Yes, there would obviously be a border. Even Europe still has borders. True, there are no border crossings, but at a certain point, France ends and Germany begins. The international community is yet to find any better way to define countries than borders. Since we are talking about a border between two sovereign countries, each party will have the right, in principle, to prevent entry by civilians from the other country, if they pose a security or criminal threat. However, unlike the present situation, the default would be to let people on both sides pass through.

The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), which represents mainstream Israeli defense thinking, was requested to provide an opinion on the matter and proposed electronic inspection at border crossings, without any people positioned there. Obviously, it would take a long time to completely remove supervision over borders, as in Europe, but it is possible. Details will be settled through negotiations.

We believe in the June 4, 1967 borders, not because there is anything holy about them, but because of international agreement. In a ruling of The Hague court on the separation fence, the 1967 lines were deemed a border. When Palestine is accepted into international institutions, it is on the basis of the 1967 borders. When the USSR dissolved, it was not split by “natural” or demographic borders, but by the rather arbitrary borders of the soviet republics.

How can two such different economies coexist one next to the other? How do you prevent millions of Palestinians from flooding Israel and setting up shanty towns on the margins of Israeli cities, in search of work? How do you prevent Jews from buying Palestinian city centers and thus raising real estate values, until Palestinians themselves can no longer live there? Is this not in fact a blueprint for creating an apartheid country?

This is definitely a great challenge. It would certainly require great investments in development to get the Palestinian economy on its feet. We believe that the international community, as well as Arab countries, will take it upon themselves to help. The very opening of borders and the ability to work in Israel will also dramatically improve the economy of Palestine. The joint institutions of the two states will coordinate economic development, investments, natural resources etc.

On all matters relating to undesired mutual flooding of populations: Until 1989, Palestinians required no permits to enter Israel, and hundreds of thousands of Palestinians worked in Israel – but only few relocated to it. With a stable, developing Palestinian economy the chances of this scenario are even slimmer. In any case, clearly, movement of people cannot be left to free-market economy alone, and the potential problems of the preservation and worsening of the current economic inequality must be placed on the table from the beginning. For example, it may be necessary to establish a social security network to guarantee the basic rights of workers and low-income populations wherever they may be, in both Israel and Palestine.

There will always be those who want to carry out terror attacks. Even Europe experiences terror. But we are taking about two states that cooperate on both the defense and the intelligence levels. Even at present, despite the hostility and hatred, defense cooperation with the Palestinian Authority is working relatively well, as military officers can attest. After the agreement, there is a good chance that this defense cooperation will only improve, because Palestinians will have more to lose. In many ways, such a union between Israel and Palestine will offer more security to all. In Gaza, Israel withdrew its forces completely, has no defense engagement there and the security threat has only grown worse. If Israel withdraws from the West Bank and an independent state is established there, which has no connections to Israel, the Gaza model may be repeated.

In our model, of a union of two independent states, security throughout the region will be shared. A joint Israeli-Palestinian force will monitor the union’s external border crossings – from the Allenby Bridge to the Taba Crossing. Even the experts at the Institute for National Security Studies believe this to be the preferable way to ensure security.

Even the greatest advocates of separation understand the full separation is impossible in Jerusalem. This is both because there is no clear geographic separation between neighborhoods: Neve Yaakov and Pisgat Zeev, for example, are to the east of Shuafat, while Har Homa is to the east of Tzur Bahar, and that in the Old City too, you cannot build a real physical border. The Geneva Accord proposed a model where the Old City is jointly administered under international supervision. But if we can jointly manage the heart of the conflict, the square kilometer of the Old City, where fifty thousand live and where Jews and Palestinians share the same alleys on their way to the Haram al-Sharif or the Western Wall, the entire land can be managed in the shared model. Instead of being a problem, Jerusalem may well be the solution. Joint sovereignty is no simple matter, but it exists elsewhere in the world. Brussels is shared by French-speaking Walloons and the Flemish. There is also a complex mechanism that allows, on the one hand, to administer the city as one city municipally, while preserving the representation of each of its demographic groups. Other .examples in the world exist

There is no doubt that the support of the Arab world is crucial, both politically-diplomatically and economically. But it is an illusion to believe that we can first reach an agreement with Egypt or Saudi Arabi and afterwards reach an agreement with the Palestinians. It is the other way around. Without full Palestinian agreement, the Arab and Muslim world will not reconcile with Israel. That is the moral power of the Palestinians. Palestinians will have the moral right to ask Arab countries – as our Statement of Principles states – that they recognize the rights of Jewish refugees from Arab countries.

In our vision for the future, we certainly see the Israeli-Palestinian union as the basis for wider unification of the Middle East. Jordan is a natural partner, as perhaps are other neighboring countries. But our interest is first and foremost the Palestinians – it is with them that we must make peace.