyi police station together with the ZANU PF activists but were surprised when they were told that they would have to spend the night in the cells because the officers who were supposed to attend to their case had gone home for the day. The two were detained for the night at Chinhoyi police station

6. Zvimba South, 24 March 2005: The ZPF constituency coordinator Caleb Chigomora has called on all the village headmen to bring a register of names and ID numbers of all those in their villages to Murombedzi growth point on 24th March, villagers have been told that the govt. will be able to know how they voted. All MDC campaign materials, particularly posters are being systematically destroyed by youth employed at a youth base at Murombedzi growth point and are driven around the constituency removing MDC posters.

7. Manyame: There is a heavy presence of militia in the area particularly at Tongogara and Rainham primary school.

8. In Hurungwe West, 17 March: Chief Dandawa unsuccessfully tried to block an MDC rally held at Chidamoyo Business Centre. The Chief insisted that the MDC candidate, Godfrey Gumbo should have sought permission from him first, and demanded a bribe from Gumbo if he wanted to proceed with the rally. As police clearance had already been granted, Gumbo ignored the Chief's demands and proceeded withthe rally, which attracted an impressive crowd.

9. Hurungwe West, 18 March 2005: Gumbo, his campaign manager Jesus Maketa and the MDC Hurungwe West District chair Stanley Razaro were arrested at Gumbo's home when members of Gumbo's campaign team were having lunch. Police accused them for holding an illegal gathering because according to provisions of the Public Order and Security Act, any five people having a meeting should apply for police clearance before holding such a meeting. The three were detained for 10 hours, and asked to report to Karoi Magistrate court where they made to pay Z$100 000.00 bail each

10. Mutakura village, 21 March 2005: Kraal heads Makanyaire and Mudimu addressed a rally at Mutakura Village where they threatened all those who will vote for the MDC with eviction. The two also told the meeting that MDC supporters will be denied agricultural inputs. They threatened to deal with Chamunorwa Jingura, the MDC District youth chairperson who resides in the area. Chief Nyamhunga, also from Hurungwe West constituency, has been threatening MDC supporters with eviction if they voted for the MDC.

11. Hurungwe West, 24 March 2005: police officers tried to cancel Gumbo's campaign rally at Sengwe, saying the rally had not been sanctioned by the police. He had to produce the approval letter before the rally could proceed as planned.

12. In Zvimba South constituency, Chief Dzvaka denied the Masimba family permission to bury their relative in the constituency on 19 March because Emily Masimba is the MDC candidate for that constituency. The deceased, Mationesa Ziponde, is a sister to Masimba's husband. Masimba is contesting against Zanu PF's Sabina Mugabe for the Zvimba South constituency seat.

13. Manyame: Intimidation has gone unabated in the farms. ZPF has established cell structures of former farm workers numbering a hundred people per cell and people have been instructed to go and vote simultaneously in their structures. Threats of withholding food aid, repatriation to countries of ancestral origin and destruction of homesteads have been made. In some cases police are refusing to take reports of beatings (Nyabhira Police station)

6.6 Masvingo Province

1. Gutu North, 22 February 2005: People in Gutu North are being denied food by the GMB by virtue of being MDC supporters. The matter was taken to the DA who in turn wrote a coverage minute to the GMB depot manager. However the manager refused to comply

2. In Chiredzi, a senior Zimbabwe National Army officer, Col Killian Gwanetsa is on a campaign trail for Zanu PF in Chiredzi South using an army vehicle. Last Friday 4 March, Gwanetsa instructed two war veterans Elson Muko and Flaxman Mpapa to pull down campaign posters for the MDC candidate Emmaculate Makondo at Old Boli. Gwanetsa is also reported to be leading the intimidation of MDC supporters in the constituency. He has already been to Chikombezi, Malipata and Old Boli

3. Bikita East, Negovana, 21 March 2005: People in army uniforms were moving around the area telling people that they would come back and kill them if they voted for the MDC.

4. Bikita East: Village headmen in Bikita East have been issued with exercise books to record names of all adult people in their constituencies, and visitors to their areas.

6.7 Matabeleland South Province

1. Gwanda, 2 February 2005: Thirteen MDC youths were arrested by the police and were detained at Gwanda police station on allegations that they had insulted the ZANU PF candidate for Gwanda in the 2005 general elections, Abednigo Ncube. They spent a night in the cells and were only released upon paying admission of guilt fines of $25 000,00 each. In the same Gwanda many people are being denied food aid on the grounds that they do not have ZANU PF party cards

2. Insiza, February 22, 2005: MDC youth activist Thembekile Moyo 29, was badly injured in the leg after being struck with a stone while putting up posters for the MDC Insiza candidate Siyabonga Malandu Ncube (091369188). Moyo, who was with Malandu and a group of MDC youths, was struck after having been waylaid by the ZANU PF group in the dark. Moyo was struck in the leg and sustained a suspected fractured leg. The Zanu PF group was led by Spare Sithole who is the election agent for the Zanu PF candidate for Insiza, Andrew Langa. The incident was reported to Police Officer -in-Charge, Inspector Edmund Shoko who quickly deployed a group of police officers to the scene. On arrival at Filabusi Centre they found Langa's brothers Ben and Sindiso with a group of Zanu PF supporters pulling down the MDC posters. The group ran away but Sindiso Langa and one member of the militia were apprehended

3. Gwanda: The following Zanu PF councilors, headman and chiefs have been manipulating food to get people to be on sides:
o Sister Bhebhe (ward 2); Japhet Moyo (Ward 3), Jealot Moyo (ward 4), Chademana (ward 5), Godfrey Moyo, Billet Moyo, Mtshumayeli Sibanda (Ward 6), Levison Maposa (Ward 7), Rachel Ncube (Ward 8), Kenneth Mdaka Nyathi, Mrs. Mahlangu, Shedman Mhluphi (Ward 9), William Ncube and Headman Maupi (Ward 12), Andreas Pindi, Carlot Diba Ndlovu, Mengezi Ndlovu and Zachariah Moyo (Ward 13), Councillor Mauba and Joel Sijiye (Ward 16), Ephraim Nyathi, Headman Poloko Mbigabulawe (Ward 17), Witness Sebata and war vets (Ward 18). Incidents have been reported but nothing has been done.

4. Gwanda, 9 March: At Lote Business centre in Ward 18, Councilor Ulita Malungisa, Headman Siwana, Headman Lerato Noko, Amon Dube and K. Baphala and other Zanu PF supporters occupied a venue where the MDC was supposed to have a rally MDC was denied access. Efforts to get help from the ZRP were fruitless.

o On Wednesday 23 March ZRP cancelled permission for MDC to use a venue at last minute and told Paul. T. Nyathi he could not hold his rally at Sitsha. 2 of his meetings were cancelled. Zanu PF instead held its rally at the same venue at the time which had been previously allocated to MDC.

o In another incident when MDc vice President was scheduled to have a rally at Sanyaukwe business centre. Headman Jack Sioka barred the MDC from having access to the venue and had Zanu Pf supporters occupy the place. This was reported to the police but nothing was done.

o Still in Gwanda, at Hwali Business centre in ward 20 , councilor Joram Matsikiti, war vet Jacob Ncube, war vet Freddie Nsinge and Hopolang Sebate barred MDC access and occupied the venue with other Zanu PF supporters. Again, this was reported top the police. They promised to open a docket and make arrests but nothing has been done to date.

o At Tshongwe Business center in Ward 11, councilor Witness Sebata sent war veterans to occupy a venue where MDC was scheduled to hold a rally. At the same place Lesley Ncube, the son of Zanu PF candidate Abednico Ncube, was tearing down MDC posters

o On 26 March at Buvuma and Silonga business centres and another one on 29 March at Blanket mine, MDC was denied permission to hold meetings to give room for Zanu PF.

o However, Abednico Ncube does not seek police permissiont o hold his meetings but calls them through the kraalheads, chiefs using promises of food, seed and rural electrification. Assisting him are 4 policemen - Mandere of Gunu police station, PDIO Kalo, Deputy officer commanding Mungezi and one other.

5. Mzingwane, 12 March: Thandiwe Sibanda the councilor for Mankula after a rally held by Nomalanga Khumalo the MDC candidate, people were told that they would no longer be receiving food.

6.8 Matabeleland North Province

1. Hwange East: In written correspondence Hwange Colliery Chairman of the Board and the Colliery's Human Resources Manager barred MDC candidate Thembinkosi Sibindi from campaigning within the Hwange Colliery compound which consists of more than three quarters of Hwange East constituency. They cited reason that the Colliery is private property. The Chairman of the Board is Zanu Pf losing candidate for Manicaland Mr. Mutezo and the Human resources manager is related to him.
2. Hwange East: MDC candidate Thembinkosi Sibindi has had two rallies cancelled for the 22 March in Chewumba and 23 March in Mkhosana Township New Housing. Police clearance had initially been granted and later cancelled.
o On 25 March Maxwell Ndeve, Sibindi's polling agent, was arrested for putting up posters.
o In Jambezi on 27 March MDC supporters were threatened by war vets and youth not to attend a rally and forced to go back to their houses.
MIDLANDS NORTH PROVINCE

1. Gokwe Chireya, 14 February 2005,: Sibangani Mlandu, candidate for Gokwe Chireya had his bicycle taken away from him by Muungani Mudumbwi, a Zanu PF supporter, at Copper Shopping Centre.he reported the matter to a sergeant Makanda and Constable Maenzanise at Zhomba Police Camp but no action was taken on the matter.

2. Kadoma Central: Polling station outside constituency - Hillcrest No.2 polling station situated in Mhondoro Ngezi

3. Silobela 1. Chief Paramount Malisa sold 152 bags of maize to Zanu PF cardholders and intimated people into chanting ZANU PF slogans. When approached by ZRP he said that it is important to get food.

4. Silobela 2. The candidates driver was threatened by war vet Arthur Nkiwane popularly known as Nchelele.that if he continued driving MDC his vehicle would be impounded. This was to be reported to CID. The candidate approached Head of CIO in Kwekwe (Muza) who denied the case. Police spoke to Nchelele and he denied it.

5. March 16 - On the eve of 17th March the day the SG was to have a rally in Silobela, Chief Ruya called all kraal heads to his homestead and told them that if they attended the MDC rally they would be struck from being kraal heads and chased out of Silobela.

6. March 22 - Whenever there is a meeting called by MDC, Nchelele and Zanu PF put out word that they will be distributing food. People then go to queue at the given point and when they do not get the food they do not attend the meeting/ rally as they believe they would have been lied to by manipulating the food situation.

7. March 12 - in the area of Rutendo there was a rally and ZRP were present, a small truck dropped of Zanu PF youths at the entrance of the brickyard and had youth stationed at the gate. ZRP failed to do anything and said that the youth were not interfering with the meeting. This was reported to the Liaison Committee and the local ZRP but there was no action taken. The youth were Shadreck, Mandida and a third who are notorious for intimidating.

8. Kadoma Central: 27 February - Bothwell Pasipamire was abducted from his home, beaten badly and injected three times with an unknown substance. He was then dumped in the bush between Gweru and Kwekwe and left for dead. The perpetrators were with Zanu PF Ward 3 Councilor Siwela and were driving a government vehicle with the registration number beginning GLL. This was reported to Kadoma Central police station at about 1400hrs on 28 February 2005.

9. Still in Kadoma Central Zanu PF is going about defacing all MDC posters in the constituency using black paint. Councilor Siwela, Charles Dangarembwa and Mai Vambe are involved in this. The case was reported to the police on 4 March but no action was taken on the matter.

10. Kadoma Central, 25 March: 3 ward councilors are working as polling officers: Mai Phiri (the Mayor's wife), Councillor Bonde from ward 16 and Councillor Mvula from ward 16. This was reported to the DA and to Mr. Shumba who is the registrar in Kadoma.

o Still in Kadoma Central, At Rimuka Hall which is situated next to the Zanu PF office, people wearing Zanu PF t-shirts were being sold 25kg bags of mealie meal. The Zanu PF candidate J. Muduri has a grinding mill and maintains that the use of it is only for Zanu PF official and supporters.
o In Ward 2 on 23 March, Zanu PF supporters congregated at an MDC supporter Mai Ndini's house singing revolutionary songs and threatening her. This was reported to the police but they refused to take the report.

11. Ingezi, 6 March: 3 Zanu PF boys were caught defacing and tearing up MDC posters. They were arrested and made to pay $200,000 each after having stayed in the cells for three nights. The fine was paid by the candidate.

12. 23 March: Ngoni Tutayi, and youth wearing an MDC T - shirt was abducted on his way to Rimuka and thrown into a car and taken to Jamaya's (ZPF candidate) building. They tried to take away his t-shirt. The matter was reported to the police - Assistant Inspector Zawimba in Kadoma central. CRB 058176

13. Rimuka, 10 March: At Rimuka High School, the headmistress Mrs. Ndoro, tore the MDC posters that were on the school's dura wall. The matter was reported to the police but the police refused to record the case and there was no action taken on the incident.

14. Ingezi, 22 March: An MDC youth called Dick was attacked by Zanu PF youth because he was wearing an MDC t-shirt. They took his t-shirt, tore it and forced him to wear a Zanu PF t-shirt. The matter was reported to the police on 25 March. The Zanu Pf youth had paid him $50,000 not to report the case.

15. Ranch Motel, 23 March: At about 5pm a meeting was called by ZESN involving both Zanu PF and MDC. No party regalia was allowed but Zanu PF breached that protocol and ZESN seemed very biased and neutral.

6.9 Midlands South Province

1. Mberengwa East, 5 February 2005: A group of war veterans known as Mbuya Nehanda War Veterans in Mberengwa East ransacked the house of MDC activist Zebron Zhou on 5 February 2005 and stole several household goods, his national identification document and his wife's passport. His wife's passport was returned two days later, with a note to say they had taken the documents because of his involvement in MDC activities. His National Identification was returned defaced so that he cannot be able to vote on 14 March 2005

2. Zvishavane: A soldier known as Ranganai Jarimani assaulted 3 MDC youths putting up posters at Mabaso Growth point. One of those assaulted is Senima Matangira. The case was reported to Officer Moyo, at Mataga, but there has been some reluctance to carry out full investigations. At Mutambi, in the same constituency, MDC campaign material confiscated by Zanu PF youths on 15 March. The case was also reported to police in Zvishavane.

3. Zvishavane: A councilor for Ward 4 in Zvishavane, known as Hogwe, threatened people that they will burn down all villages which would have voted for the MDC.

4. Shabanie mine, which is believed to be an MDC stronghold, Line Managers and foreman have been telling their workers that they should report for work on the March 31, despite it being declared a public holiday.

5. Gweru Rural, Saturday, 19 March: MDC activists were prevented from receiving social welfare food by local war veterans.

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6. Gweru Rural, 26 March: An MDC activist, D. Maphosa was assaulted and stabbed by 10 Zanu PF youths at Nyama. The incident was reported at Maboleni Police Post on 27 March, and the RRB no. is 0626092. 4 of the attackers were arrested, but police initially refused to attend to the MDC youth while he was still in his party t-shirt. He had to remove it before they could attend to his case.
o Some of the chiefs who attended a closed meeting with Vice President Msika before his star rally at Maboleni last Thursday, 24 March, have told the MDC candidate for Gweru Rural, Renson Gasela, that Msika told them to commandeer their people to go and vote for Zanu PF.
o Villagers attending rallies organised by the MDC candidate for Gweru Rural, Renson Gasela, on Friday 25 March, reported that MDC activists were being denied access to grain on the basis of their political affiliation. A member of the SADC observer mission, Chauke, was present at these rallies

7. Gweru Urban, 29 March: The MDC candidate for the constituency, Timothy Mukahlera, reported that his Zanu PF rival was paying youths to destroy his campaign posters. Some of the youths employed can confirm this.

8. Mberengwa West, 18 March: Zanu PF activists disrupted an MDC rally by occupying the venue. Two Policemen who were at the scene could not remove them from the venue. The incident was later reported to Zvishavane on the same day and 2 of those involved were arrested

6.10 Bulawayo Province

1. Bulawayo, 13 February 2005: Seven MDC supporters who were distributing MDC campaign material in the city were arrested by police and detained at Bulawayo Central police station. The seven are David Moyo, Rephenet Moyo, Philani Nkomo, Swithun Chiroodza, Lawrence Mashungu Tsepiso Helemu and Nare who was driving the truck they were using. The truck was also impounded while the campaign material was also confiscated.

2. Bulawayo, 26 March 2005: Police threw a tear gas canister into the crowd during the MDC rally at White City Stadium in Bulawayo on Saturday, 26 March. This was in full view of election observers who quickly took notes on the incident. Members of the notorious youth militia milled outside the stadium in a vain attempt to scare away those going to the rally

6.11 Chitungwiza Province

Mhondoro: There has been violence, 3 people have had their properties destroyed or vandalized, namely Mutsonza, Madzongwe & Masawi. The collation centre is housed in the same complex as the ZPF district offices and this alone has helped to re-inforce ZPF threats on the non-secrecy of the ballot. Chiefs and headman are continually holding meetings that coincide with any MDC rally. It is reported that Police officers cast their votes in the presence of their member in charge hence the votes were compulsory