Benoît de Bonvoisin was born on March 14 th, 1939.

After graduating in philosophy from the University of Louvain, Benoît was called upon by the (Belgian) Minister for the Middle Classes to realign the Social-Christian Party (this party governed with a clear majority following the end of World War II).

The middle classes movement, mainly comprised of small and medium sized enterprises, had become a neglected minority within the party, even though they provided 70% of employment in Belgium. The party was far more heavily influenced by big business and trade unions.

Minister Van den Boeynants, reputed to be one of the best post-war prime ministers, became Defence Secretary in the military capital of Europe. He entrusted Benoît with important responsibilities at the Centre Politique des Indépendants et des Cadres (CEPIC).

Benoît de Bonvoisin helped to steer the development and importance of this political party in relatively little time. His social and economic ideas were founded on a degree of daring and common sense :

1. With regard to public health, he wanted to merge the Department for Agriculture to the Department of Health.
2. The freeing up of the conception of medicine to include all forms of healing.
3. A greater respect for the taxpayer ; he wanted the Department for Economics to rename itself the Department for Taxpayers.
4. A complete audit of state expenses.
5. Novel solutions so that retired individuals, if they so wished, could continue to spread their skills and experience by playing an active and beneficial role in Belgium.
6. Interested in the problems associated with urban planning (his great uncle, Victor Besme was nicknamed Leopold II's Baron Haussman), environment and the safeguard of heritage ; along with the French Compagnie Générale des Eaux, he was instrumental in saving a very important emblem of private heritage in Belgium.

His ideas had much in common with Nobel prize winners Maurice Allais and Joseph Stiglitz in addition to those of Jimmy Goldsmith.

In 1979 he was invited by Professor Joseph Basile to speak at a closing talk for the seminar on the humanistic sciences at the University of Louvain, along with Jean-Marie Benoist (Maître Assistant at the Collège de France). Professor Basile dedicated his book, Against the unforeseeable, the birth of new values, in this way : “To Benoît de Bonvoisin who brings together aristocracy in being and birth, by prefiguring the era of Aquarius, with his generosity, intelligence and dynamism.

The daily newspaper La Libre Belgique published Benoît's Point of View in its 13th April 1981 edition.

Colleagues from Europe 's main political parties representing the interests of the middle classes founded l'Union Européenne des Classes Moyennes in which B. de Bonvoisin was Vice-President of the Executive Bureau. Whilst the statutes were being discussed, B. de B. insisted on including in writing not only the countering of Marxism, but equally of the baneful aspects of capitalism.

Minister Van den Boeynants used these words when dedicating his photo to him : " To Benoît de Bonvoisin, remarkable in tenacity, touching in loyalty and precious in friendship. "

Besides his political role within the CEPIC, Benoît de Bonvoisin exerted an influence in Zaïre, firstly in the struggle against communism and secondly attempting to curb corruption, with friends from the American administration.

Van den Boeynants assigned General Roman and Benoît on a number of missions in order to counteract the Soviet influence in Belgium . This was a critical moment at a time when defensive missiles were being deployed against the offensive missiles already deployed in the Soviet Union . Through a number of people with whom he was in touch in the United States and France, B. de B felt it necessary to try and get the Belgian intelligence services under democratic control. He considered it urgent, since this was the only secret service to escape control. Albert Raes, the head of the intelligence service was quoted as saying, " my job is to lie ". During the turmoil in Zaïre, Raes 's conduct was more than questionable and he had no problem lying to Van den Boeynants. When this was revealed, Raes told Colonel Everaert (at the time principal private secretary to Van den Boeynants) that " he would have his hide for this ".

Largely because of B. de B, Raes was forced to resign in 1990. For further information on the role of this undemocratic former judge who headed the Belgian intelligence and secret services, we would recommend the following :

De Weg naar de Wanorde (The Intelligence Services, the path towards disorder) written by the Dutch speaking journalist Jeroen Wils, published by Van Halewyck.

A book by the number two in the intelligence services, Victor Massart, Les Dés étaient pipés ; Conspirations à la Sûreté de l'Etat (The dice were loaded ; Conspiracies in the intelligence services) published by Quorum.

A study by Professor Lode Van Outrive : Les Services de Renseignement et de Sécurité, at the Centre for Research and socio-political information of the University of Louvain.

B. de Bonvoisin was highly regarded by the head of the French secret services, Alexandre de Marenches, but the latter had no esteem for Albert Raes.

By way of vengeance against B. de B, Albert Raes proceeded to gather an entourage that would unleash a slanderous campaign on a truly unprecedented scale in Belgium. This entourage of " friends " permeated individuals in political office, the state prosecutor and the media. Firstly, by way of a confidential note " he tried to associate B. de B with the extreme right, a trick often used by the Soviet secret services. This proved to be unsuccessful so he moved on to forging fiscal and financial cases. This indictment started in May 1981 at a time when B. de B was about to release a nationwide notice to justify the deployment of American missiles against the Soviet ones already pointed in the direction of Belgium. In order to comprehend the nature of the links in between the Soviet and/or Eastern block secret services and Belgian intelligence, one needs to refer to an article in one of Belgium's foremost daily newspapers, La Libre Belgique : " A KGB deserter points to his Belgian contacts : a secret service with which the Americans always refuse to work because they believe it to be infiltrated by the KGB.

Professor Lode Van Outrive concluded that : " Several times the Americans tried to convince Raes to concentrate first and foremost on the Eastern block countries whereas he seemed more interested in targeting extreme right wing movements. This clearly bothered the Americans who got him to resign ". Funnily enough the hard-line head of the STASI, Markus Wolf, advised agents who might have been exposed, to head for less risky countries…. like Belgium. The journalist responsible for giving praise and credence to Raes was none other than Philippe Brewaeys, who was behind the magazine Cahiers Marxistes. One mustn't overlook the number of Soviet and/or Eastern block agents expelled from Belgium when compared to other European countries.

The campaign against Benoît de Bonvoisin that was orchestrated by the intelligence services and its various accomplices of the different Powers was such that :

The examining judges Lyna and Colin were only instructing with load.

Colin refused to look into the intelligence services book-keeping records to find out who was getting paid to knock down B. de B, even though the Court of Appeal had ordered such an inquiry to be made.

By order of the same Court of Appeal, J.F. Godbille, the deputy public prosecutor, passed on to B. de B the supposed judicial file relating to the charges against him. In actual fact Godbille had given B. de B a file that was full of other fabrications that further blurred the picture with the supposed original charges. Godbille had no qualms in publicly declaring to threaten anyone accusing the intelligence services of connivance with journalists.

In order to " help out Raes " the same magistrate also lied under oath against B. de B in front of a parliamentary inquiry committee.

Raes's associate, Colonel De Vlieghere, instructed his subordinates to change the conditional tense to the present tense.

The Minister for Justice, Jean Gol, had no hesitation in violating the independence of the Powers in publicly affirming : "  the intelligence service is a faultless instrument ".

Furthermore, at the taxpayer's expense, he organised lunches with journalists to incite them to slander B. de Bonvoisin.

Jean Gol, who was a barrister by profession, went as far as totally to distort a decree issued by the Brussels Court of Appeal that was helpful to B. de B and very unfavourable to Raes.

The depravity of the judicial, media and police forces set against B. de B were such, that for the first time in Belgium, a former judge Marcel Trousse, who was President of the Court of Justice in Liège and an expert for two parliamentary committees on judicial dysfunction, spoke out. In the September 1994 issue of the " Journal des Procès" he published a study entitled Freedoms, Police and the right to Honour, where he expressed his indignation at the way B. de B had been treated and the strategies sought to shield Raes from prosecution.

Professor Bernard Bouloc, holding the chair of penal law at the Sorbonne, who had looked at the case of B. de B, summarized that he had been treated " in a shameful way in a State of Law ", a victim of " State terrorism ".

B. de Bonvoisin was imprisoned mainly because Godbille, the deputy public prosecutor, and his colleagues wanted to get their hands on the archives of Governor Galopin on the subject of WW2 Economic Collaboration. Evidently, though discovered and denounced, this crime resulted in no public prosecution and the Justice Minister did nothing to bring charges against Godbille and his colleague in the Gendarmerie, Patrick Debaets... Let's remember that, Godbille was promoted to Avocat Général for his good services whilst being responsible for providing B. de B a false dossier of allegations which he used against him and all the same time lying as proven in his statement under oath to a parliamentary inquiry.

There were many false allegations emanating from certain members of the State machinery in collusion with the media. In Belgium, the newspapers La Libre Belgique and La Dernière Heure were condemned as well as the following French newspapers (French journalists were prone to brainwashing by their Belgian counterparts) :

France Soir
RTL
Le Parisien
Le Quotidien de Paris
L' Evènement du Jeudi
Le Canard Enchaîné and
Le Monde Diplomatique
In Le Monde, Benoît got to expose his opinion on two separate occasions.

In May 2000, B. de Bonvoisin was acquitted of all charges by a judgment of the Court of Appeal of Mons because all witnesses were presumed to be unreliable. Several were themselves involved in judicial affairs. The same judgment stigmatises the relentlessness against B. de Bonvoisin. Barrister Mario Spandre recently published his defence speech under the title : Schurkenstaat Belgïe ; Samenzwering tegen Benoît de Bonvoisin (Belgium, rogue state ; Plot against Benoît de Bonvoisin), Van Halewijck, editor. The French edition has recently come out under the title " l'Etat coupable ", Jourdan le Clercq, editor. An important article was dedicated to the case by the foremost Belgian weekly Knack, in its September 8 th 2004 edition, under the title : Alleen tegen de schurkenstaat (alone against the rogue state).

The " judicial terrorism ", truly a " grinding machine ", against which Benoît de Bonvoisin is struggling, together with members of the judicial power and journalists, has not been contrived for him alone. A journalist of " La Dernière Heure " who had written articles hostile to B. de B, in a recent effort of objectivity interviewed (with his boss's permission), B. de B and Attorney General Godbille. The magistrate was interviewed in presence of M. Colpin, responsible for the press at the Brussels' Public Prosecutor's Office. M. Colpin found nothing to criticize about the journalist's work.

M. Marteau, chief editor and M. Le Hodey, capitalist owner of La Dernière Heure, were subjected to judicial pressures ; not only was the journalist sacked, but in unacceptable conditions akin to what might have been applied behind the Iron Curtain. The most alarming aspect of this situation, is that the French-speaking press in Belgium is to such an extent under Mafioso control, that not a single other paper dared fly to the journalist's assistance !

Benoît de Bonvoisin advised his father to donate the house of their ancestor Pierre de Bonvoisin (1665-1736) and the textile factory the latter had built in the backyard, to the city of Verviers . He took part in the restoration and refurnished the first floor, where precious souvenirs of his family and of the town are exhibited. The " Région Wallonne " settled the headquarters of the " Maison de l'Eau " in the house.

B. de B also took part in the rehabilitation of the Palace of the Abbey of Malonne, which was built by Mgr Michel Guillaume de Bonvoisin (1710-1780), Abbot and Lord of Malonne.

He nourishes a lasting interest for history, especially that of his homeland. He brought precious contributions to numerous scientific studies on the subject, published by a number of authors ; he also publishes some himself.

Having been called upon to sit at the Board of Directors of the prestigious Belgian periodical La Revue Générale, he imprinted it with his profound thought, which is revealed by the sub-title he asked to be added : " For the humanist of new times ". He welcomed foreign personalities, such as his friend Jean de Lipkowsky, French Minister of Cooperation, to write in the periodical. Striving to foster balanced relationships between the Belgian linguistic communities, he introduced the readers of the Revue to the distinguished Flemish defender of the Middle Classes, Fons Margot.